
Class C tNA-3 1 

Book [J±M 



/ 



No. 128. 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 

UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM. 






ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY: STUDIES 
IN A TEXTILE ART WITHOUT MACHINERY. 



BY 



OTIS TUPTON MASON, 

Curator, Division of Ethnology. 



From the Repoi-t of the United States National Museum foi- 1903, pages 171-548, 
with two hundred and forty-eight plates. 



o«? 






WASHESrGTOlSr: 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 
1904. 



^i^-i\ 



r-' 



OCT 15 1904 
D.ofD. 






-J 



ABORirxmAL AMEKICAN BASKETRY: 
STUDIES IN A TEXTILE ART WITHOUT MACHINERY. 



OTIS TITFTON MASO:[Sr, 

Curator, Dkmion of Ethnology. 



171 



\ J 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page. 

Introduction - 1^5 

I. Definition of basketry 188 

Kinds of woven basketry 190 

Kinds of coiled basketry 190 

Vocabulary of basketry 193 

II. Materials for basketry 197 

Plants used in basketry (F. V. Coville) 199 

III. Basket making 214 

Harvesting materials 215 

. Preparing materials - 217 

Proceeaee of manufacture 221 

Woven basketry - - 222 

Coiled basketry 244 

Water-tight basketry 258 

Borders on basketry 259 

IV. Ornamentation on basketry 279 

Form and structure 280 

Shapes of baskets as a vi'hole 282 

Mosaic elements in decoration 286 

Designs in decoration 295 

Ornamentation through color 300 

V. Symbolism 312 

VI. Uses of basketry 335 

In the carrying industry 338 

In defense and war 341 

In dress and adornment 342 

In fine art and culture 343 

In preparing and serving food 345 

In gleaning and milling 347 

In house building and furniture 352 

In mortuary customs 353 

In relation to the potter's art 354 

As a receptacle 355 

In religion 356 

In social life ^ 358 

In trapping 359 

In carrying water 360 

Alphabetical list of uses 361 

VII. Ethnic varieties of basketry ,363 

List of basket-making tribes 367 

Eastern North America 372 

Alaska and the North Pacific 391 

Athapascan coiled basketry 392 

Eskimo basketry : 395 

173 



174 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

VII. Ethnic varieties of basketry — Continued. Page. 
Alaska and the North Pacific — Continued. 

Aleutian basketry 403 

Tlinkit basketry 406 

Haida basketry 414 

The Fraser-Columbia region 416 

The California-Oregon region 440 

The Interior Basin region 488 

Shoshonean and Pueblo basketry 489 

Athapascan basketry 510 

Middle and South America 525 

VIII. Collectors and collections 538 

Preservation of baskets 540 

IX. Bibliography 545 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PLATES. 

Fai'ing page. 

1. Modified forms on basketry 548 

2. Pima basketry showing fretwork 548 

3. Pomo fine coiled basket 548 

4. Hazelnut ( Corylus californku) • 548 

5. Wolf moss ( Evernia vulpina ) 548 

6. Klamath gambling tray, 548 

7. Sitka spruce ( Picea sitchensis) 548 

8. Threeleaf sumac {Rhus trUohata). 548 

9. Tule [Scirpus lacustris) 548 

10. Giant cedar ( Thuja piicata) 548 

11. Klikitat imbricated basket 548 

]^. Pomo basketmaker 548 

IS. Tlinkit basketmaker 548 

14. Oheckerwork in cedar bark 548 

15. Cigar case in twilled weaving 548 

16. Hopi twilled basketry 548 

17. Mohave carrying basket 548 

18. Attu woman weaving baskets 548 

19. Pomo twined baskets 548 

20. Pomo diagonal twined baskets 548 

21 . Ute twined jars 548 

22. Pomo twined baskets 548 

23. Furcated stitches on coiled basketry 548 

24. Openwork coiled basket 548 

25. Pomo coiled treasure baskets 548 

26. Alaskan Eskimo coiled basket 548 

27. Hopi coiled basketry 548 

28. Zufii old coiled baskets 548 

29. Pomo three-rod coiled basket 548 

30. Hopi coiled plaques 548 

31. Ancient openwork coiled basket 548 

32. Ancient basket bottles 548 

33. Apache ancient water jar 548 

34. Pomo three-strand border 548 

35. Salish imbricated baskets 548 

36. Mission Indian coiled bowl _ . 548 

37. Tlinkit twined baskets 548 

38. Tulare gambling plaques 548 

39. Navaho sacred baskets 548 

40. Kern and Tulare hats and mush bowls 548 

41. Kern and Tulare bottle-neck baskets 548 

42. Apache coiled ollas 548 

175 



176 KEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Facing page 

43. Salish and Klikitat imbricated basket!? 548 

44. Tlinkit false embroidery 548 

45. Old imbricated baskets 548 

46. Washoe fine coiled baskets 548 

47. Hopi wickerwork plaque 548 

48. Klamath old twined bowls 548 

49. Ancient basket jars 548 

50. Pima basket bowls 548 

51. Skokomish twined wallet 548 

52. Apache coiled basket 548 

53. Kern, Inyo, and Tulare bowls 548 

54. Tulare coiled bowls 548 

55. Salish imbricated baskets 548 

56. Maidu coiled baskets 548 

57. Maidu coiled baskets 548 

58. Pima coiled bowl 548 

59. Pima coiled bowls 548 

60. Ancient Pima coiled boM- Is 548 

61. Pima coiled basket ^ 548 

62. Mission Indian coiled bowls. 548 

63. Pima basket bowls 548 

64. Chetimacha twilled basket 548 

65. Tlinkit modern twined baskets 548 

66. Oregon and California twined basketry 548 

67. Tlinkit twined covered jar 548 

68. Salish imbricated ware 548 

69. Pomo coiled feathered basket 548 

70. Pomo coiled feathered basket 548 

71. Tlinkit twined wallets 548 

72. Ancient Tlinkit twined wallets 548 

73. Tlinkit covered twined baskets 548 

74. Symbolism on Salish basketry 548 

75. Symbolism on Salish basketry 548 

76. Symbolism on Salish basketry 548 

77. Symbolism on Salish basketry 548 

78. Symbolism on Salish basketry 548 

79. Symbolism on Salish basketry 548 

80. Yuki sun basket 548 

81. Pomo gift basket 548 

82. Symbolism on Washoe baskets 548 

83. Tulare bottle-neck baskets 548 

84. Ancient cliff-dwellers' baskets 548 

85. Hopi wicker plaque 548 

86. Hupa burden bearer 548 

87. Sandals of ancient Cliff Dwellers 548 

88. Hupa twined sandal 548 

89. Tulare coiled cup and jar 548 

90. Hupa and Pomo feathered baskets 548 

91. Klikitat imbricated baskets 548 

92. Hupa food baskets 548 

93. Hopi sacred coiled trays 548 

94. Oraibi woman drying corn 548 

95. Amazonian basketry and materials 548 

96. Hupa harvesting baskets 548 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONB. 177 

Facing page. 

97. Pomo milling baskets 548 

98. Tulare meal and mortar baskets 548 

99. Yokut woman sifting meal 548 

Havasupai woman screening corn 5^8 

Coahuilla woman grinding acorns 548 

Mohave storage basket 548 

Hojji bridal costume case 548 

Ancient mortuary baskets 548 

Ancient Peruvian lace work 548 

Relationship between basketry and pottery 548 

Basketry preserved by pottery 548 

Tlinkit twined baskets 548 

Tlinkit twined covered basket 548 

Hopi sacred dance baskets 548 

Hupa woodpecker dance 548 

Pomo wedding baskets 548 

Pomo jewel baskets 548 

Pomo jewel baskets 548 

Tulare gambling tray and dice 548 . 

Tulare gambling tray and dice 548 

Paiute basket bottles 548 

Navaho water carriers 548 

Algonkin Indian basketry 548 

Abenaki Indian basketmaker 548 

Chippewa Indian basketmakers 548 

Chippewa bark matting 548 

Athapascan snowshoe detail 548 

Ojibwa coiled baskets 548 

Central Eskimo coiled basket 548 

Central Eskimo coiled basket 548 

Comanche coiled tray 548 

Coiled basket of pine needles 548 

Dog Rib Indian game bag 548 

Potsherds showing textile impressions 548 

Ojibwa twined wallet 548 

Chetimacha twilled basketry 548 

Chetimacha twilled basketry 548 

Choctaw twilled baskets 548 

Attakapa twilled baskets , 548 

Alaskan Eskimo basketry 548 

Alaskan Eskimo twined wallet 548 

Chukchi twined wallet 548 

Kamtchatkan twined wallet 548 

Chukchi coiled baskets 548 

Alaskan Eskimo coiled basket 548 

Aleut twined basket 548 

Aleut twined basket 548 

Attn basketmaker 548 

Aleut manual training 548 

Tlinkit twined wallets 548 

Tlinkit basketmakers .' 548 

Chilkat ceremonial blanket 548 

Haida twined wallets ,.,,,,,,, 548 

NAT MUS 1902 12 



178 EEPOET OE^ NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



5 



Facing page. 

150. Haida basketmakers 548 

151. Nutka Indian hats , 548 

152. Salish twilled basket - 548 

153. Makah Indian basketmakers 548 

154. Types of Salish basketry , .• 548 

155. Tyjies of Salish basketry 548 

156. Salish imbrieated baskets 548 

157. Salish imbricated baskets 548 

158. Cowlitz and Klikitat imbricated baskets 548 

159. Klikitat imbricated basketry (old forms) 548 

160. Klikitat imbricated basketry ( modern forms ) 648 

161. Klikitat imbricated basket 548 

162. Quinaielt twined wallets 548 

163. Salish basketry 548 

164. Skokomish twined wallets 548 

165. Clallam twined baskets 548 

166. Tillamuk and Chinook twined wallets 548 

167. Modoc and Nez Perce women's hats 548 

168. Wasco twined wallets 548 

169. Wasco twined wallets 548 

170. Hupa twined baskets 548 

171. Hupa basketmaker 548 

172. Klamath and Wintun basketmakers 548 

173. Pomo basket in Tee weave 548 

174. Klamath three-strand baskets 548 

175. Pit River twined baskets 548 

176. Shasta twined baskets 548 

177. Hat Creek Indian basketry 548 

178. Hat Creek Indian basketry 548 

179. AVashoe basket bowls 548 

180. Washoe coiled basket 548 

181 . Washoe basketmaker 548 

182. Eastern Californian coiled baskets 548 

183. Panamint Indian coiled bowls '. 548 

184. Panamint coiled bowls 548 

185. Tulare coiled baskets 548 

186. Tulare coiled basket 548 

187. Tulare coiled jars 548 

188. Kern and Tulare coiled baskets 548 

189. Tulare coiled baskets 548 

190. Tejon coiled baskets 548 

191. Kern and Tulare coiled baskets 548 

192. Caliente Creek Indian baskets 548 

193. Kern coiled basket 548 

194. Kern coiled basket 548 

195. Kern coiled basket 548 

196. Kern coiled baskets 548 

197. Mission Indian basketmaker ^ 548 

198. Saboba Indian basketmaker 548 

199. Mission Indian basket bowl 548 

200. Havasupai basketmaker 548 

201. Ancient cave baskets 548 

202. Ancient cave baskets 548 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 179 

Facing page. 

203. Mission Indian twined bag 548 

204. Paiute water bottles 548 

205. Ancient Basket Makers' coiled trays 548 

206. Ancient Basket Makers' coiled ware 548 

207. Ancient Basket Makers' coiled tray 548 

208. Ancient Basket Makers' coiled tray 548 

209. Ancient Basket Makers' coiled bowls _ 548 

210. Ancient Basket Makers' food receptacles 548 

211. Ancient Basket Makers' hopper 548 

212. Sia ancient coiled baskets _ 548 

213. Ancient Zufii basketry 548 

214. Ancient Pueblo coiled basketry 548 

215. Hopi basketmaker 548 

216. Hopi coiled plaques 548 

217. Oraibi basket weaver 548 

218. Ancient baskets from Oraibi 548 

219. Ancient wicker basket 548 

220. Ancient twilled and coiled ware 548 

221. Ancient Pueblo basketry 548 

222. Ancient Pueblo basketry 548 

223. Ancient Pueblo basketry 548 

224. Apache coiled bowls 548 

225. Apache coiled bowls 548 

226. Apache coiled bowls 548 

227. Mescalero coiled baskets 548 

228. Navaho coiled bowls 548 

229. Havasupai coiled basketry 548 

230. Havasupai coiled bowls 548 

231. Havasupai basketmaker 548 

232. Chemehuevi coiled baskets 548 

233. Pima coiled bowl 548 

234. Pima coiled baskets 548 

235. Pima basketmaker 548 

236. Yaqui plume basket 548 

237. Yaqui covered baskets 548 

238. Venezuelan basketmaker 548 

239. Arawak Indian basketry 548 

240. Brazilian carrying baskets 548 

241. Brazilian carrying baskets 548 

242. Ecuador twilled weaving ^ 548 

243. Ancient Peruvian workbasket 548 

244. Peruvian ancient twined carrying frame 548 

245. Ancient Chilean coiled basketry 548 

246. Ancient Chilean coiled basketry 548 

247. Ancdent Chilean coiled basketry 548 

248. Peruvian modern coiled basketry 548 



TEXT FIGURES. 

Page. 

1. Mud shoes, Klamath Indians, California 215 

2. Coarse checkerwork 223 

3. Fine checkerwork 223 

4. Open checkerwork 224 



180 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Page. 

5. Twilled work 224 

6. Twilled work 224 

7. Ancient twilled work, Alabama 225 

8. Ancient twilled work, Tennessee 225 

9. Twilled weaving, Cherokee Indians, North Carolina 226 

10. Wicker basket, Zuiii, New Mexico 227 

11. Close wickerwork, Hopi Indians, Arizona 228 

12. Twilled and wicker mat, Hopi Indians, Arizona 229 

13. Wrapped weaving, Mohave Indians, Arizona 230 

14. Wrapped weaving, from mound in Ohio 231 

15. Plain twined weaving 232 

16. Openwork twined wallet, Aleutian Islands 233 

17. Twined openwork, Aleutian Islands 234 

18. Crossed warp, twined weave, Makah Indians, Washington 234 

19. Diagonal twined weaving, Ute Indians, Utah 234 

20. Diagonal twined basketry. Porno Indians, California 235 

21. Wrapped twined weaving 235 

22. Wrapped twined weaving, Makah Indians, Washington 236 

23. Detail of mixed twined weaving (outside) 237 

24. Detail of mixed twined weaving (inside) 237 

25. Variety in twined weaving (outside) 238 

26. Variety in twined weaving (inside) 238 

27. Tee or lattice-twined weaving. Porno Indians, California 239 

28. Three-strand braid and twined work (outside) 239 

29. Three-strand braid and twined work (inside) 239 

30. Basket-jar in 3-stran(l twine, Hojii Indians, Arizona . . 240 

31. Three-strand and plain twined weaving 24 1 

32. Three-strand braid, (a) outside, (/;) inside 241 

33. Carrying basket, 3-strand braid, Klamath Indians, Oregon 242 

34. Warp stems crossed in pairs : 243 

35. Warp stems crossed in fours 243 

36. Sixteen stems woven in fours 243 

37. Warp stems crossed in fours and twined 243 

38. Six warp stems parallel 244 

39. Warp stems crossed in threes; held by wicker 244 

40. Bone awl for coiled basketry 245 

41. Cross sections of varieties in coiled basketry 247 

42. Carrying basket, Pima Indians, Arizona 248 

43. Detail of interlocking stitches 248 

44. Foundation of three rods laid vertically, Mescalero Apache Indians 249 

45. Detail of figure 44 250 

46. Detail of single-rod coil in basketry 250 

47. Foundation of two rods, vertical 251 

48. Rod and welt foundation 252 

49. Water jar in coiled basketry, Wolpi, Arizona 252 

50. Foundation of three rods, stitches catching rod underneath 253 

51. Foundation of splints 254 

52. Imbricated work detail, called Klikitat 254 

53. Imbricated coiled work, called Klikitat 255 

54. Imbricated basketry detail, Thompson River 255 

55. Overlaying in coiled work 256 

56. Foundation of straws in coiled work 256 

57. Coil with open sewing, inclosing parts of foundation 257 



LIST OF ILLUSTKATIONS. 181 

Page. 

58. Foundation of grass or shredded materials 257 

59. Fuegian coiled basket, and details 258 

60. Coiled border on checker weaving 260 

61. Weft and warp fastened down with twine, («) front, {b) ])ack 261 

62. Three-strand warp border in wicker work 262 

63. Border made by weaving warp rods in pairs 262 

64. Single-strand coiled border, Moravian Settlement, North Carolina 263 

65. Braided border from warp 263 

66. Twined wallet, Quinaielt Indians, Washington 264 

67. Single-strand twined border, Pomo Indians 264 

68. Three-strand twined border 265 

69. Border of Hupa twined basket 265 

70. Wrapped warp border, Zuiii, New Mexico _• 266 

71 . Border of Paiute twined basket 266 

72. Three-strand warp border, Pomo Indians 267 

73. Two-strand twine, onlaid for border, Tlinkit Indians 268 

74. Three-strand braid woven in for border, Tlinkit Indians 269 

75. Border of braid, onlaid, Tlinkit Indians 269 

76. Border of turned-down warp with 2-strand twine, Tlinkit Indians 270 

77. Border of 4-strand braid, turned-down warp, Tlinkit Indians 271 

78. Border of 4-strand braid onlaid, warp turned down, Tlinkit Indians 271 

79. Border inclosing hoop, Tlinkit Indians 272 

80. Border of 3-strand braid, Tlinkit Indians 272 

81. Mixed twined work, Haida Indiana, British Columbia 273 

82. Simple coil border, Paiute Indians, Utah 274 

83. Simple wrapped border 274 

84. Three-strand coiled border, Hopi, Arizona 275 

85. Detail of figure 84 275 

86. Single-strand plaited border 276 

87. Single-strand plaited border, Havasupai Indians, Arizona 276 

88. Plain coiled border on bark vessel 277 

89. Coil and knot border on bark vessel 277 

90. Plain coiled border on bark vessel 278 

91. Coil and knot border on bark vessel •. 278 

92. Checker ornament in two colors 288 

93. Amazonian basket decorations in checker 288 

94. Twilled work in two colors 289 

95. Diaper twilled work in two colors 289 

96. Diagonal twilled ornament, British Guiana 290 

97. Human figures in twined weaving, ancient Peru 291 

98. Design on coiled bowl, Tulare Indians 292 

99. Detail of figure 98 293 

100. Pima carrying frame, southern Arizona 294 

101 . Wrapping weft fillets with darker ones 307 

102. Beading on twined work, Klamath Indians 308 

103. Beading on coiled work, Clallam Indians, Washington 309 

104. Overlaid twined weaving 309 

195. Breast bands for hauling, Zuni, New Mexico 339 

106. Carrying frame, Papago Indians, Mexico 339 

107. Twined cradle, Hupa Indians 340 

108. Stick armor twined together, California 341 

109. Ceremonial basket, Hupa Indians, California 358 

110. Ash log for making splints, Menomini Indians 375 



182 BEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Page. 

111. Wooden inallet for loosening splints '. . 376 

112. Basketmaker's knife of native workmanship 376 

113. Coil of basket strips 377 

114. Finished wicker basket 378 

115. Coiled basketry, Hopewell Mound, Ohio 380 

116. Coiled basketry, Hopewell Mound, Ohio 380 

117. Wickerwork from cave in Kentucky 381 

118. Charred fabric from mound 382 

119. Charred fabric from mound 382 

120. Twined fish trap, Virginia Indians 383 

121. Twined weave from ancient pottery, Tennessee 385 

122. Twined weave from ancient pottery, Tennessee 385 

123. Detail of twilled basketry border, Choctaw Indians, Louisiana 387 

124. Border of twilled basketry, Choctaw Indians, Louisiana 387 

125. Twilled basket, Arikara Indians 389 

126. Ancient twilled matting. Petit Anse Island, Louisiana. 390 

127. Coiled workbasket, Tinne Indians, Alaska 392 

128. Coiled workbasket, Tinne Indians 393 

129. Coiled workbasket, Tinn6 Indians 393 

130. Coiled workbasket, Tinn6 Indians ■ 394 

131. Detail of coiled basket, Tinne Indians 394 

132. Tobacco basket, Hupa Indians, California 395 

133. Detail of Eskimo twined wallet 397 

134. Coiled basket, Eskimo Indians, Alaska ^ 398 

135. Bottom of figure 134 399 

136. Detail of Eskimo coiled basket 400 

137. Twined basket wallet, Tlinkit Indians, Alaska 409 

138. False embroidery, Tlinkit Indians, Alaska 410 

139. Detail of false embroidery 410 

140. Carrying wallet, Tlinkit Indians, Alaska 411 

141. Twined and wicker weave, Tlinkit Indians, Alaska 411 

142. Wallet, Chilkat Indians, southeastern Alaska 412 

143. Hat in fine twined weaving, Haida Indians, British Columbia 413 

144. Detail of figure 143 413 

145. Twined openwork basket, Haida Indians 414 

146. Detail of figure 145 .*. 414 

147. Unfinished basket, Haida Indians 415 

148. Virginia Indian woman weaving a basket 416 

149. Detail of wrapped basket, Clallam Indians 417 

150. Wrapped twined basket, Makah Indians, Cape Flattery 418 

151. Bottom of Makah basket 418 

152. Detail of Nutka hat 419 

153. Cross section of Nutka hat 419 

154. Checkerwork basket, Bilhula Indians, British Columbia 422 

155. Coiled and imbricated basket 426 

156. Imbricated basket, Yakima Indians, Washington 431 

157. Imbricated basket, Cowlitz Indians 432 

158. Twilled basketwork, Clallam Indians, Washington 433 

159. Water-tight basket, Clallam Indians, Washington 434 

1 60. Detail of figure 159 435 

161. Twined wallet, Nez Perce Indians, Idaho 438 

162. Detail of figure 161 439 

163. Linguistic map of California 442 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 183 

Page. 

164. Old feathered baskets from Oregon 446 

165. Tiny coiled basket, Porno Indians 458 

166. Tiny coiled basket, Pomo Indians 458 

167. Coiled basket, Hoochnom Indians, California 459 

168. Detail of figure 167 460 

169. Twined basket bowl, Klamath Indians, Oregon 461 

1 70. Detail of figure 169 462 

171. Carrying basket, McCloud River Indians, California 464 

172. Grasshopper basket, Wikchumni Indians, California 480 

173. Detail of figure 172 ■ 480 

174. Coiled bowl, Coahuilla Indians, California 484 

175. Inside view of figure 174 485 

176. Square inch of figure 174 485 

177. Coiled bowl, Coahuilla Indians, California 486 

178. Twined basket, Diegueiios Indians, California 487 

179. Woman's hat, Ute Indians, Utah 490 

180. Harvesting fan, Paiute Indians, Utah 491 

181. Harvesting fans, Paiute Indians, Utah 492 

182. Gathering basket, Paiute Indians, Utah 493 

183. Bottom of figure 182 493 

184. Border of figure 182 494 

185. Carrying basket, Paiute Indians, Utah 494 

186. Roasting tray, Paiute Indians, Utah 495 

187. Coiled jar, Paiute Indians, Utah 496 

188. Square inch of figure 187 497 

189. Coiled basket jar, Zuni Indians, New Mexico 503 

190. Coarse wickerwork, Hopi Indians, Arizona 506 

191. Ancient basketry gaming wheel, Pueblo Indians, New Mexico 508 

192. Coiled bowl, Coyotero Indians, Arizona 512 

193. Basket jar, Apache Indians 513 

194. Coiled basket bowl, Aj^ache Indians 514 

195. Coiled plaque, Navaho Indians ...-. 515 

196. Sacred basket tray, Navaho Indians 516 

197. Border of figure 196 "... 516 

198. Gourd in coiled network, Pima Indians, Arizona 519 

199. Coiled bowl, Pima Indians 520 

200. Coiled bowl, Pima Indians 521 

201. Coiled bowl, Pima Indians 522 

202. Coiled bowl. Pima Indians 523 

203. Coiled granary, Pima Indians 524 

204. Carrying net, Araucanian Indians 531 

205. Carrying net, Chiriqui, Colombia 532 

206. Detail of figure 205 532 

207. Ancient Peruvian work basket 535 

208. Detail of figure 207 536 

209- Detail of a Peruvian basket 536 

210. Detail of a Peruvian basket _ 536 

211 . Detail of a Peruvian basket 536 

212. Ancient coiled basket from Chile 537 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY: 
STUDIES IN A TEXTILE ART WITHOUT MACHINERY. 



By Otis Tupton Mason, 
Curator, LHms-ion of Ethnology. 



Adde et bnscuada et mille escaria. 

Terence, 12:46. 
Barbara de pictia veni hasaiada Britannis 
Sed me jam mavult dieere Roma suum. 

Martial, XIV: 99. 



INTRODUCTION 

Aboriginal British or Pictish baskets and a thousand receptacles, 
sa}' s Terence, were carried to Rome by the successors of Julius Cfesar, 
and Martial adds that the word "basket" is Pictish," though the Romans 
would have us believe it to have been indigenous. 

Remnants of basketry are gathered from the Swiss lake dwellings, 
made in several of the technical processes well known to the American 
Indians and to be described later. 

In the second volume of Keller's Lake Dwellings (pis. 13tl— 137) 
are startlingl}" interesting groups of such basketry. You have, first 
of all, the methods of treating the bark of trees and flax to form the 
fiber in various stages of preparation. Network and frame weaving- 
are also there illustrated, but in this place attention is drawn only to 
the basketry. On his Plate 134 may be seen plain checkerwork and 
twined work in 2- strand and 3-stand varieties, also coiled work in the 
following varieties: (a) Foundation of two rods, sewing done with bark 
strips so as to inclose both rods below, the stitches interlocking; (b) 
foundation of two rods, sewing inclosing them both, but not one of the 
rods underneath; the stitches interlock and split the upper portion of 
the one just below, as in many American baskets. The twined work of 
Robenhausen and Wangen is in a great number of varieties. There is 
solid, plain weaving; also open work twined weaving, the body being 
stems of plants; borders are held together with twined weaving. In 
some specimens of open work the warp of twined weaving is in pairs; 

«0n the derivation of the word, however, consult the New English Dictionary and 
the Century Dictionary. 

185 



186 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

but there are not shown in any of Keller's plates the types of twined 
work in which the warp plays any part for ornamentation; and in the 
remains, so far as examined, no attempts are made at embroidery, or 
overlaying, or any of the species of fine decoration, to be seen in the 
Alaskan or Calif ornian weaving/' 

In the Arabian Nights, the story of the lady who was murdered b}' 
her husband mentions a very large basket, by its size reminding one 
of the granary baskets of California, but this was evidently in coiled 
work, very much in the style of the Hopi plaques. The Caliph, 
Haroun Alraschid — 

came to the bank of the river, and the fisherman, having thrown in his net, when 
he drew it out again lorought up a trunk, close shut and very heavy. The CaUph 
made the vizier pay him 100 sequins immediately and sent him away. Mesrour, 
by his master's orders, carried the trunk on his shoulders, and the Caliph, 
eager to know what it contained, returned to the palace witli all speed. When the 
trunk was opened, they found in it a large basket made of palm leaves, shut up, and 
the covering sewed with red thread. To satisfy the Caliph's impatience, they cut 
the thread with a knife and took out of the basket a package wrapped in a sorry 
piece of hanging and bound about with rope, in which, when untied, they found, to 
their amazement, the dead body of a young lady cut in small i^ieces. 

The Ute Indians in ancient times used basketry for mortuary pur- 
poses, but by them made of the rarest material and with faultless 
workmanship, adorned with symbols of their religion. The dead man 
or woman was covered with a large carrying basket, and all around 
were laid with loving care the finest specimens of the craft. 

It is interesting to know that the first mention of baskets in the 
Bible is in connection with dreams. Joseph was a prisoner in Egj^pt: 
He had interpreted the butler's dream so favorably that Pharaoh's 
baker came also to him. 

When the chief baker saw that the interpretation was good, he said unto Joseph, 

1 also was in my dream, and, behold, I had three white baskets on my head; and 
in the upjaermost basket [««/] there was of all manner of baked meats [sweetmeats] 
for Pharaoh ; and the birds did eat them out of the basket upon my head. And Joseph 
answered and said, This is the interpretation thereof: The three baskets are three 
days; yet within three days shall Pharaoh lift up thy head from off thee, and shall 
hang thee on a tree; and the birds shall eat thy flesh from off thee. 

It may in general be assumed that the baskets used b}- the Israelites 
were not unlike those of the Egyptians. If the ancient baskets of 
Egypt resembled the modern, those mentioned were of the coiled type, 
made from palm leaf, resembling thick bread plaques of the Hopi 
pueblos of Arizona. They were doubtless in use throughout Noi'th 
Africa long before the days of Joseph. 

Specimens of this type of ancient coiled basketrj^ were dug up b}' 
Randall-Maclver and Wilkin at El Armah, 6 miles south of the site of 

a Ferdinand Keller, The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and other parts of Europe, 

2 vols., London, 1878. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 187 

Abydos, in middle Egypt. They are the oldest that have yet been 
found in the world. El Armah dates back to the earliest "new race," 
through the entire middle period down to the late prehistoric in 
Egypt. Far up the Nile the type persists. It will be seen in abun- 
dance at Aden, and it exists in much more elegant material in Hin- 
dustan. This proves the persistence of a single type through six 
thousand years. Long ago caravans took it into the heart of Africa, 
and the reader must not be surprised further on in discovering at 
least a limited sphere of influence for it in America, where the descend- 
ants of the Moors who invaded Spain left them. 

The Greek word for basket is kaneon, or kanastron, from kanna, a 
reed, whence our cannister, through the Latin canistra. Or, to come 
closer to our theme, basketrj' was made long ago in the warmer coun- 
tries of the Old World, as they are now in the New, from cane. In the 
time of Homer this word was applied frequently to receptacles of 
clay, bronze, and gold. Doubtless, in earlier ages the Greek women 
were nimble-fingered basket makers, but the forms are not preserved. 

Wherever civilization has come in contact with lower races, whether 
in Britain, Africa, Polynesia, or America, it has found the woman 
enjoying the most friendly acquaintance with textile plants and skill- 
ful in weaving their roots, stems, and leaves into basketr}'', matting, 
and other similar products without machinery. Basketr}^ was well- 
nigh universal throughout the Western Hemisphere before the dis- 
covery, while at least one-half of the area was devoid of pottery. 

Ancient cemeteries, mounds, caves, ruins, and lake dwellings gave 
evidence of the high antiquity of the art in both continents. The 
researches of Holmes and Willoughby on mound pottery; of Yarrow 
and Schumacher in southwestern California; of Gushing, Fewkes, and 
Hough in ancient pueblos; of Nordenskjold and Pepper in the cliff 
dwellings of the southwest; of G. O. Dorsey, of the Field Columbian 
Museum, and many European explorers in Peru, demonstrate that no 
cBanges have taken place in this respect, either in the variety of the 
technical processes or the fineness of the workmanship. There is an 
unbroken genealogy of basket making on the Continent, running back 
to the most ancient times. 

For a time cheap patented ware made from veneering threatened to 
obliterate the ancient plicated basket, but at the same time the latter 
became exalted to a pastime and a fine art, and there were never so 
many genuine lovers of the handicraft as at present. 

In the past few years a sympathetic spirit has been awakened in the 
United States to keep alive this charming aboriginal art and to pre- 
serve its precious relics. In every State in the Union will be found 
rich collections, both in public and private museums. People of 
wealth vie with one another in owning them. It almost amounts to a 
disease, which might be called "canastromania." They resemble the 



188 REPORT Q-p NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

"merchantman seeking goodly pearls, who, when he had found one 
pearl of great price, went and sold all that he had and bought it." 
The genuine enthusiasm kindled in the search, the pride of success 
in the acquisition, the care bestowed upon them, witness that the 
basket is a worthy object of study. The story is told of a distin- 
guished collector who walked many weary miles to the shelter of a 
celebrated old weaver. He spent the day admiring her woi'k, but 
still asking for something better. He knew that she had made finer 
pieces. At last flatterj'- and gold won. She tore out the back of her 
hut, and there, hid from mortal eyes, was the basket that was to be 
burned at her death. Nothing could be more beautiful, and it will be 
her monument. 

I. DEFINITION OF BASKETRY 

A place for everything:. — Franklin. 

Basketry is the mother of all loom work and beadwork. In that 
elaboration of industries, through which they pass from naturism to 
artificialism, from handwork to machine work, from human power to 
beast power, wind power, water power, steam or fire power, and electric 
power, the loom is no exception. The first and most versatile shuttles 
were women's fingers. Machinery has added speed. But there are 
many niceties of technic to which the machine device can not yet 
aspire. 

Over and above the sympathetic spirit engendered and the kind 
encouragement given to exquisite and most worth}- artists by the col- 
lection of basketry, the study is a very important one from the side of 
culture. It is the alpha of an art in which billions of capital are 
invested, millions of human beings ai'e emplo3''ed, whose materials and 
products are transported to earth's remotest limits, whose textures 
are sought by every tribe of mankind. It is from this last point of 
view that the present work is written. 

The praises of men who invented the cotton gin, the power loom, 
and the tapestr}^ loom will be repeated, and monuments erected to 
memorialize those who harnessed the forces of nature to do their bid- 
ding. Here a good word is said for the earlier, more primitive, women 
who made the others possible. It is true that pride in the ownership 
of an exquisite piece of work may be joined with frigid indift'erence 
toward the maker. It is to be hoped that with admii-ation of Amer- 
ican basketry may be coupled a humane feeling for Indian women 
themselves, who have made so much genuine pleasure possil)le. 

American basketry, ancient and modern, may be studied under the 
following subdivisions: 

I. Definition of the art, its materials, tools, processes, and products. 
II. Materials for basketry, with lists of plants, animals, minerals, incdnding the 
Indian name, couunon names, scientific names. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 189 

III. Basket making or construction. 

Harvesting materials, with account of tools and apparatus. 
Preparing materials, including the tools and processes, peeling, siilitting, 
making splints, shredding, soaking, cleaning, yarniiig or twisting, twin- 
ing, braiding, gauging, coloring (dyeing). 
Processes of manufacture — tools, ap2:)aratus, and patterns. 
Braiding, checkerwork, wicker, twilled, wrapped woof, twined, and coiled, 
and checks, decussations, meshes, stitches. Women at work. 
lY. Ornamentation on basketry. 

1. Forms and structure in baskets. 

2. Mosaic elements in decoration. 

3. Design in technic and color. 

V. Symbolism, also absence of, and meanings. 
VI. Uses of basketry. 

VII. Ethnic varieties and culture {)rovinceH, ancient and modern. Indian names. 
VIII. Collections, public and private. 
IX. Bibliography. 

For convenience, basketry may he compared in the foUowing-naraed 
regions: 

1. Eastern region: Canada, Eastern States, Southern States, West- 
ern States. 

^2,. Alaskan region: Interior Alaska, Arctic Alaska, Aleutian Chain, 
Southeastern Alaska, Queen Charlotte Archipelago. 

3. Eraser-Columbia region: Eraser drainage, Columbia drainage. 

■i. Oregon-California region: Southern Oregon, California. 

5. Interior Basin region : Between Rocky Mountains and the Sierras. 

6. Middle and South American region: Mexico, Central America, 
eastern and western South America. 

These regions must be regarded only as convenient divisions for 
reference. The last named is a measure of ignorance, rather, for it 
could easily be divided into half a dozen regions. Again, before the 
balance of savagery had been violently disturbed by the discovery of 
the hemisphere there were migrations of native blood and speech and 
arts. Basketry further on will be witness to many of these. 

Basketry is differentiated from network b}^ the fact that the meshes 
of the latter are not formed by decussations, but by knots; and from 
loom products, not only by the material, which is usually less rigid, 
but by the woi'kmanship, which is done by machinery. Needlework 
is approached in coiled basketry and beadwork borrows from all weaves. 
No wide gulf separates the different varieties of textiles, however, 
beginning with such coarse products as brush fences and fish weirs and 
ending with the finest lace and needlework. 

In form basketry varies through the following classes of objects: 

1. Elat mats or wallets, generally flexible. 

2. Plaques or food plates, which are slightly concave. These occur 
in quality of the coarsest sieve to that of the sacred meal tray. 

3. Bowls for mush and other foods and for ceremonial purposes, 
hemispherical in general outline. 



190 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

i. Pots for cooking, with cylindrical sides and rounded or flat 
bottoms. These vary into cones, truncated cones, and trough-shaped 
baskets. 

5. Jars and fanciful shapes, in which the mouth is constricted, fre- 
quently very small, and now and then supplied with cover. They are 
spindle shaped, pyriform, napiform, and, indeed, imitate fi'uits known 
to the natives. The influence of civilization in giving modern shapes 
to basketry has not always been beneficial to this class of forms. 

W. H. Holmes, writing of the transition from service to decoration, 
speaks of form in and on basketry as (1) functional and essential onl}^, 
(2) functional and aesthetic combined, and (3) as suprafunctional and 
wholly esthetic. 

There are two distinct types of technic in basketr}^, namely, (1) hand- 
woven basketry, which is built on a warp foundation, and (2) sewed 
or coiled basketry, which is built on a foundation of rods, splints, or 
straws. 

KINDS OF WOVEN BASKETRY 

A. Checkerwork: The warp and the weft having the same width, 
thickness, and pliability. 

B. Diagonal or twilled basketry : Two or more weft strands over two 
or more warp strands. 

C. Wickerwork: Inflexible warp; slender, flexible weft. 

D. Wrapped weft, or single weft wrapped: The weft strand is 
wrapped, or makes a bight about the warp at each decussation, as in 
the Mohave Kiho. 

E. Twined or wattled basketry: Weft of two or more elements. 

KINDS OF COILED BASKETEY 

A. Coiled work without foundation. 
■ B. Simple interlocking coils. 
G. Single-rod foundation. 

D. Two-rod foundation. 

E. Rod and welt foundation. 

F. Two-rod and splint foundation. 

G. Three-rod foundation. 
li. Splint foundation. 

I. Gi'ass-coil foundation. 

K. Fuegian coiled basketr3^ 

These will be described at length in the proper place. 

In basket-making there are several characteristics to be observed 
which will enable one to classify the objects and to refer them to 
their several tribal manufacturers. These characteristics are the 
material, the framework, the methods of weaving, the coiling or sew- 
ing, the border, the decoration, the use, etc. 




ABOEIGINAL JiMEEICAN BASKETE 



The tool almost universally emplo3'ed in the manufacture of coileds 
ware is a bone awl or pricker. Of the manipulation of the material, 
previousl}' to the weaving little is known. 

In the technical drawings accompanying this paper the actual size of 
the specimens is generally indicated by a series of inch marks in 
the margin. The inches on the standard line are shown by spaces 
between dots. In order to indicate exactly the manner of weaving, a 
square, usuall}^ an inch in dimension, is taken from a portion of the 
surface wherein all the methods of manipulation occur. This square 
is enlarged sufficiently to make the structure comprehensible. This 
plan enables one to show form and ornamentation in the whole figure, 
as well as the method of treatment in the enlarged inch. 

The writer is indebted to k large number of friends in v^arious parts 
of the United States, especially on the Pacific slope, who have given 
him access to their valuable collections, furnished information, antl 
sent photographs. Especial thanks are due to F. V. Coville for writing 
the chapter on plants, to William H. Holmes for advdce in matters of 
ornamentation, and to Dr. C. Hart Merriam for privilege of studying 
the precious collection made by him. Many friends who have gener- 
ously given their special knowledge and supplied photographs and 
illustrations will be mentioned in the proper place. At the same time 
he would express his admiration of their zeal and generosity, through 
which the Sj^'billine leaves of an almost lost chapter in human industrial 
histor}^ has been rescued from oblivion. 

With a few exceptions the makers of baskets are women. In the 
division of labor belonging to the lowest stages of culture the indus- 
trial arts were fostered b}'^ women, the military and aggressive arts by 
men. It is a well-known rule in these first stages of progress that, 
with few exceptions, the user of an implement or utensil was the 
maker of it. There are people on the earth among whom the men are 
the basket makers. Indeed, for ceremonial purposes our own Indian 
priests or medicine men are frequently the makers of their own basket 
drums, etc. 

As soon as the products of this art entered into the world's com- 
merce, and uncann}^ machinerv was necessary for the manufacture, the 
art of basket weaving passed from the hands of its foster mothers and 
became man's work, but in the Western Hemisphere almost exclusively 
the basket makers have been women. 

It is a matter of profound regret that already over much of the 
United States the art has degenerated, or at least has been modified. 
In methods, forms, and colors truly old things have passed away, and, 
behold, all things have become new. But proof is forthcoming that 
the contrary is true in some places. The Hyde Expedition and other 
associations have made determined efforts to resist the demoralizing 
influences of trade. 




.^-^^y- '-^ ■ '': :.-:■' ■■■■ 

192 llEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902." ' ■' 

This process of extinction has gone on with differing rapidit}^ in the 
several areas. Nothing ancient in mechanical processes, in form, and 
design can be predicated of the basketr}^ sold at summer resorts. The 
trees are felled by the white man and the trunks divided into ribbons 
by his latest machiner^^ The Indian woman uses a steel gauge to 
regulate the width of her weft, steel awls for sewing. Even in West- 
ern ware the demand and influence of mercenary motives drown the 
cry of the ancient spirit in the lowly artist. Plate 1 will show the 
conflict for preeminence between the old and the new. Dogs and 
horses are mingled with designs older than the Disco ver}^ (See 
also Plates 42, 168.) 

But it is not alone the unrefined public who eliminate the delightful 
classic from the decoration of basketry; men and women with the 
most exalted motives have for centuries substituted European and 
Asiatic forms for aboriginal in basketr3^ 

Plate 2 is worthy of notice in this regard. Eliminate the human 
figures altogether as pictorial and realistic and without standing in an 
art whose designs are preeminently symbolical. The others are 
divided into two series, those bearing some suggestion of old patterns 
and those covered with classical fretwork as the underl3dng motive 
and then run wild with savage freehand. (See also Plates 50, 58, 233.) 

The reason for the genuine unspoiled art of the tribes in northwestern 
California is given by Carl Purd}^. The Franciscan fathers who built 
the missions in the central and southern portions of the State never 
penetrated these wilds; the traders of the Hudson's Bay Company, 
whose presence and ti'affic changed the arts of other Indians so pro- 
foundly, did not come so far south, and Mexican soldiers were driven 
out of the country. It was not until settlers in the middle of the last 
centur}' began to maltreat the Indians that bloody conflicts arose which 
resulted in their present status, but, fortunately, these pioneers had 
no interest in baskets and probably did not notice them. There are in 
possession of old families in the Eastern States baskets sent home by 
the Foi't3^-niners that now are worth their weight in gold. The forms 
and designs on these are similar to many still made. This indicates 
that the art has kept its old-time purity. 

It must be distinctly understood that many basket-making Indians 
are not now in their priscan homes. Besides the migration occasioned 
by the ordinary motives operating on the minds of savages, the rapid 
intrusion of white settlers and the strong arm of the Government have 
hastened these movements. For our purposes these compulsor}'^ migra- 
tions must be noted speciall}'^ in the case of basket makers. For 
example, on the Round Valley reservations in northern California are 
the Concow (Pujunan) ; and from the eastern side of the Sacramento Val- 
ley, the Nomelaklii and Wailaki (Copehan), Little Lakes (Kulanapan), 
Ukie (Yukian), and Pit rivers (Palaihnahan), belonging to five al)SO- 
lutely different linguistic families. Now, in a collection of baskets 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 193 

from Eound Valley one must not be surprised to find shapes, uses, 
decorations, and names for the same form or part or design extremely 
varied and mixed. 

The author is aware that he has come far short of doing justice to 
his theme. Omissions will be noticed, and it is feared that some refer- 
ences of work to the wrong band or tribe have been made. This is 
unavoidable in a great museum. It is only in such rare collections 
as have been gathered with one's own hands that such errors can be 
avoided. 

VOCABULARY OF BASKETRY ^ 

So much is said and written on the subject of Indian basketry that 
a vocabulary is desirable. On some terms all are even now agreed. 
All things considered, words in common use should be adopted. 
There are, as before mentioned, two absolutely different kinds of 
technic employed, dividing basketry into vjoven and coiled. The 
former leads to the loom, the latter to the needle. It is not correct 
to speak of warp and weft in the latter, only in the former; the parts 
of coiled basketry are th.Q foundation and the sewing. The following- 
terms and definitions are suggested, not arbitrarily, but subject always 
to amendment and common consent. Words from Indian languages 
are purposely omitted. A few of them, however, ough't to be retained, 
such as "tee," for the Pomo twined weaving: 

Basket. — A vessel or receptacle in textile material; a technic product 
resembling this. 

Basketry. — A general term including (1) basket making, the process 
or art; (2) basket work, the technic or stitches, any textile motive 
resembling work in baskets; (3) basket ware, a collection of finished 
products. 

Beading. — A strip of bark or a splint run in and out through the 
spaces in woven or among the stitches in coiled basketry. 

Braidwork. — Fabric in which three or more elements are braided, 
as in some three-strand twined basketry. See False braid. Preferred 
to the word plaited. There may be flat, round, or square braid. The 
term sennit is also allowable. 

Buttonlwle stitch. — A series of half hitches, as in Fuegian coiled 
basketry. 

Check. — Where warp and weft cross. 

Checkerwork. — Basket work in which the warp and weft are equally 
flexible and the checks are square, or at least rectangular. 

Chevron. — V-shaped ornament, in which two or more colored lines 
meet at an angle; for example, the device on the sleeve of a non- 
commissioned officer. (See Herringhone and Zigzag.) 

Chinking. — Soft matei'ials between hard stems in the foundation of 
coiled basketr}'. 

NAT MUS 1902 13 



194 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Coil. — ^An element in basketry ornamentation. Tlie varieties are 
plain coil, reversed coil, loop coil, continuous loop coil. 

Coiled T)asketry. — ^Type of basket work in which a foundation of 
hard or soft material, arranged in a spiral, is held together by means 
of over-and-over sewing. 

Crossed warp. — Type of basket work in which two sets of warp 
cross each other at an angle — for interlacing weft, for seizing or 
wrapping (Makah), or for twined weaving^ common in Attu wallets. 

Decussations. — Crossing of warp at acute angles. 

Diagonal wedmoig. — Passing weft over two or more warp elements, 
but not the same in adjoining rows. Used here chiefly of twined 
weaving to distinguish it from twilled weaving with single weft 
element; also running the weft at an angle, as in matting. 

Diaper. — A surface decoration which shows a pattern by the relief 
or direction of warp and weft. 

Designs. — Figures and patterns used in the ornamentation of bas- 
ketry. Must not be confounded with Syonhol. 

Embroidery. — Ornamentation added after the basket is finished. 
(See False embroidery.) 

Fagptting. — Same as Hemstitch. 

False hraid.-r-kxi appearance of braid work on the margin of a bas- 
ket made with a single splint in ball stitch or ' ' racking-seizing. " 

False embroidery. — An appearance of embroidery made on Tlinkit 
and other twined ware by wrapping the strands on the outside with 
colored material in the process of weaving. 

Fiber. — A flexible substance composed of filaments such as cedar 
bark, wild hemp, etc. 

Frap. — To bind one element about another. 

Fret. — The Greek ornament occurring in endless varietj^on basketry. 

Furcate.- — Said of stitches in coiled sewing intentionally and sym- 
metrically split — bifurcate, trifurcate, etc. 

Fylfot. — Ornament imitating a Greek cross with arms extended at 
right angles, all in the same direction; called also Swastika. 

Gorrita. — The shallow basket bowl of the Pimas and other south- 
western tribes. 

Hemstitch. — Drawing warps together in groups of two or more and 
holding them by twined weavings. Seen in Aleutian openwork wal- 
lets. Called also fagotting. 

Herringbone. — Basketry designs in which chevron patterns are in 
parallel series. 

Herringbone border. — On coiled basketr}'^ a finish in which with a 
single splint the appearance of 3-ply braid is given. (See False braid.) 

Hitched weft. — Basket work in which the weft makes a half hitch 
about each warp element. In coiled work it would be hitched sewing, 
same as buttonhole stitch. 



ABOKIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 195 

Hurdle. — A coarse form of basket work in brush and trees for hunt- 
ing and fishing purposes. 

Imbricated ornament. — Coiled basketry in which a strip of soft 
material is folded back and forth over the stitches, overlapping like 
shingles on a roof or the folds in knife plaiting. Klikitat and Fraser 
Kiver basketry are imbricated. 

Impacted. — Driven close together, as the weft or stitches in basketry. 

Inset. — A pattern worked separately into a basket. The Chilcat 
blankets are thus woven. 

Interlacing. — The crossing and intertwining of parts, as in woven 
baskets and borders. 

Interstices. — Open spaces left in weaving. 

Knife jjlaitijig. — See Imbricated ornament. 

lattice weaving. — Basket work in which a frame of rods crossing at 
right angles is held together hy wrapping the intersections with a 
single splint or ribbon, as in Makah basketry, or by a twined weft, as 
in the Pomo Tee weaving. 

Multiple coil. — The foundation of coiled basketry made up of fila- 
ments, grass stems, or splints. 

Mtcshemoot. — Loucheux netted bags of babiche. Coiled work with- 
out foundation. 

Meander. — Crossed frets in basketry ornament. 

Oblique weaving. — Chiefly in matting, where the weaving begins at 
one corner. 

Osier. — Basket materials prepared from small stems of willow or 
similar plants. Shoots of dogwood {Cornus stolonifera) are called 
red osier. 

Overlaying. — Laying a split straw or other colored material on a 
tough weft splint or sewing material in basket making, to take the 
place of colored bark. If the two are not twisted on each other, the 
figure does not show inside the basket. 

Padding. — Soft material in the foundation of coiled basketr}'', help- 
ing to make the structure water-tight. (See Qhinking.) 

Pentacle. — In basket ornament a 5-pointed star, whose lines inclose 
a pentagon. 

Pierced warp. — The form of weaving in cat-tail and other soft mate- 
rial when the weft strings pass through the warp. The warp stems 
are strung on the weft strings. 

Radial warp. — The arrangement of warp elements or spokes in the 
bottom of a cylindrical basket. Thej^ may be (1) crossed, (2) cut 
away, or (3) inserted. Radial patterns or designs are such as proceed 
from the central portion of a bowl-shaped basket outward to the border. 

Scroll work. — Imitation of art scroll on basketry. It is usually 
angular. 

Sewing. — The joining of parts with an awl and splint. Coiled bas- 
ketry is sewed, not woven. 



196 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Shoots. — The young and pliable growth of plants in the first year. 
Rough shoots, prepared shoots, and split shoots are used. 

Shreds. — -Irregular strips of plants used in foundations of coiled 
baskets. 

Spiral. — Term applied in basket making and decoration: (1) To the 
whorled coil, wound about a center and receding, as in Hopi plaques, 
-fiat s])vral ; (2) to the helical coil, winding on a cylinder, cylindrical 
spiral., as in coiled jars; (3) to the conical coil, rising in a cone, conical 
spiral. 

Splint. — In basketry, a long strip of split wood, uniform in width 
and thickness for weaving or sewing materials. Often the term is 
more loosely applied to the split pieces that make up the foundation of 
coiled work. 

Spoke. — Term sometimes applied to each of the elements in radiating 
basket warp. 

Stalk. — The stems of reeds, grass, cattails, etc., for basket materials. 

Stitches. — The separate elements in sewing coiled basketry. They 
may be close or open, whole or split (furcate), and interlocked. 

Strand. — One of the elements of the weft in twined basketry, which 
may be two-strand, three-strand, etc. 

Strip. — A narrow ribbon of leaf or other thin basket material 
answers in function to the harder splints. 

String. — Two or more small yarns twisted together. The warp of 
twined wallets is of strings. 

Symhol. — The meaning of a design on a basket. Care nmst be exer- 
cised in the use of this word. Only the maker of the design knows 
the sj^mbol or meaning. 

Tesselate. — Inlaid, as in checkered mosaic. The checks and stitches 
as well as the designs in baskets have a tesselate appearance. 

T%oine. — To bend something around another object. In basketry, 
to make twined ware in any of its varieties, plain, twilled, wrapped, 
latticed, three-strand, etc. 

Warjp. — The elements of woven basketry on which the fabric is built 
up; may be parallel, decussated, latticed, radiated, zigzag, etc.; also a 
single one of these. Each element may be called a warp. (See Spoke.) 

'Wattling. — Coarse fence or fish weir in wicker or twined basketry. 

Weft. — The filling of woven basketry, same as woof. 

Weftage. — ^The texture of woven basketry. 

Whip or vihipstitch. — To sew with an overcast stitch, with long 
wrapping stitches. The sewing of coiled basketry ma}^ be so called. 
Borders of baskets are often whipped on. 

Wickertoork. — Weaving in which the warp is rigid and the weft 
flexible. 

Wind. — To wrap one element about another. Same as Frap. In 
Thompson River wallets the twined weft is wound or frapped Avith 
corn husk. 



ABORIGINAL AMEBICAN BASKETRY. 197 

Wrapped weft. — Basket work in which the plain or twined weft is 
wrapped with soft decorative material. 

WnterjjTOojlng . — Resin of the pine and mesquite for covering- and 
lining- basket jars, rendering them waterproof. 

TFoo/.— See Weft. 

Yarn. — Fibers twisted together, as in receptacles made from native 
hemp. 

Zigzag. — A broken line of equal angular portions applied to struc- 
ture or decoration in basketry. 

II. MATERIALS FOR BASKETRY 

Man is one world, and hath another to attend him. — Emerson. 

In the manufacture of their baskets the Indians have ransacked 
the three king-doms of nature — mineral, animal, and vegetal. For 
the first named Gushing has shown how the Havasupai Indians line the 
inside of a basket with clay in order to render it fireproof. A great 
man}' of the paints or dyes with which the baskets are colored are 
drawn from the mineral kingdom. In the decoration of basketry 
beautiful stones and the mineral shells of mollusks are employed, 
either whole or cut into beads and pendants. (See Plate 3.) 

Besides the beautiful shells, teeth, wings of insects, and other hard 
animal substances used for added ornament, softer parts enter into 
the veiy texture of basket work. In £l few localities the tribes have 
relied on them largely. It will be seen that wool of goat, sheep, and 
llama are treated in precisely the same manner as splints of wood. The 
undressed skins of smaller mammals, notably the rabbit, are cut into 
strings and twisted; and dressed hides into babiche to serve as weft in 
woven baskets and bags. Sinew thread was employed in making coiled 
basketry about the Great Lakes and farther north. But the most 
serviceable animal substance for basketry was the feather, its plume 
for decoration and its quill for hard work as well as ornament. Por- 
cupine quills were likewise split and worked into coiled basketrj^, in 
addition to their embellishment of birch-bark utensils. The multitude 
of uses for feathers in this art will be described later. 

The chief dependence, however, of the basket maker is upon the 
vegetal kingdom. Nearly all parts of plants have been used by one 
tribe or another for this purpose — roots, stems, bark, leaves, fruits, 
seeds, and gums. It would seem as though in each area for purposes 
intended the vegetal kingdom had been thoroughly exploi'ed and 
exhausted above ground and under ground. Is it not marvelous to 
think that unlettered savages should know so much botany ? Mr. Ches ■ 
nut, in his Plants used by Indians of Mendocino County, California, 
calls attention to the fact that in our advanced state we are yet behind 
these savages, not having caught up with them in the discovery and 
uses of some of their best textile materials. 



198 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

How did the savages find out that the roots of certain plants hid 
away under the earth were the best possible material for this function ? 
And for another use the stem of a plant had to be found, perhaps 
miles away, so that in the makeup of a single example leagues would 
have to be traveled and much discrimination used. Unless the utmost 
care is exercised the fact will be overlooked that often thi'ee or four 
kinds of wood will be used in the monotonous work of the weft. One 
is best for the bottom, another is light and tough for the body, a 
third is best for the flexible top. This in addition to the employment 
of half a dozen others for designs, for warp or foundation, or for 
decorative purposes. 

Among the basket maker's materials must not be forgotten the 
demand for water-tight vessels. Besides the widely spread facultj^ of 
securing this result by texture, there were present in certain areas 
natural substances such as the gum of the pinyon {Pimis edidls), the 
resin of various pines, and even the mineral asphalt. 

The making of canteens and other water vessels, in lieu of pottery, 
in this wa}' was most prevalent among the Shoshonean tribes of the 
Interior Basin and the migratory Apache farther south. Barrows'* 
calls attention to Humboldt's Essay on New Spain,* in which the 
Indians around Santa Barbara are spoken of as "presenting the Span- 
iards with vases very curiously wrought of stalks of rushes" and 
"covered within with a very thin layer of asphaltum that renders 
them impenetrable to water." 

The author is greatly indebted to Mr. Frederick Y. Coville, Botanist 
of the Department of Agriculture, for the identification of plants 
used in basketry by the Indians of America north of Mexico. This 
list contains those that have been certainl}^ identified. There are 
other plants alleged to be used in basketry, but of which no scientific 
determination has been made as yet. A complete discussion of this 
part of the subject would demand that for each tribe making baskets 
there should be a list of the plants employed by them, and for each 
plant used a list of the tribes by whom it is used. Such a discussion 
requires a long and tedious investigation by a number of talented 
workers cooperating. It is hoped that the chapter here given by 
Mr. Coville will be a starting point for a complete study of Indian 
phytotechny. 

o- The Ethno-botany of the Coahuilla Indiana of Southern Cahfornia, Chicago, 1900, 
p. 41. 

6 Vol. II, p. 297. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY, 199 

PLANTS USED IN BASKETRY 

By Fkederick V. Coville. 

While some of the materials used by American Indian tribes in 
their basketry have long been known, by far the larger number had 
not been identified with precision prior to the beginning of the past 
decade. Most students of Indian plants had been satisfied with casual 
names applied by themselves or given to them by botanists after the 
examination of fragmentary specimens. Since the year 1890 a few 
botanists, notabh^ Mr. V. K. Chesnut, of the Department of Agricul- 
ture, have turned their attention to the plants used by the aborigines 
and have made new records with definite identifications of the plants 
concerned, covering among other subjects of Indian activity that of 
basketr3^ When, therefore, after Professor Mason's invitation to 
prepare a chapter on the subject, the compilation of existing records 
was begun it was found that the earlier publications contained much 
that was indefinite, considerable that was incorrect, and a little that 
was both correct and exact. The notable exception to the general 
rule was the publications of Dr. Edward Palmer, whose work as a 
botanical collector in the western United States and Mexico extended 
from the late sixties of the last centurj^ to the present time. Under 
the circumstances it was determined to admit only such matter as was 
capable of verification, based, first, on the writer's own observation; 
second, on published records that seemed to come under the last of 
the categories mentioned above; and, third, on the collections of the 
United States National Museum. A few unverified statements have 
been admitted for the purpose of bringing them to the attention of 
those who may be in a position to verify them. In the case of state- 
ments which did not originate with the writer a parenthetic reference 
indicates the source of the information and, if published, the year of 
its publication. The work as hei'e presented is recognized as b}^ no 
means complete, but it is offered as a substantial basis for future 
investigation. 

Acer macropliylluin. Oregon Maple. 

Piil-gun'-shi (Yiiki). 

The Indians of Mendocino County, California, particularly the Con- 
cows, who now occiipy a reservation there, use the white inner bark, 
preferably gathered in spring, in making baskets. (V. K. Chesnut, 
1902.) From its inner bark the Indians of the Pacific slope make 
baskets so closely woven as to hold water. (J. T. Rothrock, 1867.) 

Adiantum pedatum. Maidenhair Fern. 

The slender, black or dark-brown, shining stems, after splitting, are 
used by the Indians of Mendocino Count}^, California, in the orna- 



200 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

mentation of some of their baskets, particularly those worn as hats. 
(V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) The Hupa Indians of Humboldt Count}^ Cali- 
fornia, and other nearb}' tribes use the stems in the same wa}^ The 
practice extends also to the Snohomish Indians of western Washington 
(C. M. Buchanan, letter) and to the Tlinkit Indians of southern Alaska. 
(G. T. Emmons, letter). 

Agave deserti. Desert Agave. 

In the coiled basket bowls of the Coahuilla Indians of southern 
California the cleaned fiber from the leaves is used to form the first 
few turns of the coil, which is then continued with grass stems. Evi- 
dently the grass is not sufficiently flexible to make these first turns 
without breaking, but the Agave fiber answers the purpose admirably. 
(Cat. Nos. 207580 and 20Y581, U.S.N.M.) Some of the basket hats of 
the Diegueiio Indians of San Diego County, California, are woven from 
cords made of the cleaned and twisted fiber, and from their great 
strength must be almost indestructible by any ordinary wear. (Cat. 
No. 19751, U.S.N.M.) 

Alnus oregana. Eed Alder. 

Among the Hupa Indians of northern California the roots are some- 
times used as weft at the beginning of a basket and in a round between 
the bottom and the sides (P. E. Goddard, notes). 

Alnus rhombifolia. White Alder. 

Various species of alder have been used by the American aborigines 
to produce an orange or red-brown dye, but the onlj^ authenticated 
use of alder in d3^eing basket materials seems to be that of Alnus 
rhomhifolia among the Hupa, Yuki, and other Indians of northern 
California. The dye is obtained from the bark by infusion in water, 
or sometimes the bark is chewed and the material to be dyed is drawn 
through the mouth. 

Amarantlius palineri. Amaranth. 

Ko^-mo (Moki). 

This is the source of a pink to purple dye used in the coiled and wicker 
plaques of the Moki Indians of northern Arizona. (W. Hough, 
notes.) The identification is by C. F. Millspaugh. 

Amelanchier alnifolia. Sarviceberry. 

I-ta'-gg (Apache). 
Chak (Klamath). 

The small, straight, peeled branches of this and other species of 
Amelanchier are used by the Apaches of the White Mountain Indian 
Reservation, Arizona, to form the uprights in their large carrying 
baskets, a use for which the very tough wood is well adapted. The 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 201 

Klamath Indians of Oregon often weave a stout branch, peeled or not 
peeled, into the rims of their large coarse baskets to stiffen and 
strengthen them. 

Apocynum cannabinum. Indian Hemp. 

The well-known Indian hemp, including a number of plant forms 
once referred to AjyocynwDi, cannabinum, but now treated as belong- 
ing to several species, occurs from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast and 
was and still is widelj' used by the aborigines in the making of many 
kinds of cordage articles. It is commonly cited as an Indian basket 
material, and although it has not been possible to secure a verifiable 
record of its use in a basket, it is altogether probable that some of 
the strings and cords so frequently used in beginning a basket, or in 
making the carrjnng loops, are twisted from the inner bark of this 
plant. (See illustration in Chesnut's Plants used by the Indians of 
Mendocino County, California.'*) 

Artemisia ludoviciana. Wormwood. 

Hang-al (Coahuilla). 

In that portion of the Colorado Desert of California known as the 
Cabeson Valley the Coahuilla Indians make from the stems of this 
plant the large granary baskets in which they store seeds and other 
dried vegetable foods. (D. P. Barrows, 1900.) The plant was identi- 
fied by W. L. Jepson. 

Arundinaria tecta. Cane. 

The split outer portion of the stems of the cane was the favorite 
basket material of the Southern Indians, including the Choctaws, 
Chickasaws, Cherokees, Creeks, Seminoles, and other tribes fi'om 
Texas and Arkansas to the Carolinas, and it is still in use among the 
remnants of these peoples. The handsome baskets of the Chetimacha 
and Attakapa Indians of Louisiana are made from split cane. 

Berberis nervosa. Oregon Grape. 

Among the Hupa Indians of northern California a yellow dye is 
obtained by steeping the twigs and bark of one of the species of 
evergreen barberry, or Oregon grape. (Mary H. Manning, letter.) 
Leaves of squaw grass {Xerophylhim tenax) dyed with this are some- 
times used in the j^ellow patterns occasionally seen in the Hupa hat 
baskets. The same material and dye are used in the huckleberiy 
baskets of the Snohomish (C. M. Buchanan, letter) and Klikitat 
Indians of western Washington. The particular species used has been 
definitely identified in one instance as Berheris nervosa. Another 
species, B. aquifolium., is undoubtedly used also. 

a U. a. National Herbarium, VII, p. 379, fig. 75. 



202 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Betula populifolia.. Wliitc Birch. 

The soft wood of this tree is still emploj^ed in the northeastern 
United States and Canada by the descendants of the Algonkin and 
Iroquois in the making of baskets. (V. Havard, 1890.) These bas- 
kets are thoroughly modernized and doubtless give little idea of the 
aboriginal methods of using this material, 

Bromus sitcliensis. Bromegrass. 

The split stems are sometimes used by the Tlinkit Indians of the 
south Alaskan coast as an overlaying material for the white patterns 
of spruce-root baskets. (G. T. Emmons, notes.) 

Butneria occidentalis. Calycanthus. 

Sai ka-le' (Porno). 

Both the wood and the bark from young shoots of this shrub are 
used in basketry by the Indians of Mendocino County, California. 
(V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 

Calamag^ostis langsdorffii. Bluejoint. 

Chu'-kan shark ki-kark-tush^ (Thnkit). 

The split stem is sometimes used for overlaying material in the 
spruce-root baskets of the Tlinkit Indians of the south Alaskan coast. 
(G. T. Emmons, notes.) 

Car ex barbarae. Sedge. 

Ka-hum^ (Pomo). 

The long, tough, woody, interior portion of the rootstocks of this 
sedge is used to form the white sewing strands in the fine coiled bas- 
kets of the Pomo Indians of northern California. Among the neigh- 
boring Wailakis the roots of another unidentified species of Carex are 
used in the same way, and the leaves are made into hats and crude, 
somewhat flexible baskets. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 

Cartbamus tinctorius. False Saffron. 

A-sap-zranM (Moki, from the Spanish). 

This plant, introduced by the Spanish, produces a bright 3'ellow 
dye, used in basketry by the Moki Indians of northern Arizona. 
(W. Hough, notes; Cat. Nos. 11724 and 11726, U.S.N.M.) 

Ceanotbus integerrimus. California Lilac. 

Hi'-bi (Concow). 

The long, flexible shoots are used in basket making hj the Concows 
of northern California. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 203 

Cercis occidentalis. Redbud. 

CM-e (Yuki). 

The wood of the branches, with or without the bark, is used in bas- 
ketry by many California tribes, notably by the Round Valley Indians 
of northern California. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902). Among the Nishinam 
Indians of Bear Valley, Placer County, the willow foundations in cer- 
tain coiled baskets are sewed together with a thread of redbud wood, 
(Stephen Powers, 1877.) The dark red patterns in the baskets of the 
Pit River Indians and the Tulare Indians are formed from split 
branches with the bark left on. 

Ceropteris triangularis. Goldenback. 

This little fern, known usually as Gymnogra/mma triangularis, has a 
black stipe or stem which is sometimes used by the Round Valley 
Indians (V. K. Chesnut, 1902) and the Hupa Indians (Mary H. Man- 
ning, letter) of northern California as a substitute for maidenhair 
stems, when these are not available, in black basket patterns. 

Chrysothainnus laricinus. Rabbitbrush. 

Ma'-i-bi (Moki). 

The branches are sometimes used by the Moki Indians of northeastern 
Arizona for the weft of their finer wicker plaques. (W. Hough, notes.) 

Chrysothanmus moquianus. Eabbitbrush. 

Ha'-no shi^-va-pi (Moki). 

The twigs are used at Oraibi, Arizona, to form the weft in the 
wicker plaques of the Moki Indians. (W. Hough, notes.) The identi- 
fication of the plant (U. S. Nat. Herb. 274057) is by E. L. Greene, 
the species being one closely related to the widely distributed Chryso- 

tfiamnus [Bigelovia] graveolens. 

Ciuna latifolia. Wood Eeedgrass. 

Chu'-kan shark (Tlinkit). 

Among the grasses employed by the Tlinkit Indians of the south 
Alaskan coast for the white patterns in their spruce-root baskets this 
species is the commonest. The part used is the stem, from which 
sections are split to be applied as an overlay on the spruce-root strands. 
(G. T. Emmons, notes.) 

Cladium mariscus. Cladium. 

From the root, coiled baskets of excellent quality are made by 
tribes on the lower Sierra from Fresno River to Kern River, Califor- 
nia. (C. Hart Merriam, 1903.) Identified by Miss Alice Eastwood. 

Corylus californica. Hazelnut. 

01 mam (Yuki). 

The shoots of the hazelnut are used by many of the Indian tribes 
from northern California to Washington, west of the Cascade Moun- 



204 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

tains, in the making of baskets, especially as radials or uprights. 
(Mary H. Manning, letter.) The burden basket, baby basket, and 
salmon plate of the Hupas are made entirely of the shoots of hazelnut. 
(P. E. Goddard, notes.) (See Plate 4.) 

Covillea tridentata. Creosote Bush. 

A gum-lac found upon the branches of this desert bush has a wide 
application among the southwestern Indians as a cement and among 
the Cocopas of northern Lower California it is used for pitching 
baskets. (E. Palmer, notes.) The gum, which occurs in conspicuous 
nodules of a reddish amber color, is not a direct exudation from the 
plant, but is deposited by a minute scale insect, Carteria la/rreae. 

Dasylirion -wlieeleri. Sotol. 

The leaves, split into strands about a quarter of an inch wide and 
the coarse marginal teeth removed, are used among the Pima Indians 
of southern Arizona in coarse twilled baskets. (Cat. No. 218027, 
U.S.N.M.) 

Delphinium scaposum. Larkspur. 

So-ro'-si (Moki). 

The flowers are the source of a light-blue dye used by the Moki 
Indians of northern Arizona in their coiled and wicker plaques. (W. 
Hough, notes.) 

Deschampsia caespitosa. Tufted Hairgrass. 

Kut-kCik-kli'-te shark (Tlinkit) . 

This is one of the grasses the split stems of which are used among 
the Tlinkit Indians of the south Alaskan coast to form the white pat- 
terns on their spruce-root baskets. (Ct. T. Emmons, notes.) 

Dondia suflFrutescens. Sea Blite. 

The Coahuilla Indians of the Colorado desert in southern Califor- 
nia, blacken the stems of their basketry rush {Jimcus acxttus) by steep- 
ing them for several hours in a decoction of this plant. (E. Palmer, 
1878.) The identification of the species is by W. L. Jepson. 

Elymus mollis. Beach Rye. 

The split stems of this grass are sometimes used for the white pat- 
terns in the spruce-root baskets of the Tlinkit Indians on the south 
Alaskan coast. This material is employed only for coarse work, and 
when other grasses better adapted for the purpose are not available. 
(G. T. Emmons, notes.) 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 205 

Epicampes rigens. Epicampes. 

In the region of the Mohave and Colorado deserts of southeastern 
California the Panamint, Coahuilla (D. P. Barrows, 1900), and other 
tribes use this grass for the packing of their coiled baskets. The part 
used, at least in the better baskets, is that portion of the stem above 
the uppermost joint, which sometimes reaches a length of 45 centi- 
meters (18 inches). 

Equisetum. palustre. Horsetail. 

Dabts (Snohomish). 
Hin mtn-r (THnkit). 

The rootstocks of this plant, which sometimes reach a diameter of 
1.5 centimeters (f inch) and a length of 20 centimeters (8 inches) 
between the joints, were used in the early days, though rarely now, 
in the patterns on spruce-root Tlinkit baskets of the south Alaskan 
coast. Strips are split from the surface of the rootstock and used as 
an overlaying material. The color is a rich, ver}^ dark purple, which 
appears as a black. (G. T Emmons, notes.) A similar use was made 
of the plant, in their cedar-root baskets, by the Snohomish Indians, 
of Puget Sound, Washington. (C. M. Buchanan, notes.) 

Equisetum robustum. Scouring Rusli. 

The coal-black surface of the rootstock is. sometimes used by the 
Cowlitz Indians of southwestern Washington as a substitute foi- the 
rootstock of Eqxdsetwn palustre in the black overlay patterns on cedar- 
root baskets. 

Evernia vulpina. • Wolf Moss. 

Se'-ho-li (Tlinkit). 
Swa^-u-sam (Klamath). 

This yellow tree-lichen was widely used as a dye by the Indians of 
the timbered area of the western United States. The Klamath Indians 
of Oregon, as well as the Hupas of northern California (Mary H. 
Manning, letter), use this dye in their baskets, the coloring matter 
being extracted by boiling. In the case of the Hupas the dye is 
applied to Xerophyllum leaves, but the Klamaths use it only for the 
porcupine quills which form the beautiful canary j^ellow patterns of 
their twisted tule baskets. The Tlinkit Indians of the south Alaskan 
coast also use the dye in their spruce-root baskets, the lichen being 
secured by them not on the coast, but from the interior. (G. T. 
Emmons, notes.) (See Plate 5.) 

Fraxinus nigra. Black Ash. 

The remnants of the Six Nations in New York, Pennsylvania, and 
adjacent portions of Canada make extensive use of ash, presumably 
black ash, in their modern splint-basket industry. (T. Donaldson, 
1894.) 



206 EEPOKT OF ISTATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Heliantlms petiolaris. Siinflower. 

A-ka'-u-shi (Moki). 

The seeds are used by the Moki Indians of northern Arizona to make 
a blue dye for use in both coiled and wicker plaques. (W. Hough, 
notes.) The color produced in the coiled plaques, on sewing material 
of Yucca glauca, is of a dark, almost prussian-blue shade, when the 
sewing strands are applied with their broken inner surface outward, 
but of a much lighter shade when the epidermal surface is outward. 
(Cat. No. 128708, U.S.N.M.) 

Hicoria ovata. Hickory. 

The wood of some unidentified species of hickory, probably Hicoria 
ovata, is employed among the remnants of the Six Nations in New 
York, Pennsylvania, and adjacent portions of Canada in the manufac- 
ture of modern splint baskets. (T. Donaldson, 1894.) The inner bark 
of a hickory is used by the North Carolina Cherokees for yellow patr 
terns in their baskets. (Cat. No. 63077, U.S.N.M.) 

Hilaria jamesii. Galleta. 

Ta'-ka-shu (Moki). 

The stems of this grass, roughlj^ stripped of leaves and seeds, are 
used for the filling in of the coiled plaques of the Moki Indians of 
northern Arizona. (W. Hough, 1898.) In the first few turns of the 
spiral, which are too short to be made of the grass stems, the packing 
is of shredded leaves of Yucca glauca. . (Cat. No. 128467, U.S.N.M.) 

Juglans nigra. ' Black Walnut. 

The Cherokee Indians of North Carolina use the split inner bark to 
make black patterns in their baskets. (Cat. No. 63077, U.S.N.M.) 

Juncus acutus. Rush. 

The Coahuilla Indians of the Colorado Desert, southern California, 
use the stems to make patterns in their coiled basket bowls. The 
material, as gathered in a marsh at Palm Springs, is immersed for 
several days in the muddy water of the spring to render it flexible, 
and is then dyed a dark olivaceous or almost black color with the juice 
of a sea blite. (E. Palmer, notes.) (See Dondia saffi'uteacens.) 

Juncus balticus. Rush. 

Tsin-a'-u (Klamath). 
Kloh-tso'-sfi (Apache). 

The stems of this rush, which is commonlv known as wire grass, 
are often used by Indian children to make small baskets. The pi-ac- 
tice has been noted among the Klamaths of Oregon and the White 
Mountain Apaches of the Arizona plateau. 



ABORIGIlSrAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 207 

Juncus effusus. Rush. 

LaF-iim (Yuki). 

The stems of this rush, or wire grass, are used amond the Round 
Vallej^ Indians of Mendocino County, California, to naake temporary 
baskets, particularly in teachmg the Indian girls the art of basketry. 
(V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 

Juncus textilis. Basket Rush. 

The Luiseno Indians of southern California use the split stems of 
this rush as the sewing material of their coiled baskets. (C. Hart Mer- 
riam, notes.) The varying natural colors of the stem at different 
heights produce a very attractive effect. 

Lihocodrus decurrens. Post Cedar. 

Wu'-lu-ansh ( Klamath ) . 

The split wood of this tree is occasionally woven into rough V-shaped 
pack baskets by the Klamath Indians of Oregon. 

Lonicera interrupta. Honeysuckle. 

Hai-wat' (Yuki). 

The long flexible stems are used to a slight extent among the Round 
Valley Indians of California in the coiled "one-stick" baskets, in 
which the foundation consists of a single stem. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902, 
and notes.) 

Martynia louisiana. Devil Horns. 

Ta-g'at'-6 (Apache). 

This plant, which is often known in books as the unicorn plant, has a 
large green pod with a slender terminal projection. At maturity- the 
green outer layer becomes dry and falls off, the remaining interior 
portion of the projection splitting into two parts or horns which are 
exceedingly tough and black, and sometimes reach a length of 35 
centimeters (13 inches). Moistened and split they are used extensively 
to make black patterns in the baskets of various Indian tribes, notably 
the Apaches, in the desert region of Arizona, southern Nevada, and 
southeastern California. 

Panicularia nervata. Manna Grass. 

Among the Tlinkit Indians of the south Alaskan coast, strips split 
from the internodes of this grass are sometimes used as an overlay for 
the patterns in spruce-root baskets, either white or variously dyed. 
(G. T. Emmons, notes.) 

Parosela emoryi. Parosela. 

The Coahuilla Indians, of the Colorado Desert, in southeastern Cal- 
ifornia, give a yellowish-brown color to the rush {Juncus acutus) they 
use in basket making by steeping it in water with the branches of this 
plant. (E. Palmer, 1878.) 



208 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Philadelphus gordonianus. Syringa. 

Han^-li (Yuki). 

The pithy stems of this shrub, which is locally known as arrowAvood, 
are employed by the Indians of Mendocino County, California, in the 
manufacture of baskets for carrying babies, a use to which the stems, 
on account of their lightness, are well adapted. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 

Pliragmites phragmites. Eeed. 

Tkap (Klamath). 

The white patterns in the twisted-tule baskets of the Klamath and 
Modoc Indians of Oregon are made from this reed. The part used is 
the shining surface covering of the stem, taken from less thrifty 
plants, particularly those which have produced no flower cluster. 

Plate 6 is a twined gambling traj^ of the Klamath Indians living on 
the head waters of Klamath River' Oregon. The warp is of twined 
tule stems, the body of the weft is of the same material, the overla}^- 
ing in white is with split pieces from the stem of the reed. The black 
is twisted tule dyed in mud springs, the yellow borders of the trefoil 
are in porcupine quills dj^ed with wolf moss. 

Design unknown; the projections on the large ornaments are called 
arrowheads. Collection of Frederick V. Coville. 

Picea sitcliensis. Sitka Spruce. 

Sit (Tlinkit). 

The roots of this tree, boiled and split, are the basis material of the 
baskets manufactured by the Tlinkit Indians of Yakutat Bay,- Alaska. 
(F. Funston, 1896.) The same use prevails among the Tlinkits of the 
Alexander Archipelago, notably those of Sitka, Juneau, and Douglas. 
The Indians of Neah Bay, Washington, and doubtless other tribes 
also, use the split roots for their coarse burden baskets. (See Plate 7.) 

Pinus edulis. Arizona Nut Pine. 

0-bi' (Apache). 

The Apaches of the White Mountain district, Arizona, use the resin 
of this tree, often called piny on, as a pitching material for their water 
baskets. 

Pinus lambertiana. Sugar Pine. 

Slender strands split from the root of the sugar pine, woven about 
uprights of California hazel, are the foundation material of the acorn- 
soup baskets of the Hupa Indians, northern California. To make 
them split more easily the roots are steamed by burying them in sand 
and building a fire over them. (Mary H. Manning, letter.) 

Pinus monophylla. ' Nevada Nut IMne. 

The Panamint Indians of southeastern California use the pitch of 
this tree to make their water baskets impervious to water. 



I 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN" BA8KETEY. 209 

Pinus ponderosa. Yellow Pine. 

The split wood of the root is one of the materials used by the Hupa 
Indians of northwestern California for the principal part of the weft 
in closely -woven baskets. (P. E. Goddard, notes.) 

Pinus sabiniana. Digger Pine. 

Poy-kum ol (Yuki). 

The Little Lake Indians of Mendocino County, California, use the 
split roots to make their large V-shaped baskets for carrying acorns. 
The root is warmed in hot damp ashes^ and the strands are split off 
before cooling. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) A similar use extends north- 
ward among the Hupa and other California coast Indians as far as 
Klamath River. (V. Havard, 1890.) 

,» 
Populus tricliocarpa. ' Balm of Gilead. 

In northwestern California the Hupa Indians sometimes used the 
root to fasten the ribs of their baskets at the beginning and to form a 
round at the base of the sides of the basket. (P. E. Goddard, notes.) 

Pseudotsuga mucronata. Red Fir. 

According to the authority of J. W. Hudson, the Pomo Indians 
of Mendocino County, California, use the roots of this tree in the man- 
ufacture of some of their line baskets. 

Pteridium aquiUnum. Bracken. 

Bis (Oalpella). 

A form of the common bracken occurring in the western United 
States is occasionally employed as a basket material among the Indians 
of Mendocino County, California. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) The part 
used is the two flat strips of black hard-celled tissue in the rootstock. 
Quercus alba. White Oak. 

Splints from the wood of a white oak, presumably this species, are 
still used by the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina as the material 
for certain of their baskets. (Cat. No. 63073, U.S.N.M.) 

Quercus lobata. California "White Oak. 

The Concow Indians of Mendocino County, California, sometimes 
blacken their basket strands of redbud {Cercis occidentalii) on which 
the bark is still attached, by soaking them in water containing the bark 
of this oak and scraps of rusty iron. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 

Rhus diversiloba. Poison Oak. 

Kats'-te (Wailaki). 
Ma-tyu'-ya'''-ho (Pomo). 

The slender stems are occasionally used for horizontal withes in 
some of the baskets of the Mendocino County Indians of California 
NAT MUS 1902 14 



210 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

(V. K. Chesnut, 1902), while the juice, which turns black rapidly on 
exposure to air, is the source, according to J. W. Hudson, of a 
dye sometimes used to stain the purest black strands of the Pomo 
basketry. 

Rhus trilobata. Threeleaf Sumac. 

SiM-bi (Moki). 
Chll-chin (Navaho). 
Tseh^ kan^-i (Apache). 

Among the desert Indians the slender branches of this bush are 
used extensively, perhaps more extensively than any other plant 
except willow, in the manufacture of their baskets. For warp the 
peeled branches are used. For weft and for the sewing material of 
coiled baskets the branch is usually split into three strips and the bark 
and brittle tissue next the pith removed, leaving a flat tough strand. 
The use of the threeleaf sumac has been noted among the Apache, 
Panamint, Paiute, Navaho (W. Matthews, 1886), Moki (W. Hough, 
1898), and Coahuilla (D. P. Barrows, 1900). (See Plate 8.) 

Salix. Willow. 

Brancnes from various undetermined species of willow were widely 
used among the western Indians, probably more generally than any 
other plant, particularly in the various forms of coarser baskets. 
Among the tribes in which travelers have recorded the manufacture 
of willow baskets, in addition to those given below under the identified 
species of willow, are the Mission, Mohave, Coahuilla, Cocopa, Yuma, 
and Coconino Indians of Arizona and southern California; the Zuui 
of New Mexico; the Hupa, Yurok, Modoc, Chimariko, Gualala, Nishi- 
nam, and Yokut of northern and middle California, and the Tinn^ 
of the Yukon Valle}', Alaska. The split roots of willow are sometimes 
used for the weft in beginning the hat baskets of the Hupa Indians. 
(P. E. Goddard, notes.) 

Salix argopliylla. Willow. 

Bam ka-le' (Pomb). 

The Pomo Indians near Ukiah, California, consider this their best 
willow for the manufacture of coarse baskets. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 

Salix lasiandra. Willow. 

A willow, which is referable to Salix lasiandra in its broad sense, is 
used to some extent by the Panamint Indians of Inyo County, Cali- 
fornia, in their twined baskets, and by the Apaches of the White 
Mountain Reservation, Arizona. 

Sambucus mexicana. Elder. 

The Coahuilla Indians of San Diego County, California, give a deep 
black color to strands of the threeleaf sumac, used as a sewing mate- 



ABOKIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 211 

rial of their coiled baskets, by soaking them for about a week in an 
infusion of the berry stems of this elder. (D. P. Barrows, 1900.) 

Savastana odorata. Holygrass. 

The Indians of the northeastern United States and adjacent parts of 
Canada, such as the Penobscots of Maine (V. Havard, 1890) and the 
Abenakis of Ontario (Cat. No. 206394, U.S.N.M.), use the long, sweet- 
scented leaves of this grass in some of their baskets. 

Scirpus lacustris. Tule. 

Ma'-i (Klamath). 

The principal basket material of the Klamath and Modoc Indians of 
Oregon is the tule, a plant widely used by the tribes of the Pacific 
coast States in the manufacture of mats. Narrow strips from the 
surface of the stem are twisted into long threads and these used for 
their finer twined baskets, giving a great variety of green and brown 
shades or, when dyed, a black. For coarser baskets whole or split 
stems are commonly employed, without twisting. The very slender 
roots of the tule, which occur in great abundance on the stout root- 
stocks, are used, without any other preparation than drying, to make 
patterns of a maroon color in the twisted tule baskets. (See Plate 9.) 

Scirpus maritimus. Bulrush. 

Tsu-lsh^ (Porno). 

The Pomo Indians of California use for the brown and black patterns 
of their fine coiled baskets a fiber extracted from the rootstock of 
this bulrush. Structurally the fiber is the same as that described 
under Carex harharae. The identification is by Miss Alice Eastwood. 

Smilax californica. Greenbriar. 

The long and exceedingly strong stems, brought from the watershed 
of the Sacramento River, are sometimes employed by the Indians of 
Mendocino County, California, in their basketry. (V. K. Chesnut, 
1902.) 

Thelesperma gracile. Thelesperma. 

0-ha^-u-shi (Moki). 

A decoction of the whole plant was formerly used to give a red- 
brown color to the stems of rabbitbrush ( Chrysothamnus moquianus) 
for the patterns in the wicker plaques of the Moki Indians of northern 
Arizona. (W. Hough, 1898; Cat. No. 128708, U.S.N.M.) 

Thuja plicata. Giant Cedar. 

The split roots of this tree are the common sewing material for the 
strong, water tight huckleberry baskets of certain tribes of the North- 
west Coast from northern Oregon to British America, including the 



212 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Klikitat, Cowlitz, Puyallup, Tulalip, Snoqualmie, Skagit, and Fraser 
River Indians. The Indians of Neah Ba}^, Washington, and of Van- 
couver Island, British Columbia, use the split brown inner bark as the 
warp of their finely woven but artificially dyed flexible baskets. The 
Nisqualli Indians of Paget Sound, and doubtless many other tribes of 
the Northwest coast, employ the same material in coarser strands in 
making rough l^urden baskets, frequentl}' in conjunction with a warp 
of split branches from the same tree. (See Plate 10.) * 

Tsuga mertensiana. Black Hemlock. 

The Indians of Neah Baj', Washington, sometimes use split hemlock 
roots in their coarse openwork quadrangular V-shaped burden baskets. 
The tree was described by a Neah Bay Indian as having cones 2^ inches 
long, in which case the species would be the black hemlock instead of 
the Western hemlock {Tsuc/a heterojs^hylla), which is the commoner 
of the two at low elevations in that vicinity. 

Tumion californicum. California Nutmeg. 

K'o'-bi (Porno). 

The split roots of this tree are sometimes used by the Porno Indians 
of Mendocino County, California, in the manufacture of their finer 

baskets. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902.) 

Typha latifolia. Cattail. 

Po^-pas (Klamath). 

Twisted strands made of slender ribbons split from the sheathed 
portions of the leaves are used by the Klamath Indians of Oregon in 
their smaller flexible baskets, either to form the body of the basket or 
to make an ornamental band. The color is a lusterless, slightly ashy 
white. 

"Ulmus americana. Elm. 

The Sioux Indians of the northern plains region used the inner bark 
of the elm to make a coarse basket. (V. Havcrd, 1890.) 

Vacciniuni raembranaceura. Blueberry. 

Ka-na-ta^ (Tlinkit). 

The juice of some species of blueberry, probably Yaccinium viem- 
hxinaceum., is used as a purple dye in spruce-root baskets by the Tlinkit 
Indians of the south Alaskan coast. (G. T. Emmons, notes.) 

Vitis californica. Grape. 

Shi-W (Pomo). 

Among the Hupa Indians of northern California the root is some- 
times used to fasten the ribs of a basket at its beginning, and to make 
a round at the outer edge of the basket's bottom, while in fine hats 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 213 

grape root sometimes makes up the whole weft. (P. E. Goddard, notes.) 
Poi'tioiis of the woody stem are used hj the Pomes of Mendocino 
Count}', California, as a sewing strand for attaching the rims to their 
pack baskets. The grape strands completely cover the stout withe that 
forms the basis for the rim, making it more durable, and at the same 
time thickening it so as to give a good means of firmly grasping the 
basket. (V. K. Chesnut, 1902, and notes.) 

Woodwardia spinulosa. Giant Chain Fern. 

The Hupa Indians of northern California use a portion of this fern, 
either white or dyed orange brown with alder bark, in the patterns of 
their hat baskets. (Mary H. Manning, letter). The parts employed 
are two slender flat strands, very flexible and leathery when moist, 
which are extracted from the stalk of the frond. 

Xeropliylluni tenax. Xerophyllum. 

The long, tough, minutely serrated, grass-like, lustrous leaves of this 
plant, often called squawgrass, are very commonly used by the Indians 
of the Northwest Coast as an overlaying material to make the white 
patterns of their baskets. Occasionally it is dyed. The base of the 
leaf for an inch or more often has a natural faint pui'ple color which 
is used to good efi'ect. The use of the material extends from the Pit 
River, Shasta, and Hupa Indians, in northern California, northward 
through most of the tribes west of the Cascade Range to the Neah 
Bay and Vancouver Island Indians of the Straits of Fuca. These last 
two use Xerophyllum leaves, cut to a uniform width b}^ a gauged 
knife-edge, as the weft of their gaudily dyed flexible baskets. 

Yucca arborescens. Tree Yucca. 

The slender roots are sometimes used for red figui'es in baskets of 
the Panamint Indians of Inyo County, California. 

Yucca arkansana. Yucca. 

The leaves are used in the basketry of the Kaiowa Indians of Okla- 
homa. (J. Mooney, notes.) 

Yucca baccata. Banana Yucca. 

The Mescalero Apaches of southern New Mexico and adjacent parts 
of Texas, in the region between the Rio Grande and Pecos rivers, use 
the split leaves of this plant for the main portion of their baskets, and 
its roots for the red patterns (Cat. Nos. 204646 to 204653, U.S.N.M.). 
It is probable, I am informed by Mr. Vernon Bailey, that they use 
also in the same way the leaves and roots of Yucca onacrocarpa, an 
arborescent species growing at lower elevations in the same region. 



214 REPORT OF NATIOJTAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Yucca filamentosa. Silkgrasa. 

The leaves of this plant were formerlj^ in use among the Indians of 
North Carolina as a basket material. (J. Lawton, 1714.) 

Yucca glauca. Plains Yucca. 

Mo'-hu (Moki). 

This plant is used in the basketry of the Moki Indians {W. Hough, 
1902) of northern Arizona. Ln some of the coarser twilled baskets 
the warp and weft are made up of the narrow unsplit leaves thinned 
by the removal of a strip from the back. (Cat.' No. 213254, U.S.N.M.) 
In the coiled plaques the sewing material consists of narrow strips split 
from the leaves. The outer surface of the leaves gives various shades 
of green and greenish yellow or, in the case of the young leaves, 
white, or they are dj^^ed in several colors. The dj^ed strips are often 
applied with the inner, broken surface outward. This surface takes 
the dye more readily and gives a deeper shade. For the use of the 
shredded leaves as a packing material in the first few turns of the 
spiral, see liilaria jamesii. 

III. BASKET MAKING 

The sallow knows the basket maker's thumb.^EMERSON. 

Under the head of basket making are included all the activities 
involved in and fostered by construction, namely: 

1. Harvesting materials. — This embraces intimate acquaintance with 
the places where just the right substances abound, knowledge of the 
times when each element is ripe, methods of growing, harvesting, 
and conve3dng involved, as well as the tools and apparatus used in 
gathering. In their rough state much of the materials would be as 
unfit for the use as quarr}^ clay would be for the potter or crude ore 
for the metallurgist. 

2. Preparlrig materials. — Frequentl}^ the raw materials are stored 
away at the time of harvesting until required for manufacture. Nature 
makes the rules for gathering in her own good time. But this might 
be the busy season, whereas this art may go on in different seasons. 
When the time comes for their use special manipulations are neces- 
sary, such as peeling, splitting, making splints, 3'arning or twisting, 
twining, braiding, soaking, gauging, coloring. These should each be 
noted carefully and described for the several basket areas. 

3. Processes of manufacture. — The materials being read}', the maker 
seats herself in the midst and begins the technical operatii)ns that 
should be minutely watched, and photographed, if possible. Collec- 
tions should also be made of tools, apparatus, and patterns. 

Each of these will be examined with minute care, especially the 
third. If this art is to be imitated and become a stimulus in technical 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



215 



instruction it is of the utmost impoi'tance that the substances be cor- 
rectly known, that the manipulations of material be familiar, and, 
above all, that the course of each element in the warp and weft, the 
foundation, and sewing be understood. Care has been taken to draw 
correctly the figures used in illusti'ation. They are all in the basketry 
of the Indians, and, more than that, they are the beginnings of more 
refined processes and structures. 



HARVESTING MATERIALS 

Since the materials ixsed in basketry are derived from different parts 
of a great variety of plants, the gathering of them involves many 
industries. The harvesting of basket material is no exception to the 
rule that every human activity begins with a natural process slightly 
modified. The birds are in a sense the original basket makers, and it 
is known that some very expert Indian tribes take the grasses and the 
stems of plants as they find them. They know nothing of drying or 





Fig. 1. 

mud shoes, caliposnia. 

Klamath Indians. 

Cat. No. 24109, U.S.N.M. Collected by L. S. Dyar. 



manipulating. Improvement grows out of stud}^ into the nature of 
substances, until with some tribes the obtaining of raw materials 
involves quite as much sagacity, toil, and travel as the making of the 
basket. 

For procuring the roots, the apparatus of digging is necessary. 
To be sure, the hand was the first hoe and the strong arm draws the 
root from its hiding place, but our Indians had gotten beyond that. 
The northern Indians, especially those of the Columbia River in west- 
ern Canada, use quite elaborate forms of this device. It is wonderful 
to think of the sagacity developed in savage minds by the quest for 
underground substances and the proper discrimination of the places 



216 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

where the best examples abound. From the farthest north, in the 
neighborhood of Point Barrow to the southern portions of South 
America, roots form substantial materials in basket making-, both 
twined and coiled. It is not enough to sa}^ simply that roots of plants 
were the materials of the baskets, but it is well known that the savage 
women knew in each section what plant furnished the toughest and 
most pliable roots, the localities in which this kind of root reached 
its best, the plants that yielded brown, red, and black colored splints, 
which produced unrivaled effects, though the portion above ground 
gave no sign of the treasures held or the time of year when it was 
proper to obtain these substances, and the processes by which they 
could be extracted and saved most economicall}^ Incidentallj^ to this 
quest of material, of course, was that of carrying, so that here in the 
very beginning of our art a host of useful human activities are 
engendered. The Klamath invented a peculiar kind of mud shoe 
to wear when wading about in shallow marshes after roots for their 
basket work. (See tig. 1.) 

The stems of plants, of grass, rushes, and woody species are to be 
found in the basketr}^ of almost ever}^ portion of the Western Hemi- 
sphere. The young and tough shoots of a single year's growth are 
choice matei'ials for some piirposes, and were eagerly sought. In those 
regions where spinous plants yielded the materials, a sort of gathering 
knife was emploj^ed resembling a miniature sickle with a wooden handle. 
There is a time of year when they are in the best condition for the 
basket woman's craft. There are certain parts of the stems which are 
useful in this direction, while others are valueless. In wood}" species 
the outer layer next to the bark has the toughness of leather, while a 
little way inward the wood is almost as brittle as glass. Furthermore, 
the stems of plants vary greatly in color — different parts of the same 
stem are in different colors. 

Now, the student would be surprised to find in the East, in the West, 
in the North, and in the South that there is very little more for the 
savage woman to learn. Distinguished botanists will say that instead 
of trying to teach the Indians the use of new plants, the best way to 
search for new materials to introduce into modern textile arts can be 
learned from these savage artisans. The leaves of plants are used in 
basketry, especially in the South. In the extreme North, among the 
Eskimo and Athapascan tribes, no leaves are suitable for basketry. 
Among the Aleutian Islanders stems and leaves of grass come into 
play. Down the Pacific coast of the continent, in southeastern Alaska, 
British Columbia, and the coast States of the Union leaves, either in 
their natural color or dyed, are employed with great effect in many 
types of ornamentation, as will be seen further on. The range of use- 
fulness, either for texture or ornament, is well known to the basket 
maker. In Mexico and tropical America this division of the subject 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN" BASKETRY. 217 

has been developed most. Little mechanism is necessaiy in this part 
of the world. A sharpened stick for the root gatherer and a flint 
knife and mussel shell for the stem harvester complete the outfit. 
Nimble fingers aided with the teeth were the most useful apparatus. 

In her textile gleaning, the savage woman has not been slow to 
avail herself of the metal appliances introduced b)^ the whites. You 
will now see her afield with pick and knife of steel gathering the old- 
time substances. 

PREPARING MATERIALS 

As is well known, ever}' industry may be divided, either in savagery 
or in civilization, into four parts: First, that which is associated with 
taking the gifts of nature, called in this particular instance harvesting; 
second, the transformation of this material into proper form for special 
trades; third, the manufacture of useful and ornamental objects; and, 
finall}', the activities of consumption and enjoyment, by which the 
things may take their places as servants to supply the wants and 
desires of mankind. 

The preparation of materials for basketrj^ consists in splitting and 
separating the desirable from the undesii'able portions; in removing 
the bark; in taking the soft and spongy matter from the fibrous por- 
tion, like soaking and hackling in flax; in making ribbon-like splints 
of uniform width and thickness; in shredding, as in cedar bark; in 
twisting, twining, and braiding; in gauging, and coloring. 

The apparatus for this intermediate work must have been in abo- 
riginal times very simple, a stone knife and shell for scraping supple- 
menting the work of the fingers and the teeth. The qualit}- of the 
finished workmanship depends largely upon this secondar}^ process. 
In those regions of very uniform moisture the plants used were of 
quick growth and pliable, and it would be easy, even without metal 
tools, to secure fine splints and other elements in the manufacture; 
but in those localities where the raw substances were more brittle, 
fine work would be difficult and indeed was impossible until quite 
recently. It is a question, therefore, whether anciently some of the 
modern processes in basketry were known at all. Certainly there was 
no such delicate basketr}?- made in Canada by the untaught aborigines 
as can now be procured from their descendants; but in the old graves 
of California and the adjoining areas wonderful pieces of delicate 
workmanship are brought from ancient pre-Columbian tombs. 

It must not be forgotten that coloring matters were in ancient times 
among the prepared materials of basketry. Nature furnishes oppoi*- 
tunities for diversity of color in the substances themselves. The Indian 
also knew how to change or modify the natural color of difi'erent 
materials by burying them in mud. The juices of the plants and the 
mineral substances in the mud combined to produce darker shades of 



218 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

the ,same color or an entirely different one. But the savage woman 
had gone further, for they well knew that certain plants wei'e useful 
as dj'es. In point of fact, the best dyestuffs of each area had been 
exhaustively exploited. A list of these for each area would include a 
large number of useful plants. As in gathering materials the simplest 
processes involve slight artificiality, so in this intermediary art the 
most primitive basket makers modified little their raw materials. They 
did not store them away for the convenient season, and, save that they 
soaked them before using, practiced none of the refining processes 
necessary to the highest results. 

In each of the culture areas of America the methods of preparing 
materials were peculiar. 

Dr. Walter J. Hoffman '^ described in 1895 the aboriginal process of 
preparing material for wicker baskets among the Menomini Indians 
(Algonquin Family) on Lake Michigan. See figures 110 to 114 of this 
paper. 

A small log of wood, 3 or 4 inches in diameter and as long as it is 
possible to procure one without knots, furnishes the splints. (Hoff- 
man's fig. 37.) These logs are cut when the rings of annual growth 
are most easily ruptured. The log is beaten with a wooden mallet. 
The example shown in Hoffman's illustration (fig. 38) is of modern 
type, made with steel tools, but the ancient Indian, no doubt, had a 
much rougher but quite as efficient implement. The strips thus loos- 
ened are torn off one by one as long as the material is sufficiently flex- 
ible for basket making. The next process is the shaping of these 
splints for the desired work — splitting them, shaving them down thin 
and smooth, and finishing them for the hand of the weaver. 

The basket-maker's awl of bone, the old aboriginal implement, may 
be seen at work in many camps; but the knife with which the pre- 
Columbian woman cut her basket material has utterly disappeared 
from use. Now, among the Algonkin, the knife of steel vastly 
improved their art and it raises a question whether in the pristine 
condition of savager}^ some foi'ms of basketr}' were as good as they 
are at present. This query applies only to work done in hard wood. 

The knife now in use among the Indians for this and other wood- 
working purposes is an interesting survival from the remote past in 
Europe. It is now active in the farrier's shop for paring the frog of 
the horse's foot, prior to putting on the shoe; but two or three centu- 
ries ago, under name of man's knife,* it found its waj' through the 
entire English and French area of North America. 

A curved blade of steel is inserted or laid in a groove on the side of 

a Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Part I, figs. 37-41. 

6 The man's Knife among the North American Indians: A study in the Collections 
of the U. S. National Museum, by Otis Tufton Mason, Report of the U. S. National 
Museum, 1897, pp. 725-745, 17 figs. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICATST BASKETRY. 219 

the handle, made fast by wrapping with strong- twine. The groove is 
shouldered so as to take the pressure. The blade is detachable for 
the purpose of grinding it. It will be seen that if held in the right 
hand the operator cuts toward himself. This is the ancient method 
of whittling practiced by the peoples on the western shores of the 
Pacific Ocean, the Ainos, Japanese, etc. (Hoffman's fig. 39.) 

A bundle of splints is shown in fig. 40 of Hoffman's paper of dif- 
ferent widths ready for the hand of the basket maker, and in fig. 41 
(Hoffman) is a coarse-finished product showing the method of setting 
up the warp and applying the weft in wicker basketry of the Menomini. 

It is not known that the ancient Menomini used any dyes on their 
baskets whatever. In their modern ware they procure these substances 
through traders. 

The sweet grass {Savastana odorata)^ of which large quantities of 
baskets are manufactured, was dried in the shade to hold its color. 
Further, it was rolled into bunches and sewed with sinew, as the 
Eskimo do in making their coiled baskets. Very old specimens of 
such ware are preserved in collections. But in the ware now in the 
market twine and braid of this material are prepared beforehand in 
large quantities for the future use of the weaver and frequently by 
different hands. 

Farther south in the Eastern basket area the canes for twilled bas- 
ketry needed no knife for the splitting. A slight blow would crush the 
stalk, the spongy matter adhering to the inside was scraped away, and 
the splints were ready for the dyer or the weaver if they were not to 
be colored. 

The following information concerning natural sources of color for 
basketry and other objects among the Cherokee Indians comes from 
Miss Harriet C. Wilkie, of Raleigh, North Carolina. The petals of 
the iris rubbed on a slightly rough surface are said to yield a rich 
and lasting purple. The blossoms and tender green tops and leaves of 
the common sneeze weed {Uelenium autumnale) made into a tea yield 
a beautiful and fadeless 3^ellow. Long boiling dulls this to a yellowish 
olive. The common broom sedge {^Androjpogon scoparius), winter 
dried, jdelds another j^ellow, less pure and brilliant, also much affected 
by continued boiling. The color is known as burnt orange and works 
beautifully in basketry. 

In central Alaska the Athapascan tribes use both spruce and willow 
for their coiled basket jars and trinket material. Much care is bestowed 
in splitting the roots and stems, in order to procure uniform sewing 
material. In the U. S. National Museum the specimens all show care 
in this regard. The Alaskan Eskimo on Bering Sea also manufacture 
coiled basketry as well as twined, but it is from dried grass and shows 
very little care in the preparation. Crossing over to the Aleutian 
chain, the care bestowed on materials is different. 



220 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902, 

When Attu weavers wanted the grass to he white it was cut in 
Noveinber, the whole stalk (wild rye), and hung points down out of 
doors to dr3^ If grass was to be yellow, the common color, it is cut 
in the middle of July, and the two youngest blades that are full grown 
are then cut out and split into three pieces, the middle one being 
thrown away. The other pieces are then tied into bunches about 2 
inches in diameter and hung up to dry out of doors (points down). If 
the grass is to be cured green it is prepared as when it is wanted to 
be yellow, but the first two weeks of the cui'ing is carried on in the 
shade of the dense growth of grass and weeds that is found in the 
villages. After that it is taken out and dried in the house. Under no 
circumstances is the sun allowed to shine on any of the grass in the 
process of curing, which takes about a luonth or more. 

Beautiful coiled basketry is made by the Chilcotin, Harrison Lake, 
Lower Thompson Indians in British Columbia, Salish on the coast, 
as well as Klikitat and Tulalip in Washington. Only women and girls 
occupy themselves with this work. The baskets are made from the 
small, trailing roots of the cedar [Thuja iMcata). These are dug up 
with an ordinary root digger, and pieces of the desired length and of 
about the thickness of a finger are cut ofi'. These are buried in the 
ground to keep them fresh. When required they are taken out and 
peeled or scraped with a sharp stone or knife. They are then hung 
up until dry enough for use. Next they are split into long strips by 
inserting and pressing forward the point of the awl used in basket 
making, made from the long bone of a deer. The pieces which have 
the desired width and thickness throughout their entire length are 
used for stitching purposes, while others which split irregularlj^, or 
are too short or too thin to be used for that purpose, are put together 
in bundles to form the foundation of the coils. In the sewing these 
foundations are kept continuous and of uniform thickness by adding 
fresh pieces as required. (See Plate 11.) 

In other basketry, thin, pliable strips of cedar sap or other wood in 
pairs, having both smooth sides out, are used for foundation instead 
of the bunches of split roots. These are stitched in the same manner, 
but are neither as strong nor as durable nor are they water-tight. '^ 

The Upper Fraser and the Lytton bauds sometimes use Elymus 
triticoides instead of Xerophyllum. The bark used is that of Prunus 
demissa, which is either left its natural light reddish-brown color or 
is dyed by burying it in damp earth. B}^ thus keeping it under 
ground for a short time it assumes a dark- brown color; if kept longer 
it becomes quite black. (Teit.) 

The Makah Indians make a red color by mixing vermilion with 
chewed salmon eggs; black color is a combination of bituminous coal 

« James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Memoirs of the Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History, II, Pt. 4, 1900, pp. 163-392. 



ABOKIGmAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 221 

jthe same carrier; cedar bark is colored black by soaking in mud, 
ISv. 'red by means of alder bark chewed. (Swan.) 

The Twana Indians, on Skokomish Reservation, Washington, now 
use a steel-bladed knife and an awl of the same material in basket 
making. Formerly they emploj'ed a pointed stick or bone for their 
imbricated ware and for pressing home the weft of twined basketry; 
but in large measure their fingers are their tools. (Myron Eells.) 
The same remark applies to basket makers in all the culture ai-eas. 
Fingers and teeth are still in vogue and can not be dispensed with. 
The metal awl, however, quite displaces that of bone, and it is not 
surprising to find scissors of the best make added to the steel-bladed 
knife, especially for clipping ofl' the projecting ends of materials. 

Hazel stalks are gathered by Oregon tribes in best form on ground 
that has been burned over, the young ones springing up straight and 
strong from the rich soil. The peeled stems are the warp, those split 
by means of the teeth are the weft, and a dye is made from the bark 
chewed by the basket maker. (Mrs. Harriet K. McArthur.) The fine 
white grass, like ivory in smoothness and tint, is obtained at great 
elevations, their excursions leading them to the summer snow line of 
Mount Shasta. 

PROCESSES OF MANUFACTURE 

As you gaze on the Indian basket maker at work, herself frequently 
unkempt, her garments the coarsest, her house and surroundings sug- 
gestive of anything but beiauty, you are amazed. You look about 
you, as in a cabinet shop or atelier, for models, drawings, patterns, 
pretty bits of color effect. There are none. Her patterns are in her 
soul, in her memory and imagination, in the mountains, water courses, 
lakes, and forests, and in those tribal tales and myths which dominate 
the actions of every hour. She hears suggestions from another world. 
Her tools are more disappointing still, for of these there are few — a 
rude knife, a pointed bone, that is all. Her modeling block is herself. 
Her plastic body is the repository of forms. Over her knee she molds 
depressions in her ware, and her lap is equal to all emergencies for 
convex effects. She herself is the Vishnu of her art, the creator of 
forms. 

The Tlinkit in weaving, says Emmons, sits with the knees drawn up 
to the chin, the feet close to the bod})^, the shoulders bent over, the 
arms around the knees, the hands in front. Sometimes one knee is 
dropped a little to the side, and, in the case of old women, they often 
recline on one hip, with the legs drawn up, the elbows resting on a 
pillow or blanket doubled up. 

In all types of weave the working strands are constantly dampened 
by dipping the fingers into a basket or cup of water close at hand, or, 
in the case of embroidery, by drawing the section of grass stem 



222 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

through the lips. The material is kept in a plaque-like work bajskei. 
called tarlth ("spread out," from its flat bottom aiid low, flaring 
sides). Besides the shell or metal knife there is generally a rude awl, 
consisting of a spike of goat or deer horn, a bear's claw, or a piece of 
bone rubbed down to a tapering point, and a large incisor of the brown 
bear or the tooth of the killer whale. These constitute all of the tools 
and accessories used in basketry. (Emmons.) 

Plate 12 represents a Pomo Indian basketmaker. In front of her 
is an unfinished water-tight basket jar in plain twined weaving. The 
warp elements are willow rods dressed down to uniform thickness; 
the weft is of carex root and cercis stems split, the patterns being 
made in the latter. Photographed by H. W. Henshaw. 

Plate 13 represents a Tlinkit woman of Sitka, Alaska, making a 
twined basket. All the native surroundings are absent — the environ- 
ment, as men are wont to say — but the artist's mind and skillful 
fingers remain. She has four elements to handle simultaneously — 
warp, two wefts, and decorative material. The mouth, therefore, is 
brought into requisition, as may be seen. The operation consists in 
twining with finely divided spruce root and wrapping each outside 
splint with colored straw. The work resembles embroidery when 
finished and is, in this work, called false embroidery. 

There seems to be always an affectionate fellow feeling between the 
skillful hand of the artisan and the materials which it fashions. The 
more tractable the latter, the more deft the former. That is not 
always true in culture. The best endowment does not always yield 
the best results. But the statement holds good in our art with few 
exceptions. Where the finest grasses grow, and the toughest roots 
and stems, they set up a school of mutual refinement between the 
woman and her work. It needs onlj^ a few miles eastward or iiorth- 
ward to change the garden into a desert and correspondingly to degen- 
erate the artist. It would be unjust to her ingenious mind to over- 
look the fact that she has not been utterly cast down by the failure of' 
one kind of material. She is not long in finding out new substances 
and new technic processes for each environment. 

WOVEN BASKETRY 

The various processes of manufacture will now be definitely 
explained. In technic, as already said (p. 190), basketry is either hand- 
woven or sewed. The hand-woven basketry is further divisible into 
(A) Oheckenoorl'^ (B) Twllledtoorl; (C) Wicl'envorlc, (D) Wrappedworh, 
and (E) Twinedroorh^ in several varieties. The sewed work goes by 
the name of coiled basketry, and is classed both b}^ the foundation and 
the fastening. In addition to these technical methods on the body, 
special ones are to be found in the border. 



ABOBIGIKAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



223 




Fig. 2. 



COARSB CHECKEKWORK. 



A. ChecJcerworh. — This occurs especially in the bottoms of many 
North Pacific coast examples, and also in the work of eastern Canadian 
tribes (fig. 2); in matting its use is well nigh universal. 

In this ware the warp and the weft have the same thickness and 
pliability. It is impossible, therefore, in looking at the bottoms of 
the cedar-bark baskets and the matting of British Columbia (fig. 3) or 
Eastern Canada to tell which is warp 
and which is weft. In very many exam- 
ples the warp and weft of a checker 
bottom are turned up at right angles to 
form the warp of the sides, which ma}^ 
be wicker or twined work. A great 
deal of bark matting is made in this 
same checkerwork, but the patterns run 
obliquely to the axis of the fabric, giv- 
ing the appearance of diagonal weaving. 
The fine hats of Ecuador are especially 
noticeable in this deceptive appearance, 
which is caused by the weaver's begin- 
ning the work at the center. Perhaps, 
though there is no positive information on this subject, the North 
Pacific coast women proceed in the same manner to give a tiled effect 
to the surface of their matting. When warp and weft are fine yarn 

or threads the result is the 
simplest form of cloth in 
cotton, linen, pina fiber, 
or wool. The cheap fab- 
rics of commerce are of 
this species of weaving. 
In art and industry lattice- 
work frequentljr shows 
the bars intertwined as in 
checker basketr}^ (fig. 4). 
From this results a most 
stable figure, the elasticity 
of the material and the 
friction of the surfaces 
holding the fabric to- 
gether. (See figs. 4, 5, 6.) 
The pleasing effects 
that may be produced in 
checker are shown in Plate 14. At the bottom is coarse work. At 
the end of seven rows the warp strips of bark are held firmly in place 
b}^ a row of twined weaving and then split into four, each sixth one 




Fig. 3. 



PINE CHECKERWORK. 



224 



EEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



being- left whole for artificial effects. At proper intervals broader 
strips of weft are introduced. In the chapter on ornamentation atten- 
tion will be called to the variet}^ in this mass of unity by the individual 
characteristics of each square in the weaving. 

B. Twilledwork. — -This is seen espe- 
cially in those parts of the world where 
cane abounds. In America it is quite 
common in British Columbia, Washing-ton, 
Southern United States, Mexico, and Cen- 
tral Amei-ica, and of excellent workman- 
ship in Peru, Guiana, and Ecuador. The 
fundamental technic of diagonal basketry 
is in passing each element of the weft 
over two or more warp elements, thus 
producing- either diagonal or twilled, or, 
in the best samples, an endless variety of 
diaper patterns. (See figs. 5 and 6.) 
The example shown in Plate 15 represents a cigar case made b}^ the 
women of Bolivia, who weave the celebrated Panama hats, the texture 
being- fine twilled work. The ornamentation should be studied care- 
fully, for it consists of twined weaving, in which both warp and weft 
strands are brought together in pairs and one twined about the other. 




Fig. 4. 
open checkerwoek. 





Fig. 5. 
twilled work. 



Fig. 6. 
twilled work. 



There is no attempt at anything but plain over-two weaving elsewhere 
in this specimen. To the student of technology it is charming to 
read in this connection from Ure's Dictionary'* the labored description 
of twilled loom work with its hundreds of parts in the climax of a series 
of inventions initiated with savage women's figures. 
Twill, or tweel. A diagonal appearance given to a fabric by causing 



« Article Weaving, fourth edition, London, 1853. 



ABOETGINAL AMEEICAK BASKETEY. 



225 



the weft threads to pass over one warp thread, and then under two, 
and so on, instead of taking the warp threads in regular succession, 
one down, one up. The next Aveft thread takes a set oblique to the 
former, throwing up one of the two deposed by the preceding. In 
some twills it is one in three, or one in four. The Latin trilix, a cer- 
tain pattern in weaving, became drilUch in German, and hence our 
word drill. Twill is derived from zwillich., which answers to the 
Latin Mlix., and the Greek dimitos. The latter siirvives in dimity. 
See also samite., derived from Greek liexa'initon., six thread. 




Fig. 7. 
ancient twilled work. 

Pressed on pottery of Alabama. Alter W. M. Holmes. 



The French touaille has also been suggested as the etymological 
source of the word. 

The fabrics thus woven are very numerous — satin, blanket, merino, 
bombazine, kerseymere, etc. When the threads cross each alternately 
in regular order it is called jjlain wearing; but in ttvill the same 




Fig. 8. 

ancient twilled worxc. 

Presseii on potteiy of Tennessee. After W. H. Holmes. 



thread of weft is Jlmhed, or separated from the warp while passing 
over a number of warp threads, and then passes under a warp thread. 
(See Plate 16.) 
The points where the threads of the warp cross form diagonal lines, 

NAT MUS 1902 16 



226 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

parallel to each other, across the face of the cloth. In hlanket twill 
every third thread is crossed. In some fabrics 4, 5, 6, 7, or 8 threads 
are crossed. In full satin twill there is an interval of 15 threads, the 
warp iprgamine s^7^) being floated over 15 threads of the woof (tram), 
giving the glossy appearance. 

Twills require heddles equal in number to the threads that are 
included in the intervals between the intersections. This disposition 
of the warps in the heddles is termed moxjmting the loom, and the 



Fig. 9. 

twilled weaving. 
Cherokee Indians, North Carolina. 

heddles are termed lecmes. A twill takes its name from the number 
of leaves employed, as a three-leaf twill, a five-leaf twill, etc. 

Twills are used for the display of color, for strength, variety, thick- 
ness, or durabilit3\ 

On a fragment of ancient pottery fi'om Alabama, Holmes also 
discovered marks of basketry in twilled weaving, as shown in 

fig- 7. 

It will be noticed that material of cat-tail or split cane was used. 
The effect shown in the figure was produced by passing each weft 
strand over three warp strands and under one on the side exhibited. 
On the other side of the texture, no doubt, the process was reversed, 



ABOEIGIKAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 227 

the warp strands passing over three and under one. In such work 
there was opportunity to use double warp and weft, the strips of cane 
laid together so as to expose two bright surfaces. 

In order to vary the texture of twilled work, the ancient inhabitants 
of the Mississippi Valley knew how to use for warp and weft sub- 
stances of different widths. On a fragment of ancient potterj^ from 
Pope County, Tennessee, Holmes found impressions of ancient basketry. 
Fig. 8 shows how these ancient weavers utilized wide fiber of bast or 
split cane for the wai"p, and string for the weft, passing in their work 
over two each time. For the uses of woven fabrics on making pottery 




Fig. 10. 

wicker basket. 

Zuni, New Mexico. 

Cat. No. 40201, U.S.N.M. Collected hy J. W. Powell. 



and the interesting way in which the history of lost arts have been 
preserved, see Part VII. 

Excellent variety was also produced in this kind of weaving by 
means of color. Almost any textile plant when split has two colors, 
that of the outer, or bark surface, and that of the interior woody 
surface or pith. Also the different plants used in diagonal basketry 
have great variety of color. By the skillful manipulation, of the two 
sides of a splint, by using plants of different species, or with dyed 
elements, geometric patterns, frets, labyrinths, and other designs in 
straight line are possible. (See fig. 9.) 



228 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Examples from the saltpeter caves, and modern pieces from the 
Cherokee, both in matting and basketry, are double. By this means 
both the inside and the outside of the texture expose the glossy 
siliceous surface of the cane. By changing the number of warp splints 
or a stem over which the weft passes, it will be seen in the figure here 
given that great variety of diaper or damask effect may be produced. 
C. Wickerwork. — The name is from the Anglo-Saxon wican^ to bend. 
Common in eastern Canada, it is little known on the Pacific coast and 
in the Interior Basin, excepting in one or two pueblos, but is seen 
abundantly in southern Mexico and Central America. It consists of 
a wide or a thick and inflexible warp and a slender flexible weft (fig. 
10). The weaving is plain and differs from checkerwork only in the 
fact that one of the elements is rigid. The effect on the surface is a 
series of ridges. It is possible also to produce diagonal effects in this 
type of weaving. 

Wickerwork must have been a very earlj^ and primitive form of 
textile. Weirs for stopping fish are made of brush, and wattled 

fences for game drivers are set up 
in the same manner. A great deal 
of the coarse basketry in use for 
packing and transporting is made in 
this fashion. The Zuni Indians 
make gathering baskets of little 
twigs after the same technic, the 
inflexible warp being made up of a 
small number of twigs of the same 
plant, laid side by side. The transi- 
tion from checker to wicker in some 
examples is easy. The moment one 
element, either warp or weft, is a 
little more rigid than the other, the 
intersections would naturally assume 
a wicker form. 

The finest specimens in America are the very pretty Hopi plaques 
made of Chrysothamnus moquianus and C. laricinus. Short stems are 
dyed in various colors for weft, the ends worked into the warp and 
the whole driven tightly home, so as to hide the ends of the warp and 
even the manner of weaving. (See fig. 11.) 

Various patterns are effected on the surface — geometric figures, 
clouds, mythical animals and persons, and symbols connected with 
worship. Wickerwork has pleasing effects combined with diagonal 
and other work. Fig. 12 is a square Hopi plaque, having twilled 
weaving in the middle and a band of wicker outside of this, the whole 
finished with rough, coiled sewing on the border. 

It has passed into modern industry through the cultivation of osiers, 
rattan, and such plants for market baskets, covers for glass bottles, 




Pig. 11. 

close wickeewoek. 

Hopi Indians, Arizona. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 



229 



and in ribbed cloth, wherein a flexible weft is worked on a ri^id warp. 
Also, good examples are now produced by the Algonkin tribes of 
New England and eastern Canada. 

For commercial purposes, wicker baskets precisely like those of the 
Abenaki Indians are thus made. 

The white-oak timber is brought to the yard in sticks running from 
6 to 40 inches in diameter and from 4 to 18 feet long. It is first sawed 
into convenient lengths, then split with a maul and wedges into fourths 
or sixteenths. The bark is then stripped off with a drawing knife. 
The next process is cutting it into bolts at what is called the splitting 
horse, to be shaved down with a drawing knife into perfectly smooth, 
even bolts of the width and length desired. These are then placed in 



^;jgSJCaOjfcj4^^„(^^_SJ. ^,i ^ 




PIG. 12. 
TWILLED AND WICKER MAT. 

Hopi Indians, Arizona. 
After W. H. Holmes. 



the steam box and steamed for a half hour or so, which makes the 
splints more pliable. They are taken thence to the splint knife, which 
is arranged so that one person, by changing the position of the knife, 
can make splints of any desired thickness, from that of paper to that 
of a three-fourths-inch hoop. 

The oyster baskets and most small baskets have the bottom splints 
laid one across another and are plainly woven in checker. 

But the round- bottomed baskets, used for grain and truck, are made 
by taking from 10 to 18 ribs and laying them across each other at the 
middle, in radiating form, and weaving around with a narrow thin 
splint until the desired size for the bottom is reached, when the splints 
are turned up and set in other baskets, about a dozen in a series, for 
twenty-four hours. 



230 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



They are then woven around with a fine splint and placed on a 
revolving drum or form and filled up the required hight and set in the 
sun to dry for six hours. They are then shaken hard by striking the 
bottom on the floor, which causes the splints to settle tight together 
and prepared for the rim. They next proceed to fasten the handles to 
the sides and put the rims or hoops on by fitting them into the notches 
made in the handles and binding them tightly with fine splints. The 
different styles are made by using different-shaped drums and vari- 
ously colored splints, the lat- 
ter being done by dipping 
the splints before weaving 
into dyes. 

The most curiously made 
baskets are those for the char- 
coal and eelpots. 

The charcoal baskets are 
shaped like a tray and are car- 
ried on the head by the coal 
carriers. 

The eelpots are used as traps 
for catching eels. The wood 
is prepared for them in the 
same manner, and they are 
made on a form about 40 inches 
long and in the shape of a bot- 
tle minus the bottom, and have 
a funnel arrangement at either 
end, which is detachable. 

D. Wrappeckvork. — Wrap- 
ped basketry consists of flex- 
ible or rigid warp and flexible 
weft. Examples of this tech- 
nic are to be seen in America at the present time among the Indians 
of southern Arizona for their carrying frames. (See fig. 13.) 

The warp extends from the rigid hoop, which forms the top, to the 
bottom where the elements are made fast. Firmness is given to the 
structure by means of two bowed rods crossing at right angles at the 
bottom and securely lashed at the top. The weft, usually of twine, is 
attached to one of the corner or frame pieces at the bottom and is 
wrapped once around each warp element. This process continues in a 
coil until the top of the basket is reached. In some of its features 
this method resembles coiled work, but as a regular warp is employed 
and no needle is used in the coiling, it belongs more to the woven 
series. Hudson mentions the same among the Pomos for holding roof 




Fig. 13. 

wkapped weaving. 

Mohave Indians, Arizona. 

Cat. No. 24145, U.S.N.M. Collefted by Edward Palmer. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 



231 



poles in place. The wrapping- is very close where the rafters come to 
a point. As they widen the weft comes to be farther apart, being 
quite open on the outer margin. This method of weaving was 
employed by the mound builders of the Mississippi Valley. Markings 
of wrapped weaving pressed on ancient pottery taken from a mound in 
Ohio are to be seen in the Third Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
(See fig. U.) 

This style of weaving had not a wide distribution in America and is 
used at the present day in a restricted region. When the warp and 
the weft are of the same twine or material and the decussations are 
drawn tight, the joint resembles the first half of a square knot. The 
Mincopies of the Andaman Islands construct a carrying basket in the 
same technic. Specimens of their work were collected and presented 
to the U. S. National Museum by 
Dr. W. L. Abbott. « These baskets 
resemble most closely the Mohave 
specimens, only they are smaller and 
more attractive. The Mincopies and 
their neighbors far and near have the 
incomparable rattan for warp and 
weft, which combines the strength 
and flexibility of copper wire. The 
distribution of this wrapped weav- 
ing has not been studied. Plate 17 
is a carrying basket in wrapped 
weaving from the Mohave Indians, photographed fi'om the original 
now in the Field Columbian Museum, Chicago. 

E. Twinedworh. — This is found in ancient mounds of the Missis- 
sippi Valley, in bagging of the Rocky Mountains, down the Pacific 
coast from the island of Attu, the most westerly of the Aleutian 
chain, to the borders of Chile, and here and there in the Atlantic 
slope of South America. Indeed, it is found among savages through- 
out the world. It is the most elegant and intricate of all in the woven 
or plicated sei'ies. Twined work has a set of warp rods or rigid 
elements as in wickerwork, but the weft elements are commonly 
administered in pairs, though in three-strand twining and in braid 
twining three weft elements are employed. In passing from warp to 
warp these elements are twisted in half -turns on each other so as to 
form a two-strand or three-strand twine or braid and usually so deftly 
as to keep the smooth, glossy side of the weft outward. 

The position of the weaver at her task on twined work, in Plate 18, 
shows the transition between the humble posture of the primitive 
basket maker and her successor later on seated at a loom. The name 




Fig. 14. 

wrapped weaving, from mound in ohio. 
After W. H. Holmes. 



« Smithsonian Report, 1901, pp. 475-492, pl.ii. 



232 EEPOET OF NATIOISTAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

of the weaver in the lower figure is Elizabeth Propokoffono. Her 
home is on the island of Atka, far out in the Aleutian chain. The 
Tlinkit weaver sits on the ground in the old-fashioned way, because 
her warp is rigid and self-supporting; Elizabeth, however, is working 
in soft grass, both for warp and weft. For this reason the former is 
suspended, and she is working from below upward. The Haida Indians 
on Queen Charlotte Archipelago south of her, as will be seen later on, 
weave in the same manner, the warp resting on a disk fastened to the 
top of a stake. Enough of modern technical appliances are mingled 
with this thoroughly aboriginal process to mark a sharp contrast 
between the woman's fingers and her beautiful basket on the one hand, 

and her loom-woven clothing, her flat- 
iron, and the iron hinges on her door 
on the other hand. 

The upper figure is from the Attu 
Island, also weaving a grass wallet in 
twined work in front of her under- 
ground home or barabara. It is most 
interesting to observe that her work is 
supported from a stick in the top of the 
house, and is mounted precisely as one 
shown in Plate 1, of Holmes's Prehis- 
toric Textile Art, taken from Hariot," 
and illustrating industries of the eastern 

PLAIN TWINED WEAVING. _ *= _ 

Indians at the period of discovery. 
According to the relation of the weft elements to one another and 
to the warp, difl^erent structures in twined weaving result as follows: 

1. Plain twined weaving over single warps. 

2. Diagonal twined weaving or twill over two or more warps. 

3. Wrapped twined weaving, or bird-cage twine, in which one weft element 
remains rigid and the other is wrapped about the crossings. 

4. Lattice-twined weaving, tee or Hudson stitch, twined work around vertical 
warps crossed by horizontal warp element. 

5. Three-strand twined weaving and braiding in several styles. 

1. Plain twined weaving. — ^Plain twined weaving is a refined sort of 
wattling or crating. The ancient engineers, who built obstructions in 
streams to aid in catching or impounding fish, drove a row of sticks 
into the bottom of the stream, a few inches apai't. Vines and brush 
were woven upon these upright sticks which served for a warp. In 
passing each stake the two vines or pieces of brush made a half turn 
on each other. This is a very primitive mode of weaving. Plain 
twined basketry is made on exactly the same plan. There is a set of 
warp elements which may be reeds, or splints, or string, arranged 
radially on the bottom and parallel on the body. The weft consists 

"Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, Plate 1. 




ABORIGINAL AMERIOAK BASKETET. 



233 



of two strips of root or other flexible material, and these are twisted 
as in forming a two-strand rope passing over a warp stem at each 
half turn. (See fig. 16.) Many wastebaskets are woven on this plan. 

Plate 19 shows two bowls in plain twined weaving, called Bamtush 
by the Pomos, which are excellent examples of the possibilities and 
limitations of this style. They are in the collection of C. P. Wilcomb, 
of San Francisco. The upper figure, 10 inches in diameter, is from 
Cloverdale, Russian River, Sonoma County; the lower from Potter 
Valle}', in Mendocino County. The warp is of willow rods, the weft 
of carex root and splints 
of cercis. A small space 
at the bottom is in three- 
ply braid and the nar- 
row l)and near the top, 
with wide twists, is plain 
twined work over more 
than one warp stem. (See 
Plates 31, U, 71, 72.) 

In this connection must 
not be overlooked a va- 
riety of twined weaving 
in whicli the warp plaj's 
an important part. It is 
a transition between the 
plain twine and the next 
type, the halves of the 
double warp standing for 
the independent warp 
stems of the diagonal 
weave. If the weft be 
administered in open 
work with the rows from 
a fourth to a half an inch 
apart and the warp ele- 
ments be flexible under 
the strain of weaving, they will assume a zigzag shape. 

Pleasing A^arieties of this type of twined weaving will be found in 
the Aleutian Islands. (See fig. 16.) It resembles hemstitching. The 
Aleuts frequently use for their warp stems of wild rye or other grasses, 
in which the straws are split, or a pair used, and the two halves pass 
upward in zigzag form. Each half of a warp is caught alternately 
with the other half of the same straw and with a half of the adjoining 
straw, making a series of triangular instead of rectangular spaces. 
(See fig. 17.) 

A still further variation is given to plain twined ware by crossing 




Fig. IC. 

OPENWORK TWINED WALLET. 

Aleutian Islands. 
Cat. No. 14978, U.S.N.M. Collected by W. H. Dall. 



234 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



the warps. In bamboo basketiy of eastern Asia these crossed warps 
are also interlaced or held together by a horizontal strip of bamboo 
passing in and out in ordinary weaving. In such examples the inter- 
stices are triangular, but in the twined example here described the 
weaving passes across between the points where the warps intersect 




Fig. 17. 

twined openwork. 

Aleutian Islands. 

Enlarged. 



Fig. 18. 
crossed warp, twined weave. 
. Makah Indians, Washington. 



each other, leaving hexagonal interstices. (See fig. 18 and Plate 166.) 
This combination of plain twined weft and crossed warp has not a wide 
distribution in America, but examples are to be seen in southeastern 
Alaska and among I'elics found in Peruvian graves. 

2. Diagonal tioined weaving. — In diagonal twined weaving the twist- 
ing of the weft filaments is precisely the 
same as in plain twined weaving. The dijSfer- 
ence of the texture is caused bj^ the manner 
in which the weft crosses the warps. This 
style abounds among the Ute Indians and 
the Apache, who dip the bottles made in 
this fashion into pitch and thus produce a 
water-tight vessel, the open meshes receiv- 
ing the pitch more freely. The technic of 
the diagonal weaving consists in passing 
over two or more warp elements at each 
turn, just as in weaving with a single ele- 
ment. But the warp of the diagonal twined 
weaving never passes over or under more than one weft as it does in 
twilled weaving. There must be an odd number of warps, for in the 
next round the same pairs are not included in the half turns. The 
ridges on the outside, therefore, are not vertical as in plain weaving, 
but pass diagonally over the surfaccj hence the name. (See Plate 20, 
and figs. 19 and 20.) 




Fig. 19. 

diagonal twined weaving. 

Ute Indians, Utah. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



235 




Fig. 20. 

diagonal twined basketry. 

Pomo Indians, California. 

Collection of C. P. Wilcomb. 



Plate 20 will make clear the diffei-ence between plain twined weav- 
ing and diagonal twined or twilled work. The figures are of the bur- 
den basket, the granary, and the mush bowls of the Pomo Indians, in 
Lake, Sonoma, and Mendocino counties, California, in the collection 
of C. P. Wilcomb. Especial attention 
is here drawn to the infinitel}" greater 
possibilities of decoration in the twilled 
work. The foregoing plate shows that 
the ornamentation of plain twined 
basketry is confined chiefly to bands, 
but here the artist revels in the cycloid, 
which widens and becomes more intri- 
cate as it ascends. It rivals in com- 
plexity the best coiled work of the 
Pomos and should be compared with 
Plates 29 and 56. 

3. Wrapped twined loeaving. — In 
wrapped twined weaving one element 
of the twine passes along horizontally 
across the warp stems, usually on the 
inside of the basket, forming a lattice. The binding element of splint, 
or strip of bark, or string, is wrapped around the crossings of the 
horizontal element with the vertical warp. (See fig. 21.) 

On the outside of the basket the turns of the wrapping are oblique; 

on the inside they are \'^rtical. It 
will be seen on examining this fig- 
ure that one row inclines to the 
right, the one above it to the left, 
and so on alternately. This was 
occasioned by the weaver's passing 
from side to side of the square car- 
r3nng basket, and not all the way 
round as usual. The work is simi- 
lar to that in an old-fashioned bird 
cage, where the upright and hori- 
zontal wires are held in place by a 
wrapping of finer soft wire. The 
typical example of this wrapped or 
bird-cage twine is to be seen among 
the Makah Indians of the Wakashan family living about Neah Bay, 
Washington, and in the soft hats of Salish and Shapaptian. (See fig. 22. ) 
In this type the warp and the horizontal strip behind the warp are 
both in soft material. The wrapping is done with a tough straw- 
colored grass. When the weaving is beaten home tight the surface is 
not unlike that of a fine tiled roof, the stitches overlying each other 




Fig. 21. 
wrapped twined weaving. 



236 



BEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




with perfect regularity. Such a simple style of fastening- warp and 
weft together would seem to have occurred to tribes of savages in 
many parts of the world. Strange to relate, however, excepting in 
Washington and the ocean side of Vancouver Island, the process is not 
known. The exception to this statement is to be found in a few spo- 
radic cases where, perhaps, Nutka and Makah women had married into 
adjoining tribes. A few of the Salish women make similar ware, and 
it will be seen in basket hats of the Nez Perce Indians. A small col- 
lection of this ware came to the 
Museum through the Wilkes E^- 
ploi'ing Expedition, but the orna- 
mentation is decidedly Skokomish. 
Figs. 23 and 24 show the detail 
of mixed twined weaving, diago- 
nal twined weaving, and wrapped 
twined weaving, inside and outside 
view. The facility with which 
the basket maker combines these 
weaves in the same texture gives 
her complete control over her mate- 
rial in the matter of ornamentation. 
The coloring of the two sides of 
the splints of cercis shows, in the 
figures, the difference between the 
outside and the inside of the basket. Another element of technic, not 
mentioned hitherto, is made apparent here in the requirements of 
these three different styles of workmanship controlling the space 
somewhat of the warp rods. Perhaps in no other tribe than the Pomo 
is there such free use of any number of textile methods on the same 
piece of workmanship to secure different results. 

It is possible to combine the several methods of twined weaving 
and, calling the aid of color, to produce good effects even in unpromis- 
ing materials. Figs. 25 and 26 show back and front of a square from 
a Ute basket jar. The first two rows are plain twined work, then 
come three rows of plain twined work also, though it does not look 
like it. It incloses warp stems in pairs, and the back and front are 
alike. It changes to diagonal merely by alternating warps. Below 
these three rows are diagonal twine, wrapped twine, or Makah weave, 
combined with diagonal. Plate 21 contains five figures, all in diagonal 
twined weaving. They were made by the Ute Indians and collected 
long ago by Major J. W. Powell. They represent first of all the dif- 
ferent results of the same technical process in varied materials. The 
specimens are all woven precisely alike. Fig. 1 has a coarse, inflexible 
warp. Fig. 2 has a finer warp, and hence the twists ma}^ be driven 
closer home. Fig. 4 shows the adaptation of modern shape in facili- 



FlG. 22. 
WKAPPED TWINED WEAVING. 

Makah Indians, Washington. 



ABOEIGIlSrAL AMERICAN BASKETET. 



237 



tating the carrying. In fig. 6 a fine weft assumes a diagonal shape in 
being twisted, while fig. 3 is the last word in the story of the water jar. 
4. Lattice-twined weaving. — The lattice-twined weaving, so far as 
the collections of the National Museum show, is confined to the Pomo 
Indians, of the Kulanapan family, residing on Russian River, Cali- 
fornia. It is so called because it has a vertical and a horizontal warp 




Fig. 23. 

detail op mixed twined weaving. 

(Outside.) 



resembling latticework. Dr. J. W. Hudson calls this technic tee. 
This is a short and convenient word, and may be used for a specific 
name. The tee-twined weaving consists of four elements, («) the 
upright warp of I'ods, (J) a horizontal warp crossing these at right 
angles, and (c, d) a regular plain-twined weaving of two elements, 
holding the warps firmly together. (See fig. 27.) 

In all these examples in the National Museum the horizontal or 
extra warp is on the exterior of the basket. On the outside the tee 




^^& 



Fig. 24. 

detail of mixed twined weaving. 

(Inside.) 



basket does not resemble the ordinary twined work, but on the inside 
it is indistinguishable. Baskets made in this fashion are very rigid 
and strong, and frequently the hoppers of mills for grinding acorns, 
and also water-tight jars, are thus constructed. The ornamentation is 
confined to narrow bands, the artist being restricted by the technic. 



238 



EBPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




Fig. 25. 

variety in twined aveaving. 

(Outside.) 

American Anthropologist, III. 1901, fig. 18. 



Plate 22 shows two examples of tee weaving. The upper one, 19 

inches in diameter, is from Pinole rancheria, Mendocino County, Cali- 
fornia. The lower one is from 
Lake County, and both are in 
the collection of C. P. Wilcomb. 
The warp is in stems of the wil- 
low, the dull colored material of 
the weft is the root of sedge, 
the brown and very white colors 
are in the stem of cercis — the 
former color being outside bark, 
the latter of wood next to the 
bark. (See also Plate 173. ) 

The technic of these two bas- 
kets is as follows: Beginning at 
the upper edge there is no spe- 
cial border, the ends of the warp 
stems being cut off; two or three 
rows of plain twined weaving 
are at the top; just below will 
be seen thi'ee or four rows of 
alternating brown and white 
rectangles; these are also in 

plain twined weaving, although the twists pass over two or three warp 

stems instead of one; after that twined tee weaving follows over the 

entire surface. With an ordinary 

hand glass the two sets of warp, 

vertical and horizontal, can be 

made out, and also the way in 

which the weft of thin splints is 

administered. The limitations of 

ornament to the narrow bands 

with triangles and parallelograms 

for the elements are clearly seen. 

On the plain bands a form of orna- 
ment will be noted, in which splints 

of cercis unite with those of sedge 

root to form an alternation of 

wood color and very white. In 

the colored bands the effects are 

produced by exposing now the 

outside or bark of the ceitis, now 

the inside or wood color. No at- 
tempt has been made to change the color of these splints artificially. 
6. TJiree-strand twined weaving. — Three-strand twined weaving is the 




FiQ. 26. 
VARIETY IN TWINED WEAVING. 

(Inside.) 
American Anthropologist, III, 1901, fig. 21. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 



239 



use of three weft splints and other kinds of weft elements instead of 
two, and there are four ways of administering the weft: 

(a) Three-strand twine. 

(h) Three-strand braid. 

(c) Three-strand, false embroidery, Tlinkit. 

(d) Frapped twine, Thompson River. 

It will be seen in studying these four methods that the}'^ are partly 
structural and partly ornamental, especially the last two. Inasmuch, 
however, as the Indian woman 
makes her ornamental work a 
part of her industrial work, the 
four methods may be all studied 
here. Ver}^ little was known 
among the American aborigines 
concerning additional ornaments 
given to the textile after the 
foundation was woven. The part 
which furnishes strength to the 
fabric and that which gives deco- 
ration were in technic one and 
the same process. 

(a) Three-strajnd twine. — In 
this technic the basket-weaver holds in her hand three weft elements 
of any of the kinds mentioned. In twisting these three, each one 
of the strands, as it passes inward, is carried behind the warp stem 
adjoining, so that in a whole revolution the three weft elements have 




Fig. 27. 
tee or lattice-twined weaving. 

Pomo Indians, California. 
American Anthropologist, III, 1901, flg. 22. 








Fig. 28. 

three-strand braid and twined work. 

(Outside.) 

American Anthropologist, III, 1901, fig. 23. 



Fig. 29. 

thkee-strand braid and twined work. 

(Inside.) 

American Anthropologist, III, 1901, flg. 24. 



in turn passed behind three warp elements. After that the process is 
repeated. By referring to the lower halves of tigs. 28 and 29, the 
outside and the inside of this technic will be made plain. On the out- 
side there is the appearance of a three-strand string laid along the warp 
stems, while on the inside the texture looks like a plain twined weaving. 



240 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



The reason for this is apparent, since in every third revohition one 
element passes behind the warp and two remain in front. Three- 
strand twined work is seldom used over the entire surface of a basket. 
In fig. 30 will be seen the drawing of a very old piece of twined work 
from the ancient Hopi or Moki Pueblo. The bottom of this old basket 
jar and a portion of the bodjr, as will be seen, are covered with plain 
twine weft. The shoulder and neck and two bands of the body are in 
three-strand twined weaving. A small portion of the inside, seen in 
the top of the drawing, as will be seen, has the appearance of small two- 
strand twined work. In fig. 31 is shown a square inch from the sur- 




FlG. 30. 

BASKBT-JAR IN THREE-STRAND TWINE. 

Hopi Indians, Arizona. 
Collected by J. W. Powell. 

face of this jar, enlarged to make plain, the appearance of the two t3^pes 
of technic. The upper portion of the figure has all the appearance of 
twilled and twined work in two-strand weft. The three-strand work 
shown in this figure is a Ute motive. The U. S. National Museum col- 
lections represent at least seven different styles of basketry technic 
attributed to the Hopi people of Tusayan, and philologists have come 
to the conclusion that the Hopi are a very mixed people. 

(&) Three-strand hraid. — In three-strand braid the weft elements are 
held in the hand in the same fashion, but instead of being twined 
simply they are plaited or braided, and as each element passes under 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



24i 



one and over the other of the remaining two elements, it is carried 
behind a warp stem. This process is better understood by examining 
the upper part of fig. 32, a and h. On the surface, when the work is 
driven home, it is impossible to discriminate between three-strand 
twine and three-strand braid. The three-strand braid is found at the 
starting of all Pomo twined baskets, 
no matter how the rest is built up. 
Fig. 33 is a conical carrying basket 
of the Klamath Indians of Oregon, 
collected by L. S. Dyar. It is made 
of coarse stems of rushes. The 
warp begins with a few stems 
brought together to a point at the 
bottom and as the specimen widens 
out fresh warp stems are added. 
These are securely joined together 
by a continuous coil of weft, which 
is a three-strand braid. At the be- 
ginning these turns of the coil touch 
one another, but as the work pro- 
gresses and the basket widens the 
distance from one row to the next increases until they are nearly an 
inch apart at the top. The braiding is done from the outside, two of 
the stems showing always there and only one on the inside, resembling 
common twined weaving. This is the only specimen in the Museum 
in which the whole surface is braided. In many twined baskets of the 




Pig. 31. 
three-strand and plain twined weaving. 





Fig. 32. 

three-strand braid. 

a, outside; 6, inside. 

Pomo an inch or so at the bottom is thus woven. The top is finished 
off in the following manner: Three warp ends are braided together 
for at least 2 inches, turned down and cut off. The hook-shaped ends 
are held in place by a row of common twined weaving at the top. 
Just below this and close to the ends is a row of three-strand braid. 
NAT MUS 1902 16 



242 



REPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Another row of the same kind is made halfway between the upper 
edge of the solid weaving and the border. A hoop of wood is held in 
place on the inside by a wrapping of coarse twine. The appearance of 
three-strand braid in the drawing on the inside of the basket is given 
by the strands of twined weaving and the ends of the warp bent over. 
The basket is strengthened on the outside by five vertical rods, and 
the carrying string is in three-strand braid, precisely as in the bod}' 
and margin of the basket. Height 22 inches, diameter 23 inches. In 
the collection of Dr. C. Hart Merriam are two closely woven Klamath 
baskets in the same technic (see Plate 174). Styles (c) and [d) belong 
rather to ornamentation and will be described under that heading. 













^-^, 








Fig. 33. 
carrying basket, three-strand braid. 

Klamath Indians, Oregon. 
Cat. No. 2U04, U.S.N.M. After W. H. Holmes. 



Something should be said in this connection about the manner of 
laying the foundation for weaving baskets. In many of the specimens 
illustrated in this" work it will be seen that very little tasteful care has 
been bestowed upon this part of the work. The Eskimos, for instance, 
do not know how, seemingly, but use a piece of rawhide, and it is said 
that the Indians of British Columbia formerly inserted a piece of board 
or wood at the bottom of their coiled baskets and sewed the coils 
around an edge of it, but there is method in much of the basket weav- 
ing in this point, as will be seen on examining the plates. Miss Mary 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



243 



White, in her book, More Baskets and How to Make Them, has 
worked this subject out very carefully.'' 

Figs. 34 to 39, inclusive, show the result of her studies. 

Fig. 34 is the simplest form of starting the bottom of a basket. 
Four warp stems are arranged in pairs and crossed at the center. A 





Fig. 34. 
warp stems crossed in pairs. 

After Mary White. 



Fig. 35. 

warp stems crossed in fo0rs. 

After Mary White. 



strip of wood or a flexible stem is wound twice around the intersection. 
The figure also shows how additional warp stems may be introduced 
into this pattern, being thrust between the regular stems. Once they 
are held firmly in place by two or three rows of common basket weav- 





FiG. 36. 

SIXTEEN STEMS WOVEN IN FOURS. 
After Mary White. 



Fig. 37. 

warp stems crossed in fotjrs 

and twined. 

After Mary White. 



ing, additional warp stems are added, and they are bent out radially 
as a foundation for the work. 

Fig. 35 shows how a start may be made with 16 warp stems crossing 
in groups of four at the center. Two sets begin at once to divide and 

«How to make Baskets, New York, 1902; also More Baskets and how to make 
Them, 1903, 



244 



REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



radiate, and after they are held together by three rows of weft the 
other eight are spread out in the same way. The drawing illustrates 
exactly the manner in which this is done. 

Fig. 36 shows another method of beginning with 16 warp stems, 

plaiting them into checker pattern at first, 
then afterwards spreading them out radi- 
ally. 

Fig. 37 brings us into the Hopi Indian 
type of twined weaving. Here four stems 
in one direction cross the same number 
at right angles and are held in place by a 
row of twined weaving, additional warp 
stems being inserted at the corners, which 
spread out I'adially. 

Fig. 38 is a Hopi application of coiled 
sewing to the beginning of the basket. 
In Fig. 39 the warp stems are woven to- 
gether in wicker work in two sets; the 
first vertical, the second horizontal. As soon as they are in place and 
held together the work proceeds as in ordinary weaving. 




Pig. 

six warp stems parallel. 
After Mary White. 



COILED BASKETRY 



Coiled basketry is produced by an over-and-over sewing with some 
kind of flexible material, each stitch interlocking with the one imme- 
diately underneath it. The exception to this is to be seen on Salish, 
Maidu, and other baskets, in which the 
passing stitch is driven through the wood 
of the one underneath and splits it. 

In the coiled basketry of British Colum- 
bia, as well as here and there farther south, 
this splitting of stitches, so clumsy look- 
ing when done without plan, is turned 
into an element of beauty. The top of 
each stitch is carefully bifurcated or tri- 
f urcated, so that to the uninitiated the sew- 
ing appears to have been done vertically 
instead of horizontally. This type of 
work may be called furcate coil. (See 
Plate 23 and figs. 51 and 55.) 

The specimen (Plate 23) is a remarkable old piece found near 
Death's Valley, California. Diameter, 6i inches; depth, 4 inches; 
colors, dark wood, with line of brown around top. This is one of the 
finest specimens of furcated stitches. It resembles common Ute bas- 
ketry of the two-stem variety, and in the sewing the stitches are not 
driven home tight, but left as wide apart as possible. On the inside 




Fig. 39. 
warp stems crossed in threes; 
by wicker. 

After Mary White. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



245 



of the basket it is plain coiled sewing, showing the foundation rod 

clearly between the stitches. Passing the awl point between the 

stitches on the inside, it is carefully pushed through so as to divide 

the sewing splint of the previous coil exactly in the middle. This 

gives the appearance of embroidery stitches from 

the center of the bottom to the outer margin. This 

specimen of furcated stitching is in the collection of 

Edward L. McLeod. Those familiar with the coiled 

basket making taught in the industrial schools will 

compare this work with their own, in which the 

colored rafia is hidden in the foundation for a space 

of wrapping and comes out at the point where the 

double stitch is to be made. 

The transition between lace work and coiled bas- 
ketry is interesting. In the netted bags of pita 
fiber, common throughout middle America, in the 
muskemoots or Indian bags of fine caribou skin 
thong from the Mackenzie River district, as well as 
in the lace-like netting of the Mohave carrying 
frames and Peruvian textiles, the sewing and inter- 
locking constitute the whole textui-e, the woman 
doing her work over a short cylinder or spreader of 
wood or bone, which she moves along as she works. 
When the plain sewing changes to half hitches, or 
stitches in which the moving part of the filament or 
twine is wrapped or served one or more times about 
itself, there is the rude beginning of point lace work. 
This is seen in basketry and soft wallets of the Mac- 
kenzie River tribes, the Hopewell mound relics in 
Ohio, here and there in California, and especially 
among the Fuegians, as well as in many pieces from 
various parts of the Old World. (See figs. 59, 115). 

The sewing materials vary with the region. In 
the Aleutian Islands it is of delicate straw; in the 
adjacent region it is spruce root; in British Columbia 
it is cedar or spruce root; in the more diversified 
styles of the Pacific States every available material 
has been used — stripped leaf, grass stems, rushes, 
split root, broad fillets, and twine, the effect of each 
being well marked. The gathering and preparation 
of these materials for use have already been described in the first por- 
tion of this paper. It is understood that, as in woven basketry, the 
grasses, roots, and splints of wood are soaked in water and kept as 
pliable as possible until the work is done. 

In all coiled basketry, properly so called, there is a foundation more 




FlQ. 40. 

BONE AWL FOR COILED 

BASKETRY. 

Collected by Edward 

Palmer. 



246 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

or less rigid, inclosed within stitches, the only implement being an awl 
of some kind. Fig. 40 shows the metatarsal of an antelope sharpened 
in the middle and harder portion of the column, the joint serving for 
a grip for the hand. It was the universal pi"ehistoric sewing imple- 
ment of savage women and persists to our da3^ 

In every living tribe of basket makers these awls are among the com- 
monest of woman's tools, most serviceable in sewing garments as well. 
They are dug up in mounds, found in caves, and are rarely absent from 
the woi'k baskets of mummies in the arid regions. ** 

Frank H. Gushing was of the opinion that the bone awl was far 
better for fine basket work than any implement of steel; the point, 
being a little rounded, would find its way between the stitches of the 
coil underneath and not force itself through them. The iron awl, 
being hard and sharp, breaks the texture and gives a very rough and 
clumsy appearance to the surface, as will be seen in fig. 51. 

Coiled basketry in point of size presents the greatest extreme. 
There are specimens delicately made that will pass through a lady's 
finger ring, and others as large as a flour barrel; some specimens 
have stitching material one-half inch wide, as in the Pima granaries, 
and in others the root material is shredded so fine that nearly 100 
stitches are made within an inch of space. In form the coiled ware 
may be perfectly flat, as in a table mat, or built up into the most 
exquisite jar shape. In design the upright stitches lend themselves to 
the greatest variety of intricate patterns. 

Coiled basketry may be divided into ten varieties, based on struc- 
tural characteristics. 

The foundation of the coil may be (1) a single element, either splint, 
or stem, or rod; (2) a stem or other single element, with a thin welt 
laid on top of it; (3) two or more stems one over another; (4) two 
stems or other elements laid side by side, with or without a welt; (5) 
three stems in triangular position; (6) a bundle of splints or small 
stems; (7) a bundle of grass or small shreds. 

The stitches pass around the foundation in progress (1) interlocking 
with and sometimes splitting stitches, but not inclosing the founda- 
tion underneath; (2) under one rod of the coil beneath, however many 
there may be; (3) under a welt of the coil beneath; (4) through splints 
or other foundation, in some cases systematically splitting the sewing 
material underneath. With these explanations it is possible to make 
the following ten varieties of coiled basketry, matting, or bagging: 

A. Coiled' work without foundation. 

B. Simple interlocking coils. 
C Single-rod foundation. 
D. Two-rod foundation. 

« Smithsonian Report, 1882, p. 724, fig. 3. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETBY. 



247 



E. Rod and welt foundation. 

F. Two-rod and splint foundation. 

G. Three-rod foundation. 
H. Splint foundation. 

I. Grass-coil foundation. 

K. Fuegian coiled basketry (see p. 258). 

These will now be taken up systematically and illustrated. (See 
%.41.) 

A. Coiled worli, without foundation. — Specimens of this class have 
been already mentioned. The sewing material is babiche or fine raw- 
hide thong in the cold north, or string of some sort farther south. In 
the Mackenzie Basin will be found the former, and in the tropical and 












Fig. 41. 
ckoss sections of varieties in coiled basketry. 

subtropical areas the latter. If a plain, spiral spring be coiled or 
hooked into one underneath, the simplest form of the open coiled 
work will result. An improvement of this is effected when the 
moving thread in passing upward after interlocking is twined one or 
more times about its standing part. (See figs. 41 A and 100.) 

The technical process just mentioned is practiced among the Atha- 
pascan tribes of the Mackenzie River drainage. It is doubtful whether 
anciently the predecessors of these Indian women did such fine work 
in rawhide. The steel-bladed knife made slender babiche possible, 
and the thrift brought about by the Hudson Bay Company made it 
desirable. But it will be seen that the Mound-builders had the weave 
and could produce in flax texture even more delicate than the muske- 
moots or hunting bags of the northern tribes. 



248 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Fig. 42 represents a carrying frame and net of the Pima and other 
tribes on our Mexican border. It is supported liy a rude framework 

of sticks. The network is of agave 
twine and is made of interlocking 
coils, looking as all-coiled bas- 
ketry would if the foundation 
were removed. 

Further on illustrations will 1)6 
given showing the wide extent of 
this technical process of coiled 
basketry without foundation. Ex- 
amples in the U. S. National Mu- 
seum come fr(?m as far south as 
Paragua}'^ and even the Straits of 
Magellan. It is in common use as 
far north as northern Mexico. 
Both the possession of different 
material and the demands of a 
tropical life have occasioned the 
employment of this particular 
technic in articles of common use 
about the household. Its relation 
to coiled basketry and bead work 
is shown by the fact that women 
in making the fabric use a nee- 
dle to carry the thread or string 
ai'ound through the row of work 
preceding. A small rod or mesh 
gauge is used to secure uniformity in the size of the meshes. 

B. Sim'ple interloching coils. — Coiled work in which there ma}' be 
any sort of foundation, but the stitches 
merely interlock without catching under the 
rods or splints or grass beneath. This form 
easily passes into those in which the stitch 
takes one or more elements of the founda- 
tion, but in a thorough ethnological study 
small differences can not be overlooked. 
(See fig. 41 B.) 

Fig. 43 I'epresents this style of workman- 
ship on a coiled basket in grass stems from 
Alaska, collected b}' Lucien M. Turner. The 
straws for sewing merel}'^ interlock without 
gathering the grass roll. 

In the imbricated basket work of British Columbia and Washing- 
ton the sewing is done with splints of cedar root and the stitches 




Pig. 42. 

cabrying basket. 

Pima Indians, Arizona. 

Cat. No. 126680, U.S.N.M. Collected by Edward Palmer. 




Fig. 43. 

detaii, of interlocking 

stitches. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 



249 



interlock. Two quite distinct styles of foundation are used, namely, 
bunches of splints taken from the more brittle and rough interior of 
the cedar root, and two flat strips of the smooth layer on the outside 
of the root. The surface of the one will be rugose, of the other, flat 
and smooth. (See figs. 62, 53, and 54 and Plates 156-161.) 

Figs. 44 and 45 represent a type of coiled work in vogue among 
the Mescalero Apaches. As has been said previously, the Apache 
Indians, who live in the arid regions of Arizona, made the foundations 
of their coiled basketry of hard rods. In various tribes these rods 
are arranged in a foundation after different patterns. It will be seen 
by examining the drawing here given that three rods form the basis 
of the coil. They are laid one on another in a vertical row, the 



r-=- 




'a 



Pig. 44. 

foundation op three rods laid vertically. 

Mescalero Apache Indians. 

stitches simply interlocking so that the greatest economy of work is 
effected. It is not known that any other tribe in America practices 
this peculiar arrangement of the foundation rods. This specimen, 
('at. No. 211941, in the U. S. National Museum, was collected by 
F. M. Covert. 

Plate 24 shows a style of coiled weaving called openwork. This 
specimen, in the collection of C. E. Rumsey, Riverside, California, is 
termed a grasshopper basket, but it belongs to a type of technic that has 
a very wide distribution, and probably has nothing to do with holding 
live insects. The foundation is a bundle of shredded material or grass. 
The sewing is a splint of hai-d wood. This is wrapped a certain number 
of times around the foundation and then caught under the sewing of the 
coil underneath, the stitches interlocking. Perhaps a few bits of the 



250 



BEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




Pig. 45. 
detail of fig. 44. 



foundation are caught also in the stitch. After two stitches are made 
in this way the wrapping continues. It is possible by counting this last 
as well as the number of stitches to reproduce. beautiful patterns on 
the surface. The ornamentation also may be varied by the use of 
different colored splints. This specimen is from the Watchumna 
(Mariposan) Indians of middle California, but examples are in the 

National Museum collected from 
Norway, Porto Rico, and Peru. 
(See Plates 224 and 248.) 

C. Single-rod foundation. — In 
rattan basketry and Pacific coast 
ware, called b}^ Dr. J. W. Hud- 
son tsai in the Pomo language, 
the foundation is a single stem, 
uniform in diameter. The stitch 
passes around the stem in prog- 
ress and is caught under the one 
of the preceding coil, as in fig. 41 C. 
In a collection of Siamese basketry 
in the U. S. National Museum the specimens are all made after this 
fashion. The foundation is the stem of the plant in its natural state; 
the sewing is with splints of the same material, having the glistening 
surface outward. As this is somewhat unyielding it is difficult to 
crowd the stitches together, and so the foundation is visible between. 
California is not far behind the East in the quality of material, willow 
for the basis of the coil, and plants 
in a variety of colors for the sew- 
ing. The Siamese coiled basketry 
has little of design on its surface, 
but the American basketmaker may 
fix whatever her imagination may, 
suggest. The effect of the plain 
stitching is pleasing to the eye by 
reason of the regular broken sur- 
face. In America single- rod bas- 
ketry is widely spread. Along the 
Pacific coast it is found in northern 
Alaska and as far south as the bor- 
ders of Mexico. The Pomo Indians 
use it in some of their finest work. 
The roots of plants and soft stems of willow, rhus, and the like are 
used for the sewing, and, being soaked thoroughly, can be crowded 
together so as to entirely conceal the foundation. (See fig. 46.) 

Plate 25 represents a collection of Pomo treasure baskets, all in 
single-rod foundation, called tsai by Dr. Hudson and bam tsha or bam 




Fic. 46. 
DETAII, OK SINGJ,E-ROI> COII, IN HASKETRY. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEKICAIC BASKETRY. 



251 



tshai by Carl Puidy. These specimens are in the collection of C. P. 
Wilcomb; the foundation is of willow rod, the sewing material of 
sedge root, the design in the cercis splints, the decoration with shells, 
beads, and partridge plumes. The method of sewing is on all of these 
baskets the same as shown in fig. 41 C. 

Plate 26, Cat. No. 89801 U.S.N.M., is from Point Barrow, Alaska, 
and was collected by Capt. P. H. Ray, U. S. Army. The material is 
shoots and roots of willow, and the specimen was secured from Eskimo 
people living at the extreme northern point of Alaska. It had evi- 
dently been procured, however, from Indians near by. On the bot- 
tom small rods are used for the foundation and the sewing is in straight 
lines backward and forward until this portion is finished. Here the 
foundation rods are somewhat larger and the sewing splints wider. 
Comparing this specimen, then, with a great manj^ others from the same 
area, the uniformit}^ in size of the foundation rod is noticeable. It 
will also be noted that the stitches are 
not driven home closely, a feature which 
occurred over and over again in coiled 
basketrj^ between Point Barrow and the 
Republic of Mexico. 

D. Two-rod foundation. — One rod in 
this style lies on top of the other; the 
stitches pass over two rods in progress 
and under the upper one of the pair 
below, so that each stitch incloses three 
stems in a vertical series (fig. 47). A 
little attention given to fig. 41 D will 
demonstrate that the alternate rod, or 
the upper rod, in each pair will be in- 
closed in two series of stitches, while the other or lower rod will pass 
along freely in the middle of one series of stitches and show on the 
outer side. Examples of this two-rod foundation are to be seen among 
the Athapascan tribes of Alaska, among the Pomo Indians of the 
Pacific coast, and among the Apache of Arizona-. An interesting 
or specialized variety of this type is seen among the Mescaleros of 
New Mexico, who use the two-rod foundation, but instead of passing 
the stitch around the upper rod of the coil below simply interlock the 
stitches so that neither one of the two rods is inclosed twice. This 
Apache ware is sewed with jmcca fiber and the brown root of the same 
plant, producing a brilliant effect, and the result of the special technic 
is a flat surface like that of pottery. The U. S. National Museum 
possesses a single piece of precisely the same technic from the kindi'ed 
of the Apache on the Lower Yukon. (See figs. 44 and 45.) 

E. Rod and welt foundation. — In this kind of basketry the single- 
rod foundation is overlaid by a splint or strip of tough fiber, some- 




FiG. 47. 

FOUNDATION OF TWO RODS, VERTICAL. 



252 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




Fig. 48. 
bod and welt foundation. 



times the same as that with which the sewing is done; at others, a strip 

of leaf or bast. The stitches pass over the rod and strip which are 

on top down under the welt only of the coil below, the stitches inter- 
locking. The strip of tough fiber 
between the two rods which serves 
for a welt has a double purpose — 
strengthening the fabric and chink- 
ing the space between the rods (fig. 
48). This style of coil work is seen 
on old Zuni basket jars and on Cali- 
fornia examples. This type of foun- 
dation passes easily into forms C, D, 
E, and F. In fact, it is impossible 
to distinguish between them without 
marring the specimen. (See fig. 41.) 
The specimens shown on Plate 27 
are a water bottle and a gathering 

basket of the Utes; that is, they are of Ute motive. Such pieces, 

however, are often seen among other tribes and in some of the later 

pueblos. By looking carefully at the surface of the pictures it will be 

seen that there may be two 

rods, the upper much smaller 

than the other; or on the top 

of the principal rod will be 

a splint or two of material. 

The foundation of such bas- 
ketry is not uniform in 

composition, but in motive 

they are all the same. The 

strength of the basket is in 

the principal rod. The joint 

is made stronger by having 

between the stitches of two 

coils an additional rod or 

smaller piece. There are no 

wide gaps separating any 

two styles of weaving, and 

it will be easily seen that this 

Ute type passes readily into 

other forms. 

Cat. Nos. 84596 (upper figure), 42126 (lower figure), U.S.N.M. 

F, Two-rod and splint foundation. — In this style the foundation is 

made thicker and stronger by laying two rods side by side and a splint 

or welt on top to make the joint perfectly tight. The surface will be 

corrugated. Tribes practicing this style of coiling generally have fine 




Fig. 49. 

■water jak in coiled basketry. 

Wolpi, Arizona. 

Cat. No. 42129, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. S. Stevenson. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEBIC AJST BASKETRY. 



253 



material and some of the best ware is so made up. It passes easily, as 
one might guess, into the Lillooet style, in which the two elements of 
the foundation are thin and flat. Fig. 49 is a water jar from the Wolpi 
pueblo, one of the Hopi group, collected long ago by James Steven- 
son. It is Cat. No. 42129 U.S.N.M., and was first figured in the Second 
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnologj^ (See fig. 41 F.) 

Plate 28 represents two fine old coiled baskets from the pueblo of 
Sia, on the Rio Grande River, New Mexico. In addition to the struc- 
ture, which consists of two rods and a splint above sewed with willow 
splints, the stitches interlocking and catching in the welt below, the 
ornamentation a stepped design, suggestive of pueblo architecture on 
the upper figui'e and.spirals made up of colored rectangles on the lower 
figure, needs to be merely pointed out. The characteristic sought to be 
illustrated here in this connection is the false braid made on the sur- 
face produced by sewing a single 
splint in a figure of eight weaving, 
shown in the plate. The modern 
Indians of this pueblo do not make 
basketry of this character, and it is 
altogether reasonable to think that 
in the olden times these pieces came 
into the possession of these people 
by traffic from Shoshonean tribes 
near by. Catalogue No. 134213, 
U.S.N.M. Collected by James Ste- 
venson. 

G. Three-rod faandation. — This is 
the type of foundation called by Carl 
Purdy bam shi bu, from bam, sticks, 
and sibbu, three. Among the Pomo 

and other tribes in the western part of the United States the most 
delicate pieces of basketry are in this style. Dr. Hudson calls them 
"the jewels of coiled basketry." The surfaces are beautifully cor- 
rugated, and patterns of the most intricate character can be wrought 
on them. The technic is as follows: Three or four small willow 
stems of uniform thickness serve for the foundation, as shown in 
fig. 50; also in cross section in fig. 41 G. The sewing, which may 
be in splints of willow, black or white carex root, or cercis stem, 
passes around the three stems constituting the coil, under the upper 
one of the bundle below, the stitches interlocking. In some examples 
this upper rod is replaced by a thin strip of material serving for a 
welt (see fig. 41 F). In the California area the materials for basketry 
are of the finest quality. The willow stems and carex root are suscep- 
tible of division into delicate filaments. Sewing done with these is 
most compact, and when the stitches are pressed closely together the 




Fig. 50. 
foundation of three bods, stitches catch- 
ing bod ltnderneath. 



254 



EBPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



foundation does not appear. On the surface of the bam shi bu 
basketrj^ the Porno weaver adds pretty bits of bird feathers and deli- 
cate pieces of shell. The basket represents the wealth of the maker, 

and the gift of one of these to a 
friend is considered to be the highest 
compliment. 

Plate 29 is a beautiful example of 
Bam shi bu coiled basketry, having 
a foundation of three Bams, or shoots 
of Hind's willow {Salix sessilifolia). 
The sewing of the lighter portions 
is in careful!}^ prepared roots of 
a sedge, Kahum {Carex harharae)^ 
while the designs are in the roots of 
a bulrush, Tsuwish {Scirj)us mari- 
ti/jius). Red feathers of the Cali- 
fornia woodpecker are scattered over 
the surface. This faultless speci- 
men, now in the collection of C. P. Wilcomb, was made in the year 
1896 b}^ Squaw Marj^, a noted basket maker, wife of Ned Dunson 
(Indian), then living at Santa Rosa Creek, Sonoma Countj^, California. 
She belonged to the Tsar walo division of the Pomos. Diameter of 
the basket 8f inches, collected by J. P. Stanley. 




FOUNDATION OF SPLINTS. 




Fig. 52. 

imbeicated avork detail, called klikitat. 

Showing method of concealing coil stitches. 



H. Splint foundation.- — In basketry of this type the foundation 
consists of a number of longer or shorter splints massed together and 
sewed, the stitches passing under one or more of the splints in the 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



255 




Flu. 53. 
IMBRICATED COIL WORK, CALLED KLIKITAT. 



coil beneath (fig. 51). In the Porno language it is called chilo, but it 

has no standing in that tribe. In the Great Interior Basin, where the 

pliant material of the California tribes is wanting, only the outer and 

younger portion of the stem will do for sewing. The interior parts 

in such examples are made up into 

the foundation. All such ware is 

rude, and the sewing frequently 

passes through instead of around 

the stitches below. In the Kli- 

kitat basketry the pieces of spruce 

or cedar root not used for sewing 

material are also worked into the 

foundation. (See tig. 41 H.) 

In a small area on Fraser River, 
in southwestern Canada, on the 
upper waters of the Columbia, and 
in many Salishan tribes of north- 
western Washington, basketry, 
called imbricated, is made. The 
foundation, as said, is in cedar or 
spruce root, while the sewing is done with the outer and tough por- 
tion of the root; the stitches pass over the upper bundle of splints 
and are locked with those underneath. On the outside of these bas- 
kets is a form of technic, which also constitutes the ornamentation. 
It is not something added, or overlaid, or sewed on, but is a part of 
the texture effected in the progress of the manufacture. (See fig. 52.) 
The method of adding this ornamentation in strips of cherry bark, 
cedar bast, and grass stems, dyed with Oregon grape, is unique, and 

on this account I have applied the 
term "imbricated" to the style of 
weave here shown. (See fig. 53.) 

The strip of colored bark or grass 
is laid down and caught under a 
passing stitch; before another stitch 
is taken this one is bent forward to 
cover the last stitch, doubled on 
itself so as to be underneath the 
next stitch, and so with each one it 
is bent backward and forward so 
that the sewing is entirely con- 
cealed, forming a sort of " knife plaiting." 

In some of the finer old baskets in the National Museum, collected 
over sixty years ago, the entire surface is covered with work of this 
kind, the strips not being over an eighth of an inch wide. James 
Teit describes and illustrates this type of weaving among the Thomp- 




FlG. 54. 
IMBRICATED BASKETRY DETAIL. 

Thompson River. 
After James Teit. 



256 



EBPOET OF KATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




Fig. 55. 
overlaying in coiled work. 



son River Indians of Britisii Columbia, who are Salishan. The body 
of the basket is in the root of lliuja plicata., and the ornamentation 
in strips of Elymxis triticoides and Prumis demissa. (See fig. 54.) 

Imbrication is one of the most restricted of technical processes. 
Eells says that some women in every tribe on Puget Sound could pro- 
duce the stitch, and he names the 
Puyallups, Twanas, Snohomish, 
Clallam, Makah, Skagit, Cowlitz, 
Chehalis, Nisqualli, and Squaxon. 
It doubtless originated here. It is 
, the native art of the Klikitat, Yak- 
ima, and Spokanes, all of whom 
are of the Shahaptian family. The 
Thompson and Fraser River In- 
dians have long known the art. 
(See Plates 68, 7i-79, 156-167.) 

Fig. 65 is a square inch from the 
bottom of a Fraser River imbri- 
cated coiled basket. It illustrates 
several important features in the basket maker's art. In the first 
place, the Indians of this area did not know how to make a beginning 
of the bottom of a rectangular basket with coiled work, so a block was 
inserted or foundation strips were laid parallel and were whipped 
together after the manner of coiled work. This figure also shows 
how the splitting of stitches before mentioned in sewing may have 
at first been accidental, the basket 
maker having in mind only the pur- 
pose of placing the stitches in vertical 
rows. From this unintentional fur- 
cation of the stitches comes the pur- 
poseful splitting, the forked stitches 
being made alike and uniform. Thus, 
out of a careless habit has come one 
of the beautiful ornamentations in 
coiled basketry. A third purpose in 
this figure is to show, perhaps, the 
initial step in imbricated work. In- 
deed, this form of overlaying is seen 
on man}' examples of it. A straw of 
squaw grass {Xeroj>hyllv,m tenax) is 

inclosed under a stitch; it is then turned back; a second stitch is made 
and the strip of grass laid over it. Thus, over the surface there is an 
alternation of exposed and concealed stitches by means of this material. 
This is elsewhere called "beading." 

I. Grass-coil foundation, — The foundation is a bunch of grass or rush 




Fig. 56. 
fotindation of straws in coiled work. 



i 



ABORIGINAL AMEEIOAK BASKETRY. 



257 




Fig. 57. 

coil with open sewing inclosing parts 

of foundation. 



stems, or small midribs from palm leaves, or shredded j^ucca. The 
effect in all such ware is good, for the reason that the maker has per- 
fect control of her material. Excellent examples of this kind are to 
be seen in the southwestern portions of the United States, among the 
Pueblos and Missions, and in northern Africa. The sewing may be 
done with split stems of hard wood, 
willow, rhus, and the like, or, as in 
the case of the Mission baskets in 
southern California, of the stems of 
rushes {Juncus acuttis) or stiff grass 
{Epicampes rigens). (See fig. 56, 
and the cross section given in fig. 
41 I.) In the larger granary baskets 
of the Southwest a bundle of straws 
furnishes the foundation, while the 
sewing is done with broad strips of 
tough bark, as in fig. 67. 

Plate 30 shows specimens of Hoi:)i 
coiled plaques on shredded founda- 
tion made up of the harder parts of 
the yucca split and rolled into a bundle. The sewing is with tne 
tough, leafy portion and passes simplj^ under the coil in preparation, 
the stitches interlocking. Between the refined type of coiled work 
of this class and the old-fashioned straw beehive or the Mohave gran- 
ary is a long distance. These thick Hopi plaques have their nearest 

resemblance in the Moorish liasketry 
of North Africa and leave the question 
on the mind whether from long contact 
the Hopi themselves may not have got- 
ten a suggestion therefrom. These 
specimens are Cat. Nos. 166850 and 
166858 in the U. S. National Museum 
and were collected by James Mooney. 
(See also fig. 58.) 

K. Fuegiancoiledhasketry. — In this 
ware the foundation is slight, consist- 
ing of one or more rushes; the sewing 
is in buttonhole stitch or half hitches, 
with rush stems interlocking. The 
resemblance of this to Asiatic types 
(See fig. 69.) 

Plate 31 is one of the most interesting specimens of basketry found 
in America, because in its structure it practically imitates the speci- 
mens just illustrated from the Straits of Magellan. It is described by 
NAT MU8 1902 17 




Fig. 58. 

fcdndation op gbass or shredded 

materials. 

on the Pacific is most striking. 



258 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



George H. Pepper in Guide Leaflet No. G of the American Museum of 
Natural History. It is called a "sifter," and was found among the 
relics of the ancient basket makers of southeastern Utah. The outer 
rows of coiling belong to the single-stick variety. On the rest of the 
surface the binding material in passing around the foundation rods 
makes a whole turn on itself between them. The basket is 9^ inches 
in diameter and 2 inches deep. 



WATER-TIGHT BASKETEY 



Basketry is rendered water-tight by closeness of texture and by 
daubing with pitch or asphaltum. Both twined and coiled ware are 
useful for this latter purpose. It is said of the mother of Moses that 
she "took for him an ark [a boat-shaped basket] of bulrushes and 





Pig. 59. 
puegian coiled basket, and details. 



daubed it with slime and with pitch and put the child therein, and 
she laid it in the flags by the river's brink." (Exodus ii, 3.) Now, 
the Egyptians and other Hamites of our day make coiled basketrj' of 
type fig. 41 1; that is, with a foundation of shredded material sewed 
with finely split palm leaf. The foundation is quite thick, so that the 
ware is strikingl}" like the Hopi plaques of the Middle Mesa. There is 
no reason for believing that the ancient ware differed from the modern. 
In the Interior Basin also baskets are used for pottery by tribes that 
are not sedentary. (See Plate 33.) 

Major J. W. Powell, during his topographical and geological sur- 
vey of the valley of the Colorado River of the West, in company with 
Prof. A. H. Thompson, made a collection of water-tight basket work 



ABOEIGINAL AMEBIC AN BASKETRY. 259 

from the Paiute Indians (Shoshonean family) in southern Utah, and 
additions have been made by Dr. Walter Hough and others. Both coiled 
and twined work are found in great varieties. Plate 32 represents the 
varieties of these water-tight carrying jugs or bottles. Fig. 1 of the 
plate, Cat. No. 11882, is a Tsai a wats, in twined weaving, the pattern 
being twilled work. Lugs on the side support the broad, soft, buckskin 
band. The pitch is evenly laid on, just revealing the texture beneath. 
Height, 7i inches. 

Fig. 2, Cat. No. 10760, is a globose jar in coiled weaving, carelessly 
done on a splint foundation, as among the Utes. Height, 7i inches. 
There are no lugs on the outside, so this piece would be a pitcher 
rather than a canteen. 

Fig. 3, Cat. No. 10758, is a Tsai a wats of squat form in single-rod 
coiled weaving, with three lugs at equal distances around the shoulder 
for carrying. Height, 4f inches. 

Figs. 4 and 5, Cat. Nos. 213101-2, in the U. S. National Museum, 
are small canteens, collected from the Havasupai Indians, in Cat- 
aract Canyon, by Dr. Walter Hough. They are precisely the same 
in structure as the foregoing, though the Havasupai are of the Yuman 
family, while the Utes are Shoshonean. Height, 7i inches and 8^ 
inches. 

Fig. 6, Cat. No. 211020, U.S.N.M., is Paiute water jar for carrying, 
from the collection of Captain Carr, U. S. Army. The foundation is 
of splints, and the pitch is carefully restricted to the inside. Horse- 
hair lugs support the headband of old leather. Height, 9 inches. 

Fig. 7, Cat. No. 11880, U.S.N.M., is an excellent specimen of twined 
work in twill, with single rows of three-ply twine and the neck in 
openwork. In many examples like the one here shown the melted 
pitch or asphaltum is poured inside and rinsed around until the sur- 
face is covered. Height, 9 inches. The rope handle gives the appear- 
ance of a pitcher. 

Fig. 8, Cat. No. 10759, U.S.N.M., is pear shaped and has wooden 
lugs upon the sides for the carrying bands. It is twined and twilled 
weaving and thoroughly overloaded with pitch. The rounded bottom 
serves to keep the bottle erect. Height, 8i inches. 

Plate 33 is a water jar of the White Mountain Apaches, Cat. No. 
213278, U.S.N.M., collected by Dr. Walter Hough. It is made in 
diagonal twined weaving and covered with pitch. Three lugs of wood 
attached to the sides are for the purpose of suspension and carrying. 
The height is 12 inches. 

BOEDEES ON BASKETEY 

Having studied the structural processes on the body of these textiles, 
it will now be in order to note how the work is finished off. A glance 
at a lady's workbasket or a waste-paper basket shows how important 



260 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



such an examination must be. Both in woven and in twined ware 
many beautiful specimens will be seen, whose edg'es differ not in the 
slightest degree from other portions of the basket. Indeed, the Tlin- 
kit, the Porno, and the Mission weavers all frequently affect the plain 
border on their ware, and certain kinds of plaques of the Hopi 
Indians, said to be the workmanship of unmarried women, leave the 
foundation exposed, and the work is suddenly brought to an end. 

Another fact will surprise the student, namely, that technically the 
border is often in quite another class of weave. This grows, as will 
be seen, out of the exigencies of the case. A checker weaving, with 
the edges left open all around, would be a flimsy affair. Coiled work 
lends a hand in putting a finish on woven work; the latter, or an 
imitation of it, on the contrary, becomes an embellishment of the 
former. The drawings and the plates will explain more clearly than 
words the structure of borders. The motive in this inquiry shovdd be 
to learn the steps or evolutionary processes through which the inge- 
nious savage woman's mind has 
passed in this series of inven- 
tions to discover, if possible, a 
little truth about the relation- 
ship and communication among 
tribes in olden times, and to learn 
some new manipulations in an 
art now becoming popular. It 
is like the breaking out of an old 
hereditary complaint in the tips 
of the fingers. The borders will 
be studied in the following order: 
Thefinishing off' in checker work, 
in wicker work, in twilled work, in twined work, and in coiled work. 
The first and simplest method of making borders is illustrated in 
examples collected among the Abenaki Indians of Canada belonging 
to the Algonquian family. The baskets are made of splints from the 
ash, formerl}? worked out with aboriginal tools (see fig. 60), but 
nowadays made by machinery. The foundation of the borders con- 
sists of three narrow hoops. Every alternate warp splint is cut off 
flush, the others are bent down over the middle hoop and pushed 
under the upper row of weaving, having first been pointed. Outside 
and inside of this middle hoop and clasping the bends in the warp 
splints are the other two hoops, the whole being bound securely 
together by a coiled sewing in splint. The specimen here figured is 
Cat. No. 206390, U.S.N.M., made by Caroline Masta. Diameter, 5i 
inches; height, 3 inches. 

The border of twilled work, when the weaving is finished, resembles 
closely the interlacing of a series of crossed warps. In matting made 




Fig. 60. 
■ coiled border on checker weaving. 

Cat. No. 206390. TJ.S.N.M. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 



261 



in this way the ends of the warp and of the weft are bent backward 
on one another and forced under the texture. In one example a 
twilled mat is finished out with wicker weaving, both sets of ele- 
ments being straightened out for warp. (See fig. 12.) The margin is 
then finished off as if the whole mass had been in wicker weaving. The 
example here shown was made recently by an Indian woman in the 
Zuni pueblo, western New Mexico. (See fig. 61.) The material is 
stripped leaves of yucca, from which coarse mats, basket bowls, and 
trays are made. The mat is woven square and a hoop of wood is pro- 




b 

Fig. 61. 

weft and warp fastened down with twine. 

(a, front; b, back.) 

Cat. No. 21M88, U.S.N.M. 



vided for the border. The mat is forced down into it, the ends of the 
warp and weft cut off about an inch above the hoop. They are then 
bent down on the outside in groups of fours and held in place with 
one row of twined weaving, as shown in the accompanying drawing, 
giving both front and back view. The basket is the gift of Mr. G. B. 
Haggett. Diameter, 11 inches. Cat. No. 215188, U.S.N.M. 

In the simplest forms of wicker work the ends of the warp are all 
cut off in uniform lengths and each bent down by the side of the next 
warp, or behind one warp and down beside the second warp, or is 
woven behind and in front of the other warp stems with greater or 



262 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



less intricacy, forming a rope pattern on the outside. So much of 
wicker basketry as originated with the Indians is very simple in the 
matter of finishing. Cat. No. 215487 shows how this sort of work is 
done. The basket is the worlc of the Zvini Indians, New Mexico, and 
is the gift of Mr. G. B. Haggett. Diameter, 9i inches. (See fig. 62.) 
The variation of this type may be seen in the next figui-e. The 




Fig. 62. 
three-strand warp border in wicker work. 



warp stems are in pairs and are bent in this case to the left at right 
angles and woven out and in among the next three or four sets, 
returning to the starting point. It is not altogether certain that 
this style of finishing the border was invented by the Indians, but 
they have adopted it. This drawing is made from specimens in the 
collection of G. Wharton James. (See fig. 63.) 




Fig. 63. 

border made by weaving warp rods in pairs. 

Collected by G. Wharton James. 

In the next example the handle is a stiff splint of hickory, circular 
in shape. The wide hoop border shown in the drawing and the circu- 
lar hoop are the framework from which the weave begins. All the 
smaller warp elements focus at the junction of these two. The widen- 
ing is effected by the introduction of fresh warp elements as the work 
proceeds; the weft makes only a short excursion at the beginning 



ABORIGINAL AMEKIOAN BASKETRY. 



263 




Fig. 64. 

single-strand coiled border. 

Moravian Settlement, North Carolina. 

Cat. No. 214.568. U.S.N.M. Collected by Carolyn G. 

Benjamin. 



around one or two warp stems, the hoop increasing in length as the 
work widens and additional warp elements are inserted. This specimen 
is Cat. No. 21tt558, U.S.N.M., and was collected by Mrs. C. G. Ben- 
jamin from the Moravian settle- 
ment, North Carolina. Diam- 
eter, 5i inches. (See fig. 64.) 

The term twined basketry is 
applied to every variety whose 
warp elements are held together 
bj' twined weaving. The warp 
is either soft filament, or hard- 
wood splints, or roots. The weft 
likewise may be yarn of flax, 
wool, or other very pliable ma- 
terial, or it may be rigid splints 
from roots or tough young wood, 
such as osier, red bud, sumac, 
or the like. Such a variety of 
material will demand in the finishing ofi: various kinds of borders. 
Lieutenant Emmons speaks of the border of the basket as its life and 
ssLjs that while a rent in the side or bottom of a wallet ma}^ be sewed 

with fresh root, the breaking of 
the edge suggests at once to the 
woman the gathering of materials 
for a new basket. The great va- 
riet}^ of borders in this type of 
weaving can be best understood 
by studying specimens. It will 
be interesting to begin this by 
comparing examples from two 
widely separated areas, namely, 
the caves of Kentucky and the 
distant islands of the Aleutian 
chain, both in soft warp. (See 
Plate 143.) 

Holmes " describes bags of fiber 
found in a cave 8 miles from 
Mammoth Cave, Kentucky. The 
largest is 34 inches across and 
15 inches deep. The warp is of 
2-strand twine; an ornamental va- 
riety is given by introducing two 
larger cords of a different color at stated intervals. These warps are 
held in place by regular twined weaving at distances varying fi'om a 




Fig. 65. 
braided border from warp. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



a Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, p. 34, fig. 8. 



264 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



quarter of an inch to an inch apart. At the top, where the twined 
work finishes, the warp cords are brought together in groups of five 

and twisted into a rope for a 
short distance. They are then 
gathered into a continuous 
braid; the ends of those plaited 
in are cut ofl' when the ends of 
a new set are taken up. This 
very elaborate form of border 
will also be found later on in 
Washington. (See fig. 65.) 

The methods of finishing 
borders on twined work among 
the Salishan tribes are shown 
in the accompanying figure. 
The Quinaielt wallet (Cat. No. 
127843, U.S.N.M., collected 
by Charles Willoughby), has 
several noteworthy character- 
istics. The twined weft is ver- 
tical, woven over a frail warp. 
At the upper margin are out- 
side strengthening rows of 
close-twined work. Finally, 
the two ends of each vertical 
weft element are brought to- 
gether as one, bent backward 
behind the two preceding ones, then forward under a row of twined 
weaving, serving to hold them in place, the loose end showing on 
the inside. (See fig. 6Q.) 

Turning now to twined weav- 
ing on hard foundation, it Avill 
be a matter of surprise that the 
Pomo Indians, who make some 
of the finest twined basketry in 
the world, take no pains in fin- 
ishing off the upper margin of 
many pieces. Cat. No. 166659, 
U.S.N.M., is a basket of the 
Pomo Indians, collected for the 
Bureau of Ethnology by H. W. 
Henshaw. Diameter, 11 inches. 
(See fig. 67 and Plate 19.) 

The weaving is done when the material is wet and soft, and in dry- 
ing the weft shrinks and binds itself to the warp, so that the basket 




Fig. 66. 

twined wallet. 

Qxiinaielt Indians, Washington. 

Cat. No. 137843. Collected by Charles Willoughby. 




Pig. 67. 

single-stkand twined border. 

Pomo Indians. 

Cat. No. 166659, TJ.S.N.M. Collected by H. W. Henshaw. 



ABOEIGIKAL AMEKICAK BASKETRY. 



265 




Fig. 68. 
theee-strand twined border. 

Cat. No. 203287, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. W. 
Hudson. 



actually wears out before it unravels. Granary baskets, mill hoppers, 
mush bowls, and other varieties in common use have this sort of mar- 
gin. In the drawing hei'e shown the weft is supposed to be untwisted, 
and the whole is enlarged in order to exhibit the texture. When com- 
plete the warp is driven close together and the little sticks of alder or 
willow forming the warp are left 
protruding. 

In the following illustration the 
same principle obtains of making 
little or no change in the finishing, 
but the technic is three-strand instead 
of two-strand. The figure represents 
a section of a meal bowl of the Ceyal 
Pomo, Cat. No. 203287, U.S.N.M., 
which was collected by J. W. Hud- 
son. (See fig, 68.) 

Plate 3i makes evident the differ- 
ence between the plain twined bor- 
der and the three-strand border. In the upper figure the inside of the 
basket is exhibited and the effect is that of common two-strand twine, 
but in the lower figure the three-strand twine appears in a single row 
of weaving on the upper border. The cutting off of the margin is 
also shown. It is to be understood that the trimming of the ends 

of the warp stems is not done 
until all the weaving is entirely 
finished. 

The Hupa Indians in some 
cases finish the borders of twined 
work b}^ bending down the ends 
of the warp and wrapping or 
seizing them with splints of wil- 
low or other tough material. An 
inch of the border in a basket of 
the Ray collection in the IT. S. 
National Museum is shown. (See 
fig. 69 and Plate 170.) 

Another example of this wov- 
en and coiled work is shown. 
The basket (Cat. No. 68491, 
U.S.N.M.) is the work of the 
Zuni Indians of New Mexico. It will be seen that the last row of 
weaving at the top is three-strand. The warp rods or stems extend a 
little ways upward, then bend sharply to the left. They are then cut 
so that there will be always three of them included. The coil or seiz- 
ing of splints holds them all firmly in place. The top of the basket 
measures 4^ inches in diameter. (See fig. 70.) , 




Fig. 69. 
border op hupa twined basket. 



266 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



The McCloud Eiver Indians in Shasta County, Califoi'nia, cut off the 
warp flush and finish the border with what looks like plain twined 
weaving on the edge, but a regular half knot is tied between each pair 
of warp stems. 

Fig. 71 shows a border of Paiute Indian twined basket, in which the 
warp rods or stems are bent to the left at right angles and cut off 

after passing two or more stems, 
the object being to have at least 
three ends in a bunch forming 
the foundation of the border. 
The uniting material is a long 
splint of willow or rhus, pass- 
ing to the left, up and around 
the foundation in front of the 
standing part, and under the up- 
per foundation stem backward, 
forward to begin another series. 
It is in fact an application of the 
half hitch or button-hole stitch. 
When these are drawn tight they form an effective border which on 
the upper margin has all the appearance of a four-ply braid. The 
basket itself is an example of twined weaving in twilled style, and 
shaped something like an immense strawberr3^ 

This same process of imitating braid on the border of a basket by 
the ingenious wrapping of a single splint becomes much more com- 
plex in coiled basketry, as will be seen later in many figures. 




Fig. 70. 

wrapped wakp boeder. 

Zufii, New Mexico. 

Cat. No. 68491, U.S.N.M. Collected by Frank H. Gushing. 




Fig. 71. 
border op paiute twined basket. 



The figure (Cat. No. 203253, U.S.N.M.) shows a combination of the 
work just described and the twined- work border formed by bending 
down the warp. The specimen is from the Porno Indians. Collected 
by J. W. Hudson. Diameter, 14 inches; height, 10 inches. (Fig. 72.) 

By far the greatest variety in the treatment of borders in twined 
basketry will be found among the Tlinkit Indians, southeastern 



ABOBIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



267 



Alaska, and the Haida Indians, on the Queen Charlotte xsiands. 
Neither of these great families use coiled work, and the}^ emplo}^ little 
of other types of weaving than the twined. The Tlinkits are more 
ornamental and use colored grasses in their false embroidery, while 
the Haidas never employ such decorations, but excel in plain and 
diagonal twined work and in 3-strand weaving. Lieut. G. T. Emmons, 
U. S. Navy,'' has studied these people closely for many years, and the 
information regarding the borders of these tribes is derived from him. 
According to this authorit}^, fully nine-tenths of all the baskets used 
by the Tlinkits are of the open cylindrical type, in which the border is 
called upon to sustain more than its proportion of the wear in use. 
Some tribes have always used certain trimmings, plaitings, or braidings 
to the exclusion of others, and the work of different periods within 
tribal limits shows marked preferences. Two principal methods are 
employed in the finish of the border edge, (1) b}^ trimming off the warp 




Fig. 72. 

three-strand warp border. 

Porno Indians. 

Cat. No. 203263. Collected by J. W. Hudson. 



ends flush with the last spiral of weave (see Plate 44), and (2) by turn- 
ing the warp over and fastening it down to the standing part by twined 
weaving or braiding. The first system is always used with covered 
baskets and generally with double baskets, where the two borders give 
protection to each other, with hats and mats, and generally with all types 
of baskets made for the tourist trade. The second method is employed 
in all open baskets made for use and in the finer varieties with double 
warp. When extreme nicety is required, the inner strand or layer of 
the double warp is cut off two lines of weave below the top, so that 
when the outer strand is turned down on the standing half the thick- 
ness of the border is not increased beyond that of the regular walls. 
But whether the warp is cut off flush or turned over, the last few 
spirals of weave are generally strengthened by additional twining, 
braiding, sennit, or embroidery. There are a few examples in the 

« Basketry of the Tlingit Indians, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural 
History, III, Pt. 3, 1903, pp. 229-277. 



268 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



collection of the National Museum in which the turned reverted ends 
of warp stems are bi-aided among themselves. 

This braided warp is held together by rows of twined weaving. 

1. The crudest border, or really want of border, consists in cutting 
off the ends of the warp even with the last spiral of two-strand weft. 
This is universally practiced with the covered work basket, and is often 
the finish of the smaller double basket. (See fig. 67.) 

2. Border with the warp ends cut off flush, the one or more rows of 
three-strand twined woof around the edge adding strength to this part. 
(See fig. 68.) 





Fig. 73. 

two-strand twine, onlaid fok boeder. 

Tlinkit lndian.s. 



3. In the third type of border a two-strand twine is laid vertically 
against the outside of the warp stems and held in place by another two- 
strand twine passing through the vertical twine and around the back 
of the warp stems. The vertical twine appears onlj^ on the outside of 
the basket. The horizontal twine is seen on the outside and the inside 
alike. (See fig. 73.) 

4. In the fourth type of border a two-strand twine is ornamented on 
the outside with false embroidery precisely as on the bod}'. In some 
cases a narrow band of this style of weaving occurs at the upper 
margin and is decoi'ative as well as useful. 

5. The Haida and the Tlinkit truncated cone-like hat of root is fin- 
ished at the border by cutting off the warp ends flush and weaving a 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 



269 



common three-strand or four-strand braid around the warp so that one 
part goes inside and the other two or three parts remain on the outside. 





Fig. 7i. 

THREE-STRAND BRAID WOVEN IN FOR BORDER. 

Tlinkit Indians. 



This shows a rope-like ridge on the outside around the edge. (See 

fig. 74:.) 





Fig. 75. 

boeder of braid, onlaid. 

Tlinkit Indians. 



6. Another style consists in sewing a braid or sennit on the outside 
of the warp by means of a two-strand twine passing through the first 



270 



BBPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



and around the second. These two styles of finishing hat borders are 
in use by the Haida in basl?:etry, and may have been borrowed from 
them. (See fig. 76.) 

7. In all open baskets made for use where strength is of primary 
importance the warp ends are doubled over on the standing part of 
the next warp splint in the direction of the weave, that is, to the right, 
and twined down to it with the weft. This finish is found on the old- 
est pieces of Yakutat work. It is often strengthened b}^ the overlaid 
embroidery in straw or root around the last few spirals of weave. A 
number of technical processes employed when the warp is cut off flush 





Fig. 76. 

BORDER OF TURNED-DOWN WARP WITH TWO-STRAND TWINE. 

Tlinkit Indians. 

will be found also on the borders of specimens in which the warp is 
turned down. 

8. With the turning down of the warp strands the three-strand woof 
twining is sometimes used in the place of the two strand. 

(9) A later finish, and one generally found on the shallow, basin-like 
basket used as a work basket in weaving and as a berry screener, con- 
sists of a turning down of the warp ends as described, and, in addition, 
weaving a two-strand twining over the bights, forming a rope-like twist 
over the outer edge, and thoroughly protecting the more exposed parts 
of the warp. This character of finish occurs more among the Sitka, 
Hoonah, and Hootz ah tar tribes. The Chilcat never used it and the 
Yakutat only in the case of the basket- worker's basket. It is certainly 
of more recent date, although not of to-day. (See fig. 76.) 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



271 



(10) The most elaborate finish, peculiar to the Chilcat, used to a 
degree hy the Hooach, seldom found among the Sitka and Hootz ah 





Fig. 77. 

border of four-strand braid, turned-down avarp. 

Tlinkit Indians. 

tar, and practicalh" unknown to the Yakutat, consists in two extra 
woof strands which, with the original, go to form a regular flat sennit 




b D-tj-imijij-" 




Fig. 78. 

border op fotlr-strand braid onlaid, warp turned down. 

Tlinkit Indians. 

braided on the turned down warp. This finish is also found on the 
finest and most elaborate ceremonial hats. (See fig. 77.) 



272 



KEPOET OF NATIOliTAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



(11) The four-strand braid or sennit is attached to the outside of 
the boi'der by a two-strand twined weaving. The middle strands of the 
four-strand braid are crossed each time behind the outer one of the 
two-strand weft (fig. 78), which also grasp the turned-down warp on 
the back. 




Fig. 79. 

boeder inclosing hoop. 

Tlinkit Indians. 



(12) The border of the oval covered basket differs radicall}^ from 
that of all others. Here the top of the wall is rolled over on the out- 
side and twined down to the side all around, and sometimes this roll 




Fig. 80. 

boeder op three-strand braid. 

Tlinkit Indians. 



incloses a thick sized spruce hoop, which adds considerably to the 
strength and stiffness of the border. (See fig. 79.) 

In all instances where the warp ends are turned over, the ends of the 
woof splints in finishing off the border are twisted and run through 
the bights of the two or three last warp strands. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICATST BASKETRY. 



273 



Fig. 80 shows a border of a basket hat from the Tlinkit Indians, 
Alaska, also collected by Lieutenant Emmons. The border represents 
two rows of regular twined weaving, the finishing in three-strand 
braid (fig. 74). It will be noticed that in crossing each warp rod 
one of the three members of the braid passes behind the warp, the 
other two remaining in front. On the inner side, therefore, the 
appearance will be that of the ordinary twined work. Cat. No. 168263, 
U.S.N.M. 

Fig. 81 shows a form of border on the twined work of the Haida 
Indians in Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, in which the 
warp stems are cut ofl^ flush. In this example four splints, or two 




Fig. 81. 

mixed twined work. 

Haida Indians, British Columbia. 

Cat. No. 89033, U.S.N.M. Collected by James G. Swan. 



rows of twined work, are combined into a braid, as will be seen in 
fig. 73, the two rows of twining becoming one row of braid. As the 
braiding proceeds from the end of one warp stem to another the weft 
splint then on the inside is hooked over the end of the warp stem. In 
the drawing are shown also the plain twined weaving and diagonal or 
twilled work, by means of which figures are wrought on the surface 
of the hat. 

In coiled basketry many specimens, often among the finest, as will 
be seen in the accompanying drawings, have in their borders the same 
structure as on the rest of the body. For each special type of coiled 
work there will be a variety of border. Frequently the coiled netting, 

NAT MU8 1902 18 



274 



EEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




Fig. 82. 

simple coil border. 

Paiute Indians, Utah. 

Cat. No. 14688, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. W. Powell. 



of which hammocks and other weaves without foundation are examples, 
is finished off by simply stopping- the work. The same would be true 
in all the varieties of foundation mentioned in the previous section. 
In the present example the foundation consists of three rods or stems 
not set in triangular fashion, as in the best Pomo coiled work, but in a 
vertical series. This makes the rows much wider and economizes the 

sewing. But the varieties of 
this type are as numerous as 
the tribes of Indians practicing 
coiled weaving. (See fig. 82.) 
Fig. 83 illustrates the same 
statement already made with 
reference to the so-called grass- 
hopper basket (Plate 24). The 
drawing shows how, with a 
splint foundation, the sewing 
material interlocks with the 
stitches underneath, taking up 
at the same time one or more 
splints. 

In Plate 23, illustrating bifur- 
cated stitches on a basket in the McLeod collection, will be seen the 
simplest departure from the ordinary coiled sewing on the border. 
The stitches pass forward one space, through and backward a space, 
making a herring-bone effect on the upper edge of the basket. 

Plate 35, upper figure, illustrates a simple type of border work. 
The foundation is a bundle of splinters wrapped with splints of spruce 
root and sewed on here and 
there in regular order to the 
coil underneath, being bent 
between the stitches so as to 
form a regular sinuous line. 
On the next round the row is 
straight, wrapped like the first, 
and is sewed to the top of the 
sinuous coil underneath. On 
the top of all is another row, 
the bends not being so high, 
the lower portions being sewed 
to the joint of the other two. The border forms a series of lenticular 
openings, with a bar across the long diameter. This method of orna- 
mentation is not confined to one area, an Eskimo specimen from Davis 
Inlet, northern Labrador, collected by Lucian Turner, being made on 
substantially the same plan. 




Fig. 83. 
simple wrapped border. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKBTET. 



275 



Fig'. 84 is the border of a coiled basket collected among the Hopi 
Indians by Victor Mindeleff, Cat. No. 84596, U.S.N.M. It will be 
seen that the foundation of the coiled work on the body of the 
basket consists of three rods on the same perpendicular plane. The 
stitch passes over the three; catches under one of the previous coils, 
the stitches interlocking. In finishing off this work a single rod is 
used for the margin or border. It is sewed to the upper rod of the 
previous foundation in plain 
coiled work; but while this proc- 
ess is going on a series of three 
splints are twined around both 
the foundation and the stitches 
of the border. When the whole 
is drawn tight it gives the ap- 
pearance of a very elaborate 
double-braided work, looked at 
from the outside, and a con- 
tinuous twined or rope work on 
the upper margin. In order to 
make the style more compre- 
hensible, a drawing from the border of Cat. No. 204833 is introduced, 
fig. 86, in which the elements of the border twine are in different colors. 
The two examples just shown illustrate what was previously said about 
using twined work for the borders of coiled weave, and the opposite 
among the Tlinkits. 

Fig. 86 represents the border of a coiled basket of the Sia Indians 
of New Mexico, Cat. No. 134213, U.S.N.M., collected by Mrs. Matilda 




Fig. 84. 

threk-stkand coiled border. 

Hopi, Arizona. 




Pig. 85. 
detail of fig. 84. 



C. Stevenson. A hoop is used for the foundation of the border, and it is 
first made fast to the regular sewing underneath by means of a simple 
coiled splint on the outside of this. The ornamental border consists 
of an ordinary figure-of-eight wrapping, as in doing up a kite string, 
going from left to right. A splint passes under the foundation rod 
toward the front, and then forward five stitches over, behind, and 
under, back three stitches and under. The same process repeated 
gives the form of a braid on the outside. Finally, by the manipula- 



276 



REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



tion of a single pliable splint, effects are produced on the border which 
resemble three-ply or four-pl}^ braid. 

Fig. 87 shows the detail of border on a Havasupai (Yuman) basketj 
Cat. No. 213269, U.S.N.M., collected by Dr. Walter Hough. It will 
be seen that two rows are used in the foundation of the border. The 
strip, or splint, passes under the upper backward, then around in 




FiGf. 86. 
SINGLE-STKAND PLAITED BOEDER. 



front forward, and under both, then backward to repeat the process 
by a sort of figure-of-eight movement, passing from left to right. 
When the work is done and driven home it has the appearance of reg- 
ular plaiting. Fig. h shows both top and side view of the completed 
work. 

The application of border work to other forms of receptacles may 
be studied here, since the processes are quite akin. In a large area of 




Fig. 87. 

single-strand plaited border. 

Havasupai Indians, Arizona. 

Cat. No. 213259. Collected by Walter Hough. 

North America bark of trees, with some leather, was so easily worked 
that very little trouble was taken in weaving baskets. 

Fig. 88 represents the border of a birch-bark tray formed over a 
rod of willow, a very simple and effective but quite ornamental method 
of attachment. Five holes are bored or cut through the bark near 
the upper border. Two holes are then made, half an inch from 
the border, and these series are repeated all the way around. The 



ABOKIGHNAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



277 



sewing passes around the rod and through the hole in a simple coil, 
but the effect of the shallow and the deep stitching is quite pleasing. 
The sewing is done with tough splints f i*om the root of the spruce. 
The specimen here figured is from the Upper Yukon River, Cat. No. 
217760, U.S.N.M., collected by 1. C. Kussell. 




Fig. 

plain coiled border on bark vessel. 
Cat. No. 217750, U.S.N.M. Collected by I. C. Russell. 



Fig. 89 is the border of a birch-bark traj' from the Tinne Indians, 
Central Alaska, collected by I. C. Russell, Cat. No. 2171 U, U.S.N.M. 
Three slits were cut through the bark near the margin; after an inter- 
val of some distance three others, and so on around the entire border. 
A willow rod serves for the strengthening element, and the spruce root 
is attached by a series of half hitches or buttonhole stitches. On the 
inside the effect is a combination of coiled and twined weaving, and on 
the outside only the vertical stitches of the coil are seen. 




Fig. 89. 
coil and knot border on bark vessel. 

Cat. No. 217744, U.S.N.M. Collected by I. C. Russell. 



Fig. 90 represents a border of a Yukon River, Alaska birch tray. 
It consists of the alternate use of plain coil around a strengthening 
rod and three stitches, passing down and under a rod on the inside, 
crossing the standing part to the right through an opening or slit cut 
in the bark, and up to the beginning. There are three of these half 
hitches, as they might be called, and then five wraps around the upper 
rod. From this point the process is renewed. 



278 



REPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Fig. 91 is a border of birch-bark tray from the Upper Yukon River, 
collected hj I. C. Russell. On the upper edge a rod is used for 
strengthening. It is attached to the margin of bark by means of 
splint of spruce root. The drawing shows the front and back of the 
method of holding the root and bark together. From the back the 
splint passes from the hole in the bark obliquely over the rod, down, 




Pig. 90. 
plain coiled border on bark vessel. 



forward through the bark, backward and behind the standing part, 
over the rod, down and through the same hole, to start another knot. 
Practically, then, it is a series of single knots, as is shown in the upper 
openwork drawing. The Indians who make these birch baskets are 
called Tinne, or Dene. They live in Central Alaska and belong to the 
Athapascan family. The specimen is Cat. Ko. 217247, U.S.N M. 




Fig. 91. 
coil and knot border on bark yessel. 

Cat. No. 217247, U.S.N.M. Collected by I. C. Russell. 

The ordinary checker and other woven mats are fastened off in the 
same manner as the baskets. 

An interesting and intricate border is made by the Chilkat Indians 
on their ceremonial blankets. It consists of a number of long strings 
of mountain goat's wool and cedar bast held together by a few rows 
of twined weaving at the middle. This is then doubled and sewed to 
the margin, the ends forming the fringe. (See Plate 148.) 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 279 



IV. ORNAMENTATION ON BASKETRY 

There's magic in the web of it: 
A sibyl that had numbered in the world 
The sun to make two hundred compasses, 
In her prophetic fury sewed the work. 

—Othello, III: 4. 

Ornamentation in and on basketry is to be studied with three teach- 
ers or guides — tlie technician, the artist, and the folklorist. With 
the first named are learned the varied materials as to color and texture, 
the technical elements and their forms, and the methods of assembling 
them. The artist will show how these elements, on the one hand, open 
possibilities for aesthetic eft'ects, and how, on the other hand, the 
stitches and decussations handicap attempts at free-hand drawing. 
The folklorist examines the pictography, the totemism, the lore and 
mythology of the ornamentation, with a view of putting the student 
into intellectual and spiritual relationship with the basket maker. 
Without her basket-making would be merely a trade or calling, and 
the art student would be utterly helpless in detecting the alphabet of 
design. This phase of the subject will be elaborated in the chapter on 
symbolism. 

Great help in this investigation would be derived from a visit to the 
humble artist to watch the processes through which the fine effects 
have been elaborated. To this inquiry special attention will here be 
given. It should be added in passing that in producing her effects the 
basket maker must be fully equipped for her work before the first 
stitch or check is attempted. The painter, the potter, and the sculp- 
tor may add finishing touches or make corrections after the work is 
done, but the basket maker is like the musician — every detail in the 
production must be attended to correctly at the time. There is no 
chance to go back and remedy defects. Decoration on basketry is 
studied under the following heads: 

A. Form and structure. 

£. Ornamentation through color. 

Form and color may be studied (1) on the basket as a whole; (2) on 
the minutest structural elements; and (3) in the designs upon the sur- 
face. These will be taken up in order and treated in their relation to 
the sense of the beautiful, present in the humble Indian woman's mind 
as well as in those more refined. Growth, progress from pure natural- 
ism to greater and greater artificiality, may be observed here quite as 
marked as in other activities. To illustrate what is here said by way 
of introduction, Plate 36 represents a coiled basket of the Mission 
Indians in the collection of G. Wharton James. The noteworthy 
characteristics of this basket bowl are the effects produced by variety 
in designs and color in shades, as well as by symmetry of outline. 
The sharp contrast seen in the designs are due not to modern dyes, but 



280 BBPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

to a skillful use of Nature's colors. Under the descriptions of materials 
attention was called to the variety of natural pigmentation in the 
stems and roots of the plants used in the construction of the Mission 
work. The center of the specimen is in rectangles the colors of which 
alternate between white and dark brown. The center zone is made up 
in straw color, white, and black; the third or outer zone in natural 
shades of the stem — white, brown, and black — with here and there spots 
of brown introduced into the straw-colored sewing. The outer edge 
is in brown and white. Anciently the Mission baskets were not nearly 
so gaudy looking, but among the frequent transformations in artistic 
forms and colors this example illustrates progress in the adoption of 
really beautiful motives of a high order. 

The elaboration of decoration in form first, and then of color, will 
now be taken up more minutely. The aesthetic side of this part of 
the subject is so well explained by Holmes," that it is here only neces- 
sary to make plain the technical elements and processes involved in 
ornamentation. 

As on Pueblo pottery, so on basketry, some patterns are merely 
likenesses of things, and that is all. A step in advance of this is the 
portraiture of some particular and sacred natural feature, mountain, 
body of water, trait, etc. Pictography is one grade higher, and, 
beginning with attempts at figuring animals and plants entire, runs 
the whole gamut of transformation, ending with conventional meto- 
nymies, synecdoches, and geometric patterns of the classic type. 

FORM AND STRUCTURE 

Form in basketry is decided at the outset, not by the desire to create 
something artistic, but to produce a useful receptacle. There is 
scarcely a basket so rude, however, that a sense of symmetry and other 
artistic qualities did not enter into its composition, both as to its gen- 
eral outline and the management of its details. These varied forms 
are decided in realitj^ by : 

(a) Function, which is discussed in the chapter on uses, from the 
purely industrial point of view. 

(b) Materials, shown in the chapter on manufacture as to their 
variety and quality, but here considered as suggesting and restricting 
form. 

(c) Imitation of natui'al objects and of forms of utensils in other 
materials. 

(d) Physiological limitations. Both in the making of the basket 
and in using it the Indian woman had ever in view the convenience of 
her own body. The curves of the basket itself, the length and width, 
the proportion of all its parts, as well as convenience of holding, 

a Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1889, pp. 189-252. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 281 

transporting, and utilizing, all had reference to the woman's physical 
frame. 

{e) Aesthetic purpose. The desire to produce something beautiful 
in itself without any regard to other motives. 

If thei'e be any beauty in work belonging to the first step it is purely 
adventitious^ the weaver did not effect it purposely. In the next higher 
grade there are no separate elements of beauty, but the utilitarian 
features are dominated by taste purposely. A third class of aesthetic 
forms, one step higher, enhance the beaut}^ of the basket, but do not 
diminish its serviceability. It seems a pity to waste so much pro- 
longed work and lovely design and color on a mere berry picking basket 
or a pot for cooking with hot stones, but who will say nay ? Finally, 
usefulness is ignored or sacrificed to pure aestheticism. (See Plates 11, 
23, 45, 70, and 71.) 

When the veiy lowly and practical functions of a great deal of this 
ware are considered one has a striking example of the way in which 
the sense of beauty may coexist with forlorn poverty and surround- 
ings, as may also be seen by comparing the most skillful basket 
maker with her workshop. This thought must not be carried too 
far, however, in understanding the culture status of the woman, since 
all artists are busy practically with uncleanly materials and do not 
wear their best attire in the studio. On this same practical side, also, 
the love of beauty for its own sake maj'^ not be the entire motive in 
the artist's mind; her natural ambition and pride of achievement in 
technical skill, and perhaps envy, have much to do with preeminent 
success — quite as much with her as with artists at the other end of 
civilization. The same discrimination is made b}^ art critics in the 
highest walks of culture. The singer or musician who renders a 
technically difficult piece may be stimulated quite as much by pride 
of performance as by the overpowering influence of aesthetic feeling. 
It is difficult to sound the depths of the Indian woman's motives, but 
in the matter of shape, as will be seen, her masterpieces are fine models 
of symmetry and grace. Quite every plate in this paper will illustrate 
in some way or another what will be said respecting the ornamenta- 
tion of Indian basketry in the six geographic areas. In each one of 
the phases under which shape as a decorative element is studied there 
will be found a response in the different parts of the hemisphere. 

The study of form and structure in the ornamentation of basketry 
will be now considered under the heads named: First, the shape of the 
basket as a whole; second, the minute structural elements out of which 
all designs on basketry are formed, and third, the designs on the sur- 
face of the basket and their combination into symbols or composite 
ornamentations. (See Plate 37.) 



282 BEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



SHAPES OF BASKETS AS A WHOLE 



The shapes of basketry have relation to the forms of solid geometry. 
The cube, the cone, the cylinder, the sphere, are the bases of all sim- 
ple and complicated varieties. In softer material basketry approaches 
matting. The products are then flat or pliable, although the process 
of manufacture is the same. Among the eastern tribes of the United 
States the Algonkin and Iroquois baskets are all cylindrical or rect- 
angular in outline. The same is true of the tribes in the Southern 
United States, although the greater flexibility of the reed cane invites 
the basket weaver to a wider diversity. In the Interior Basin and 
everywhere else the wild flax and other fibrous plants abounded, the 
sack, rectangular in outline, prevailed, but in the western portions of 
Canada east of the Rocky Mountains the prevalence of birch bark 
occasioned a variety of solid forms. The Indians of the Interior 
Basin also employ the cjdinder largely. The same is true of the 
Eskimo, of Alaska, while the Aleutian Islanders, especially in the 
outer islands, having the flexible wild grass to work with, return to 
the form of the bag or satchel. The' cylinder and the rectangle pre- 
vail among the Haida and Tlinkit, Avhile the soft wallet, rectangular 
in outline, were more common farther south. The Salish and other 
tribes of Indians, of Columbia and Washington, diversified in their 
tribal and linguistic elements, produced many forms of baskets. 
Those in touch with the Hudson's Bay Company were very quick to 
imitate the shapes of packages used by them. In this region, also, 
since the boiling with hot stones was a prevalent method of cooking, 
the basket pot, somewhat cylindrical in motive jet more in the form 
of a truncated cone, was seen in every house. What is said about the 
diversity of form among the Salish tribes is true all along the Pacific 
coast of the United States. Here also is to be found the conical 
baskets in great abundance, since the people were partly vegetarians 
or diggers. The carrying basket is a prominent feature in collections 
from this area. From these simple geometric forms were developed 
dishes, jars, bottles, packing cases, and so on, in unlimited numbers, 
combining the cylinder, the cone, and the rectangle. In many of 
these the jar-shaped necks of pottery are imitated, in which the 
elements of the sphere and the spheroid are used. 

In giving the forms just indicated to basketry the Indian woman has 
always in mind the elements of the beautiful as well as of the useful. 
It is considered a reproach to violate the rules of bilateral symmetry or 
proportion in form. A superficial view of a large collection of baskets 
from any poi-tion of America would strike the most careless observer as 
the fruits of thoughtful and painstaking labor on {esthetic lines. These 
forms are often said to be mere imitations of something the savage 
woman has seen in nature or in other arts. Imitation is indeed one 
of the elements in this problem, but it is an entire misconception of 



ABOETGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 283 

the underlying plan to suppose that the skillful weaver is a slave to 
natural patterns. Indeed, it might also be averred that she is less 
subservient to such things than artisans of much higher grade. On 
entering the workshops of civilization one sees the walls loaded with 
designs and models after which to work, but rarely would the observer 
see an Indian woman looking to any other source than her own 
imagination for the model of her basket; strictly speaking, she never 
makes two alike. A close observation of the weaver at her work 
demonstrates the fact that the eye, the hand, the curves of the body, 
the angles of the lower limbs, all contribute their share to giving 
beautiful forms to basketry. The following illustrations will show 
the gradations of general outline through which basketry passes, the 
maker keeping always in mind the sense of pleasure to be awakened 
or gratified. 

They are as follows: a, flat forms; J, dish forms; c, bowl forms; 
d, jar forms; and g, miscellaneous forms. 

{a) The simplest of these is the flat tray, mat, wallet, sail, gambling 
plaque, and more. They assume endless varieties of outline, and 
through the stimulus of trade all sorts of shapes result, table mats of 
standard patterns in Sitka and Vancouver Island, rectangular wallets 
in Washington, ■ Idaho, and Montana, but especially the gambling 
plaques of California. 

Plate 38 shows two flat plaques of this form, the upper one from 
the Tule River country, Tulare County, California, the lower one 
from Madera County, both in the collection of E. L. McLeod, of 
Bakersfield, California. The coiling, if well done, would produce the 
circular outline. The Indian woman who constructed the plaque 
made the stitches under the spell of this art motive. A number of 
additional examples of artistic forms in flat basketry will be found in 
Plates 6 and 61.« 

(5) Use cooperates with beauty in deepening the basket into a shal- 
low plate as among the Hopi (Moki) for the sacred meal in their prayer 
ceremonials, but more attractive still are the so-called Navaho cere- 
monial baskets. (See Plate 39). These beautiful objects have attracted 
much attention also through their association with Navaho ceremonies. 
They are called ghost drums, wedding baskets, and various other 
names, all associated with the Navaho religion. The dish baskets shown 
in the plate are in the collection of Fred Harvey. The same form 
exists along the Pacific States wherever meal or other vegetal diet is 
eaten. They are the common dish in which the mush is served 
throughout the acorn-bearing parts of California. It is an excellent 
example of adaptation to use, consistent at the same time with correct 
aesthetic expression. Doing her best in producing the proper foi*m 

a W. H. Holmes, Eeport of the U. S. National Museum, 1900, pi. xli. 



284 EEPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

she was not hampered by the fear of lessening utility. Figures of 
similar shapes "will be seen in Plates 93, 216. 

(c) Deepening the plate or dish gives the bowl an unlimited number 
of forms and emancipates the basket maker. All through the south- 
western United States the olla is the prevailing form. It is a segment 
cut from a sphere, marvelous in symmetry when the production of a 
master hand. DejDarting from this simple outline, varieties are pro- 
duced by flattening the bottom and straightening the body until the 
truncated cone and regular cylinder are reached. The quality of the 
material used may have a little to do with the general outline, but it 
is charming to see how easily the savage woman overcomes the obsti- 
nacy of nature and persuades reluctant wood to do the work of grass 
and soft fibers. Cylindrical forms are in favor with the Aleuts, with 
the Haidas of Queen Charlotte Islands, with the Tlinkits of south- 
eastern Alaska, and some tribes in Washington and Oregon. In the 
eastern parts of Canada and the United States cylindrical forms are 
mixed with rectangular. The baskets shown in Plate 40 are in the 
collection of E. L. McLeod, of Bakersfield, California. These ai-e all 
from Kern County, 'and include hats as well as domestic forms. It will 
be noticed that some of the examples have straight conical bodies 
and others are curved outward, but none are incurved. As models 
for modern basketr}'^ these shapes can not be improved upon, since 
they are grounded in the structure of the human bod}^ itself. Refer- 
ence will be again made to the baskets in this plate when the elemen- 
tary forms are studied that go to make up the designs. The photograph 
does but half justice to the basketry from this region, which adds to 
the beauty of outline and variety of design the charms of tints and 
colors in varied materials. 

{d) Baskets with constricted borders go by the general name of 
bottlenecks. If a motif be sought outside the desire of the Indian 
artist to have it thus, there is a style of old Pueblo pottery at hand 
which stands preeminent in southwestern United States." After the 
body of the vessel or basket is built up to the required height the 
work is drawn into the form of a jar or bottle. Attention has already 
been called to the fact that no pottery existed formerly on the west 
coast of North America. The few exceptions to this rule only intensify 
this absence. The place of pottery is taken by basketry, even for 
cooking. There is no limit to the pine trees yielding gum which will 
render basketry water-tight. The bottle-shaped basket soon appears 
and is installed as Aquarius of the Utes, the Apache, and other tribes 
and as a seed vessel. No sooner was its office fixed than it began to dress 
up in artistic form, and the inimitable bottleneck of the Panamint and 
other tribes in the Inyo-Kern and Tulare area appeared. The Apaches 

«J. W. Fewkes, Seventeenth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1898, 
Plates 130, 131, 143. 



ABOEIGIJSTAL AMERICAN BA8KETET, 285 

are having the last word at this point in the adoption of correct sesthetic 
forms purely European. Plate 41 shows a group of Kern County- 
bottlenecks in the collection of E. L. McLeod. Plate 42 illustrates a 
lot of Apache ollas in the collection of J. W. Benham, of New York 
City. 

That these pretty jar shapes have little significance so far as tribes 
are concerned is shown by the fact that they occur all the way from 
Point Barrow in Alaska to southern California. 

(e) This class includes all odd forms whatever. They are frequently 
made in imitation of objects that struck the Indian woman's fancy. 
The very best examples of this are the imbricated baskets of the 
Fraser-Columbia drainage. A good collection of them tells the whole 
story accurately, starting from the conical forms, with foundation of 
splints and bottoms in shape of a watch spring to be found on the 
Klikitat and the Thompson River and ending below and above the 
Fraser mouth with flat and uniform foundation and straight lines in 
the bottom, the last shapes in the series being nothing more than 
imitations of Hudson Bay Company's packages, trunks, cradles, and 
so on. These bizarre shapes are not confined to the mere imitation 
of white men's devices. The demands of ceremony and religion 
required special forms of basketry. (See Plates 43, 157-172.) 

Finally, ornamentation in the form of the basket as a whole has 
kept pace with the multiplication of uses. The first contact of the 
Indians with the whites created new desires in their minds. Further- 
more, it was not long before they discovered their best interests to lie 
in the direction of service to their conquerors. The supply of new 
wants and responses to the demands just mentioned would necessarily 
break in upon the ancient regime. Not at first, however, did the new 
object respond to the best workmanship. Plate 44 represents a part 
of the outfit of a Tlinkit Indian in the service of the Russians. Among 
his other accouterments there must be a receptacle for ammunition. 
This must conform to those already in use. The result is the three 
forms shown in the plate. First, a small jar-shaped holder with a bas- 
ketry cap-like cover; second, a bullet holder, in which the one basket 
fits exactly over another; third, a combination in which the cover is 
attached to the basket by means of a running string. All of these 
forms are shown in the plate. While drawing attention to these de- 
signs it will be well to examine their characteristics. The cover of No. 
2 is plain twined weaving of the old-fashioned sort. The attractive- 
ness of the work is in its regularity, both of vertical lines and hori- 
zontal weaving. The under portion of this double basket is covered 
over with false embroidery designs. No. 1 is an evident departure 
from ancient shapes, and the surface is covered with poor work in 
embroidery. No. 3 is more worthy of scrutiny. On the outer bas- 
ket, or cover, plain weaving and embroidery alternate in single lines 



286 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

and narrow bands. The lower, or inside, basket has its surface envel- 
oped in embroidered weaving of excellent character and is wrought in 
three colors. The specimen is in the collection of L. H. Brittin, of 
Edgewater, New Jersey. 

MOSAIC ELEMENTS IN DECORATION 

The composition of the basket, its molecular elements, so to speak, 
is guided largely by the materials. In cross section they are in their 
coarsest forms round, then half round, resulting from splitting whole 
stems. The finer sorts arise from further subdivision of stems, being 
roundish on the outside and flat within; or flat on both surfaces, as 
in the Canadian ash splints and the flat foundations of Eraser River 
baskets; or ribbon-like, as in basketry made of palm leaves; or thi'ead- 
like, as in the coiled basketry of the Pomo, sewed with split sedge 
root as fine as pack thread. These various kinds and grades of mate- 
rials in their tractability are dependent on climate, latitude, and phy to- 
geography in the first place, and finally upon the maker's grade of 
culture, on the form and function she had in mind, as well as on the 
higher forms of fine art, social rivalry, and mythology. (See Plate 45.) 

In ultimate structure, basketry is free-hand mosaic or, in finest 
materials, like pen drawings or bead work, the surface being composed 
of any number of small parts — technically decussations, stitches, or 
meshes, practically separate from one another so far as the effect on 
the eye is concerned. These mosaic parts are with some materials 
quite flat on the outer surface, as in the best matting and bags, while 
in others they stand out on account of the coarseness and rigidity of 
the wood. The object of mosaic ordinarily is to produce aflat surface 
for pavements or floors. The term " mosaic," here used as a simile, 
applies to such as is seen in mural decoration, where projections and 
depressions are wrought into artistic designs. In much basketry the 
separation of the stitches and exposure of a wai*p beneath having 
another color have precisely the same effect. In many examples the 
stems and roots are thoroughly soaked and rendered plastic and then 
pressed home, the parts being forced together, in which case the little 
elements become spindle-formed or hexagonal. Mosaic effects in 
basketry may be — (a) Tessellate, as in checker or twilled weaving; 
(i) concentric, as in wicker and twined weaving, and (c) radiate in all 
coiled weaving. These must be kept in mind. 

Unity in variety, the underlying principle of all aesthetic composi- 
tion, finds its first step illustrated in the making up of a basket. The 
perfection of an Indian basket in its artistic technic is monotony, or 
monotechny, if such a word existed. In looking at a clumsy bit of 
work done by a child, or a beginner, one is aware of painstaking 
effort to make all the checks or stitches alike, ending in failure. In 
the most elegant pieces the victory is won, unity is achieved. With 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAK BASKETEY. 287 

her mouth for a vise and other purposes, with a flint knife, and the 
educated fingers, the patient and sliillful artist formerly brought all 
her filaments to uniform thickness. At present scissors, awls, knives, 
and gauges (all of metal) aid her immensely in her task. The eyes 
and hands cooperating, in some instances through a hundred thousand 
efforts, produce elements of astonishing uniformity. This unity is of 
a ver}" high order; for in many examples, coupled with a monotonj'" of 
elements absolutely under control of the artist there is at the same 
time a charming variation in width and length of parts in harmony 
with, and made necessary by, the widening and narrowing of the 
basket. This unity in a myriad of details is the more noteworthy in a 
basket-maker's art, in common with that of all other textile workers, 
because the individual elements are not lost or destroyed in the opera- 
tion. The exceptions to this are rare, as in a few California speci- 
mens, where the coiled sewing is entirely obscured by overlaying of 
feathers. Usually the perfection of the stitch is the aim of the worker. ! 

Plate 46 is a rare coiled basket made hy a Washoe woman named 
Datsolalee. It is in the collection of A. Cohn, Carson City, Nevada. 
The piece measures 8i inches high, is 12 inches wide, and 6 inches 
wide at the opening. The stitches number over 50,000, being thirty 
to the inch. The body color is a rich light gold, and the figures are 
in red and black. It weighs 16 ounces, and is valued at many hun- 
dreds of dollars. The figures on the basket represent birds migrating 
or flying away, the motto being, "When the birds leave their nests 
and fly away, we shall move." The shape of this piece and the quality 
of the sentiment in the markings are excelled only by the inimitable 
quality of the work on the surface. It is difficult to conceive of a 
more perfectly uniform piece of handiwork than this. 

In pottery all vestiges of coiling and molds are commonly obliter- 
ated. In a very few examples of ancient ware there seems to have 
been an aim to perfect the coiling and render its detail monotonous 
and artistic, but in the many thousands of other examples the potter 
has erased the marks of the fingers, the paddle, and the mold. On 
the other hand, the whole development of the art of basketry has been 
an effort to perfect the individual stitch, or mesh, or check, if neces- 
sary to make any number of thousands of them exactly alike over the 
entire surface of a large receptacle, or to study the greatest possible 
number of variations that may be given in form to these primary ele- 
ments consistent with the unity of the whole effect. The Eskimo near 
the mouth of the Yukon must have only lately acquired the art of 
basket making. With coarse hay for the foundation and sinew for 
thread they produce the clumsiest excuses for basketry, ugly in form, 
slovenly in stitching, and utterly devoid of designs on the surface, 
while the Aleuts, close bj^, have unique elementary forms and work 
with surprising uniformity. With the monotony or uniformity of 



288 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902, 



the mosaic elements in any basket one must not fall into the error of 
thinking that there is not the greatest variety of fundamental shapes 
in the things to be monotonized. Thej^ vary in outline and relief in 
position with reference to the horizon; that is, the rim of the basket, 
in relative proportion to the whole and its parts. 

In checkerwork the basketry tiles, one 
might call them, keeping in mind the 
use of the word mosaic, are squares or 
rectangles in close or open work. The 
mosaic of checkerwork pleases by its 
uniformity, and yet man}" baskets made 
b}^ hand with tools not over refined have 
in them enough of variety to relieve 
them from the dull monotony in machine 
products. Flexibility in materials, as 
between hard-wood splints and those of 
cedar bark and palm leaf, oflfers all the chance the weaver needs to 
play tricks in reliefs. The eye is never wearied in ramhling up and 
down among these crooked paths. There is possibility of variety even 
in checkerwork, through changing the width of warp and weft ele- 
ments. Oblong rectangles there mingle with tiny or larger squares in 
tessellated surfaces. (See Plate 14 and figs. 96 and 97.) 




Fig. 92. 

checker ornament in two colors. 

After W. H. Holmes. 




Fig. 93. 

amazonian basket decorations in checker. 

After P. H. Cushing. 



What is here said concerning the aesthetic effects produced in the 
plainest kind of checkerwork by simple alternation of the colors is 
illustrated by fig. 92, after Holmes in the Sixth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology already quoted. 

Fig. 93 is a more interesting illustration from the Amazon region, 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



289 




Fig. 94. 
twilled wokk in two 

COLORS. 
After W. H. Holmes. 



from a drawing after Frank H. Gushing. The surface of the basket 
is mosaic in two colors, made up of little square blocks, and by their 
alternation not only sloping and vertical patterns are produced, but 
the most intricate labyrinth of fretwork. There is no limit to the pos- 
sibilities any more than there is to the Italian 
workman making a tessellated pavement with 
marble blocks in white and black. 

As soon as the weaver steps outside of her 
monotonous checkerwork into the province of 
wicker, or especially twilled weaving, the 
possibilities of ornamentation are infinitely 
multiplied. In plain weave, wicker elements 
are sigmoid or spijidle-shaped; on twilled weav- 
ing, they are oblong rectangles. Passing into 
the most intricate damask effects in modern 
linen weaving, in which materials of one color 
only have to be used, it will be seen how 
greatly varied this sort of ornamentation ma}" 
be made. The elements of wickerwork mosaic 
are horizontal, but twilled weaving, in single elements ma}" be both ver- 
tical and horizontal in the same piece. The three accompanying figures 
are from Holmes and show better than words the possibilities of the 
little squares and rectangles for decoration. In fig. 94: in two colors 
the white work is under two and over one; the weft over one, two, or 

three and under one; the result being a series 
of sloping designs of great beauty. Fig. 95 
in precisel}" the same materials shows how 
b}^ varying the count the pattern is changed. 
Fig. 96 is interesting because it exhibits a 
widespread type of mat weaving farthest 
away from loom work. The woman begins 
at the corner to weave. All the little blocks 
are rectangles; all stop at the same angle, 
and the result is a perfect Greek fret in two 
colors. (See Plate 47.) 

In twined weaving the effect of the single 
rows is funicular one way and corrugated 
the other. If the reader will notice any 
number of twined baskets in plain twined 
weave, it will at once become apparent that 
it has its limitations. The Porno make only bands in it to represent 
the skin of a snake or some such motive. The Haida and Tlinkit 
vary the ribbed effect with decorative overlaying or three-strand weft. 
With the diagonal twined work the case is entirely different. The 
boldest of spiral designs covering an immense surface are wrought 
NAT MUS 1902 19 




Fig. 95. 
diaper twilled wokk in two 

COLOKS. 
After W. H Holmes. 



290 BEPOET OF NATIOTSTAL MUSEUM, 1902„ 

in weaving in twilled fashion. Nothing can excel the Pomo, Pit 
River, and other northern California carrying baskets in attractive- 
ness of decoration. In openwork twining, where the warp has a 
chance to show its versatility, as in mound-builders' ware, but especially 
in Aleutian wallets, the pleasing effects in a single color are without 
end. For examples. of the great variety in twined- work decoration 
see Plates 19, 21, and 48. 

Plate 48, illustrating twined decoration in its elements is a repre- 
sentation of food bowls of the Klamath Indians of southern Oi*egon. 
These old specimens were among the first received at the U. S. 
National Museum and were collected by George Gibbs, Cat. No. 7568, 
U.S.N.M. The resources of ornamentation used by the Klamath 
Indians are fine stems and rods for the fiber, different colors in the 
wood, and superadded elements for decoration. Much of their work 




Fig. ' 

diagonal twilled ornament. 

British Guiana. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



is done in soft material and in the type of overlaying used by them 
the ends are fastened off carelessly on the inside of the structure so 
as to give a rough appearance. 

Further illustrations of Klamath ornamentation, as well as that of 
their kindred, the Modocs, will be found in Plates 16Y, 174. 

One of the prettiest and boldest attempts at securing effects in 
twined weave in the U. S. National Museum is from the vast ceme- 
tery of Ancon in Peru. The illustration (fig. 97) shows the decorative 
belt on a small workbasket made from rushes. One might be deceived 
into thinking that the motive came from the Yokut Indians of Cali- 
fornia (figs. 98 and 99), but a glance at the texture reveals a different 
method of achieving the same result. The warp is double, consisting 
of two straws side by side as in the Aleut wallets. At the bottom are 
three rows of plain twined weaving, each twist inclosing two warps. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETKY. 



291 



Follow these pairs up to the top of the basket and note that the two 
rows of twined weaving — one dark, the other light — also inclose pairs, 
but not the same pairs, between the single twinings. Here seven 
human figures are woven in black on a brown ground. The pairs are 
holding in their hands between them a rhomboid object, reminding 
one of an Iroquois wampum belt in which two warriors are shown as 
jfoearing the sacred pipe. The weaving on this space is twilled mixed 
■with twined, the latter being subservient to the former. The warp 
elements no longer are woi'ked in pairs, but singly. The twined 
weaving on them is twilled on the brown body surface and vertical 
across the black rectangles, making the double warp conform to the 
twined weaving below everywhere save on the feet. All this is finger 
work and deserves a prize for its maker both for the plan and the size 
of the molecules. 




Fig. 97. 

human figures in twined weaving. 

Ancient Peru. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



Coiled basketry, on the contrary, is made up of radial elements 
only, which are the stitches, some being long and thin, others short 
and wide. The aesthetic effects depend on the quality of the material. 
The very coarsest ware of the Utes and the Klondike nations has little 
beauty of texture, while that of the Alaskan Tinne or the California 
Washoe, Panamint, or Pomo is faultless. In finer coiled work, when 
the stitches barely interlock, they appear to stand one over another 
from row to row; but when the stitches pass underneath one of the 
rods at least of the foundation below there is an alternation of stitches 
with open spaces on the surface resembling twilled weaving, each one 
being wedged between two, over and under. It is impossible to trace 
any ornamentation in coiled work among the eastern Indians of North 



292 BEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

America through lack of material. The Arctic Alaskan coiled basketry 
also is lacking in color features. It is not until the Salish tribes 
of British Columbia are reached that attempts are made to produce 
beautiful effects in the primitive coiled elements of ornamentation. 
The resources of the artist are fourfold, 

(1) Her regular stitches are in tough root splints coiled in such manner 
that the smooth outer surface of the last 3^ear's growth is exposed to 
view. Seldom will the rough inner splints which constitute the 



Pig. 98. 

design on coiled bowl. 

Tulare Indians. 

Cat. No. 19091, U.S.N.M. Collected by Stephen Powern. 



foundation come into sight through or between the stitches, Indeed, 
there is a type of weaving in this area in which smooth, thin strips of 
wood are laid together in pairs so that when the warp is exposed it is 
the bright outer surface that is seen. The Salish woman is not back- 
ward in making most of her opportunities with the dull brown color 
of the cedar in that she has learned to practice uniformity in the 
stitches themselves. 

(2) Mention has already been made of splitting stitches in the sew- 



ABOEIGINAL AMEJBIOAK BASKETRY. 



293 



ing of these savage women. It is done in such a careful manner that 
it becomes an element of beauty, otherwise it would become a contri- 
bution to ugliness. Examples of this work will be seen in Plate 24. 

(3) Another resource of ornamentation in the elementary American 
work of coiled basketry has been well used by the Salish Indians — 
that is the so-called beading, which consists in running a strip of bright 
grass in and out among the coiled stitches at regular intervals. Many 
examples of brown cedar sewing with bright golden-colored straws 
for the beading are in the U. S. National Museum. This arrests the 
radial effect of the coil stitches and substitutes the concentric or 
parallel motif. 




Fig. 99. 

detail op fig. 98. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



(4) The last elementary resource referred to among the Salish tribe 
is imbrication, which will be more minutely described in the section 
devoted to color in ornamentation. The sewing on such specimens is 
entirely obliterated and the surface reconstructed in yellow, red, brown, 
and wood color, the effect being tesselate mosaic. 

Among the California tribes these coiled elements, being much 
smaller in size than those in the baskets of the Salish tribes, afforded 
opportunity for different artistic effects. An inspection of the work 
done by Pomo, Maidu, and other tribes of northern California shown 
in many plates and figures will prove this. 

Fig. 98 is from the surface of a beautiful coiled basket of the Tulare 
Indians, Tulare County, California. It gives an opportunity of study- 
ing the elementary stitches on the best of coiled work. These Indians 



294 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



have at their command four colors, that of the root or wood with which 
the body of the basket is sewed; black filaments taken from the root 
of a peculiar sedge; where the redbud or cercis is available, the outer 
bark is a rich brown and the inner side quite white; in addition there 
is a bright reddish root. Yucca arborescens. 

The stitches are, of course, hexagonal in form, but the pressing of 
the wood together gives them quite an oval outline, and thej^ naturally, 
in the course of sewing, incline toward the right. With these colors 
and oval elements to which the artist is bound to restrict herself, the 
attempt is here made to produce a step-formed cycloid. In the spaces 

between each two designs is 
the figure of a man. It is 
interesting to note how, un- 
der such narrow restrictions, 
so good effects can be pro- 
duced. 

In southern California 
among the Tulare and other 
neighboring tribes, as well 
as among the Apache and 
Navaho, most pretentious fig- 
ures are attempted in coiled 
elements. Fig. 99, after 
Holmes, in the Sixth Annual 
Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology (fig. 339) furnishes a 
good example of what is here 
mentioned, but the farthest 
departure from old-fashioned 
types is exhibited in the work 
of the Apaches, who attempt 
all sorts of animal forms in 
coiled work, and the Pima 
tribes, who lose themselves 
in labyrinths and frets. 
The basket from which this 
elementary rectangle is taken will be found illustrated on Plate 30, in 
Report of the U. S. National Museum for 1884. « 

Plate 49 shows two covered jars in exquisite coiled "Work, brought 
from Santa Barbara, California, by William Alden Gale, of Boston, 
between 1810 and 1835, and owned by the Misses Eaton. The upper 
basket is 11 inches high and 5 inches wide; the lower 15^ inches wide 
and 10 inches high. They are introduced here for the purpose of 
calling attention to their combination of sesthetic qualities. One does 




Pig. 100. 
pima caekying frame. 
Southern Arizona. 
Cat. No. 76033, U.S.N.M. Collected by Edward Palmer. 



• « See also Stephen Powers in Contributions to North American Ethnology, 1877, p. 256. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEIOAK BASKETRY. 295 

not know which to admire most, their forms, the fineness of the 
stitches, the simple but effective designs, or the charming effect of 
color both in the patterns and in the mosaic work. Covers on baskets 
from this area are rare and may not be ancient. It is just suggested 
that their motive came from the old preserve jars common in ships' 
outfits a hundred years ago. 

In fig. 100 the ornamentation has all the features of lacework; 
indeed, it might be called the beginning of lace. The detailed draw- 
ing above the figure shows, however, that the example is simplj^ a 
piece of coiled basketr}^ from which the foundation rows have been 
carefully withdrawn and only the sewing remains. In the long 
stitches between the thread has been simply wrapped twice around 
the standing part instead of once. It is within the weaver's power to 
make this change at any moment from single wrap to double wrap, 
the result being a figured surface, as in the lower drawing. This sort 
of ornamentation has rare existence north of the present boundaries 
of Mexico, but may be found all through tropical America. The 
example here shown was procured from the Pima Indians of the 
Piman family in Arizona and Mexico, but beautiful examples were 
also collected by W J McGee among the Papagoes, their kindred. 

DESIGNS IN DECORATION 

The fundamental checks, decussations, stitches, and meshes of which 
the mosaic of basketry is made up are used, associated or not with 
color, in forming designs or patterns on the surface. Compare the 
severely plain Haida cylinder wallet with the exquisitely decorated hat 
from the same, tribe. Both are in the color of the spruce root, but the 
latter resembles fine lacework on account of the delicate pattern cov- 
ering its surface. All Indian tribes know how to give variety to unity 
by simply making up various technical compositions that add no new 
processes. These compositions are aggregations of simple forms 
which are the alphabet of the Indian woman's most intricate patterns. 
It matters not how complicated the whole design may be, it is com- 
posed of the following simple parts: 

(a) Lines in ornament. 

(b) Squares or rectangles, 
(e) Rliomihoidal figures, 
{d) Triangles. 

(e) Polygonal dements. 

{/) Comjplex patterns. 

It may be well to devote a little more space to the consideration of 
these. Many seemingly incomprehensible patterns become clear when 
resolved. At the same time the secret of their pleasure-giving qualitj^ 
is revealed. Just as a subtle pleasure creeps into the mind in scrutin- 
izing the uniform stitches on the surface of the Washoe basket (Plate 



296 REPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902 

i6) SO, in a highei' sense, the orderly recurring of the same geometric 
shape over and over in an intricate design adds to the enjoj'ment of 
the whole. These elements are not exact, however, being hand-made 
and bounded by lines produced by the curved forms in most basketry. 
The artistic effect is thus heightened. 

(a) Lines in ornament. — It may not have occurred to the reader to 
observe how scrupulous almost every Indian basket maker is to relieve 
the monotony of her work by a simple line of some other kind of 
weaving. It would be safe to say that no basket is without them. In 
the entire Hudson collection in the National Museum there is not a 
twined basket whose texture is not improved in more than one place 
by a line in a different style of technic. These lines may run in almost 
any direction, and, as in the Haida hat, be worked into geometric 
figures. 

Plate 50 is a collection of Pima basket bowls from southern Arizona 
belonging to F. M. Covert, of New York city. It shows how many 
different effects are produced in the same tribe by the mere adminis- 
tration of lines wandering about. In some of the figures shown it 
will be seen how easy it is for a row of stitches to become double and 
then to add or to make additional rows at the ends or on the sides, to 
separate lines or to give to a line any sort of curved effect. This is 
especially noticeable in fig. 3. The line maj^ pass hj further additions 
into rectangles, triangles, or geometric figures. The Indians of the 
southwestern portion of the United States have exhausted the situation 
in this matter of meandering lines. 

(b) Squares or rectangles. — The next simplest form upon which the 
basket artist may venture is the square or rectangle, which may be a 
band of two or more rows interrupted by vertical spaces, perhaps in 
another color. It is a matter of counting the same n^imber over and 
over as the work progresses, and is one of the first steps in arithmetic. 
In a Pomo gift basket the square patterns on the bottom are the mats 
on the floor, and so the simplest of weaving motives lends itself to 
symbolism. In the plainest forms of work the checkers or squares 
are oriented at right angles to the horizon or border of the specimen. 
Variety is effected by the position of the squares and their relation 
one to another and to other decorative elements. A delightful effect 
is produced on matting especially where the squares or checkers are 
oblique to the borders. Such work is to be seen in America, but was 
much more common in the islands of the Pacific. 

The rectangle gives a wider scope still to variety in artistic effects. 
Bands of rectangles are to be seen around basketry, and more compli- 
cated forms are made up of them or have them in their composition. 
A departure from the rectangle, but in the same line of workmanship, 
is the parallelogram. Such work is easily produced in the diagonal or 
twilled weaving. An excellent example of an intricate design made up 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. _ 297 

of rectangles in various positions and relations one to another is shown 
in the old Skokomish wallet from Washing-ton in the collection of 
F. Harve3\ (See Plate 51.) The decorations on this wallet consist of 
vertical collections of geometric figures, one hanging from another, in 
suits of four. Each one of the designs which go to make up the whole 
decoration in its simplest elements is a rectangle. The projections 
from the sides of these are the same, and the wolves around the upper 
border are simply a collection of the same elementary design, the head, 
the neck, the bod}^, the legs, the tail, each one is the same. On the 
larger rectangles are nests of geometric figures of the same class, one 
inclosed in the other b}^ widening lines. The entire effect on the sur- 
face is produced by the clever use of a single element. 

In many examples, when the rectangular figure is set obliquely the 
pattern on the basket appears to have a rhomboidal form. The types 
of weaving have much to do with the administration of the rectangle, 
whether it be radial or concentric. In diagonal weaving the long axis 
is horizontal, but in coiled work the long, slender rectangles are per- 
pendicular. In loose coiling the figures become rhomboidal on account 
of the longer slope of the stitch. Twined work produces an infinite 
number of rhombs in rows having ragged edges. In the style of 
weaving produced by the Makah the separate elements are rectangular 
on the inside, but they form a charming patchwork of rhombs on the 
outside. The rectangle aside from color, which will be studied later, 
lends itself to ornament by its relief, its proportions, and its position. 
The relief depends on the material, which may be soft inner bark or 
bast, or pliant leaves. On the other hand, it may be soft fillets of ash 
and stems of willow or coarse brushes as in the fish weir. When the 
projecting elements are intractable the possibilities of plain geometric 
ornamentation are limited in the extreme, but with fibers highly flex- 
ible and well- soaked materials the field of the decorator becomes 
greatly enlarged. 

Plate 52, a large bottle-shaped granary of the San Caiios Apache 
Indians belonging to the fine collection of F. S. Plimpton, of San 
Diego, California, shows what is meant by proportion. Upon the 
surface of this coiled basket will be found stepped patterns rising in 
a cycloids from the bottom to the neck and even to the rim of the 
specimen. Each one of these spaces is covered with black and white 
rectangles, or as near as rectangular forms can be made on a globular 
surface governed in length and width by the widening or narrowing 
of the specimen. In the spaces between these patterns so made up 
are men and horses, but even these have square heads, bodies, legs, 
and feet. The fingers on the men are in proper shape. An amusing 
departure is manifest in the effort to give a little shape to the tails 
and ears of the horses. 

{fi) Rhomboidal figures. — ^With the parallelogi'am or rhomb, the 



298 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

surface of the basket has a tessellated or mosaic appearance. These 
figures also may be oriented with refei-fence to the borders, but the 
patterns become oblique, and more pleasing diaper effects are caused 
when the figures are not oriented with reference to the horizon or 
border. Plate 53 shows a number of beautiful bowls in the collec- 
tion of C. P. Wilcomb from Kern, Inyo, and Tulare counties, Cali- 
fornia. They are introduced here for the purpose of showing how, 
on many of them, diamond-shaped patterns have been worked into 
basketry with excellent effect. Associated with these geometric form 
polygons are also the elements of cycloids, covering almost the entire 
surface. Radiating from the bottom, triangular spokes proceed to the 
outer margin and these are decorated with diamond patterns and 
irregular polygons. The human form and other typical patterns are 
united with those now under consideration. The majority of the 
decoration, however, is in the simple elementary geometric shape 
here considered. 

{d) Triangles. — On the surface of basketry the triangle, as an element 
of design in mosaic, does not occur in the single stitch or check, but it 
is found in open-work basketry, as among the Aleuts, where the warp 
is bent backward and forward or crossed. By the combination of 
elementary parts triangular effects in great variety are obtained. In 
this technic a triangle is not a three-sided figure with straight outline, 
but a pyramid made by piling up rectangles, vertical or radial in 
coiled basketry, horizontal or concentric in woven basketry. The 
base of the triangle may be straight but the sides xare notched and 
stepped as in the bead work. 

A great many symbolical designs of arrowheads, mountains, and 
other artificial and natural objects which suggest the three-sided form 
are produced on both coiled and woven basketry, the base of the tri- 
angle being at the top, at the bottom, or on either side of the figure. 
The conical or the globular basket lends itself most cheerfully to this 
element in design. On cylindrical, and especially on vertical vasi- 
formed basketry, for ornamental effects the triangle easily passes into 
curved figures of infinite variety. After the foundation of the figui*e 
is laid on a certain round of weaving or coiling it is possible on the 
next round to widen or narrow above either end of this line. In some 
examples a sweeping cycloid beginning at the base, narrows and curves 
to the right or left, terminating with the outer border. The Filipino 
hat makers are exceedingly fond of creating a series of these triangle 
cycloids in different colors, some of them turning to the right, others 
to the left. The California basket maker also produces flame-like 
effects with elongated triangles. There seems to be no end to the 
versatility of this figure on globular basketry. 

Plate 64 represents two of the Tulare bowls in the collection of 
F. S. Plimpton. The upper figure, especially^ shows in its bands of 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 299 

decoration in brown and black how the rhomb and triangle cooperate 
to produce, regular and pleasing decoration. The lower figure is a 
better illustration of the use of narrow parallelograms, combined in 
lines concentric and radial, to give expression to phenomena such as 
lightning. 

Plate 55 is an imbricated box from the Fraser River country, in 
British Columbia. Excepting the parallel bands, the front and body 
of the basket are covered with white and dark-brown triangles, no other 
elementary geometric figure being introduced. Each triangle is an 
example of the limitations before mentioned, which practically cut the 
basket maker off from free-hand drawing. The geometricians say that 
a circle is a polygon with an infinite number of sides. With them all 
curved lines resolve themselves into the rectilinear. The basket maker 
does not stop there, but resolves rectilinear forms into still minuter 
rectilinear forms of another class. The mosaic elements on the basket 
are most regular squares of imbrication. There is for her no other 
way to make a triangle. This specimen is in the collection of 
F. Harvey. 

{e) Polygonal elements. — What has been said of the triangle is also 
true of polygonal figures — that is, of those having more than four 
sides. These figures may be produced in the texture of baskets in 
openwork. They are also brought about by uniting different forms of 
checks or stitches in the same piece of work. On the hats of the Haida 
Indians and oh twined work of the Pacific coast excellent diaper pat- 
terns are woven. In closely packed basketry the individual stitches 
assume the form of the hexagon, after the manner of the bee's cell. 
On matting, wallets, bags — that is, on flat surfaces — all of the geomet- 
ric figures before mentioned having straight borders occur. In many 
rhombs the ends are cut off by boundary lines of bands and turned 
into hexagons. 

However, as soon as basketry begins to assume curved outlines, 
borders that would be straight on a flat surface are bent in one or 
more directions. The effect of this, both in the single mosaic element 
and in the larger designs, is to change the figure from a hard outline 
to one that is far more graceful. In a coiled basket the foundation 
coil is curved horizontally, but the stitches cross these at right 
angles. In a coiled bowl with globose bottom there are three sets 
of curves with different radii — the horizontal curve of the founda- 
tion, the curve of the pattern, and the vertical curves of the stitches. 
The shapes of polygons that may be worked on the surface of 
basketry are legion. The designs which may be made out of these 
are even more numerous. It will be possible to illustrate only a 
limited number of them, but the reader may be pleased to turn from 
plate to plate in the decorations on the surface of basketry in the 
various chapters to see how versatile the Indian woman's mind was in 



300 KBPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

making the best of her limitations. Being confined to angular ele- 
ments, having no opportunity to introduce the curve, except so far as 
the body of the basket itself made straight lines curved, it became 
necessary to rack her ingenious brain to satisfy her cravings for ex- 
pression of the beautiful with straight lines only. (See Plates 66-59.) 

{/) Complex patterns. — The most striking artistic effects in basketry 
are realized when the simple lines, bands, and geometric figures are 
united and modified to suit the weaver's fancy, to fit the general shape 
of the object, and oftentimes to correct a miscalculation on the part 
of the maker. The effect of lines is changed by breaking, curving, 
setting at different angles, widening, and coloring. Geometric figures 
become subsidiary to and are lost in m3^thological compositions, but 
they are the organic parts of the whole design. 

Plate 60 will illustrate what is here said about the production of 
intricate designs b}^ combining two or more of the separate elements 
in the foregoing paragraphs. In every one of the bowls shown in 
this plate a circular form in basket work is attained b}^ using material 
of the same color in the coiling at the l)ottom. From these central 
beginnings designs in triangles, squares, rectangles, and polj^gons are 
built up into labyrinthian decorations for the whole surface. In the 
middle figure of the bottom row five patterns radiate from the central 
circle, each one of which is made up of three groups of rectangular 
figures in black and white. Specimens are in the collection of J. W. 
Benham. 

Plate 61 will interest the student as an example of bold design, being 
the American eagle, with expanded wings. It will surprise him to 
note how, with the use of straight-line figures before mentioned, some 
little life is given to the neck and to the talons of the bird by the fine 
marking of stitches, which lend themselves somewhat to curved effects. 
It can not be said, however, that this treatment is a success. 

ORNAMENTATION THROUGH COLOR 

Quite as much as form, the colors in basketry are an element of 
beauty. As in basket forms the sense of pleasure is awakened by the 
mass, by the minute elements, and by the shape of "patterns or designs, 
so it is with colors. One does not know which to admire the most — 
tlie subdued shades of the natural materials, the pretty effects of the 
infinite variety of hues in the stitches, or the combinations of patterns 
in ornamentation through colors furnished by Nature's laboratory, 
which the importunate Indian women of America have secured in their 
tireless quest. The gamut of shades runs from pure white through 
the yellows and browns to sootj^ black, and age onl}^ ripens the effects. 
The peculiar golden shade of an old piece from California will set the 
connoisseur's face aglow. No doubt a part of this admiration springs 
from association of ideas such as age, rareness, the seeming disparity 
between the maker and her art, and, maj^be, the pride of ownership. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 301 

When it is remembered, that for utilitarian purposes merely not one 
speck of this artistic coloring- is needed, and. further noted that great 
fatigue and search and critical judgment are necessary in order to 
assemble materials for a single basket, sui*ely no one "will withhold 
admiration from the creator of colored ornamentation in basketry. 
One can scarcely begin to appreciate her struggles and triumphs until 
the effort is made to reproduce her results. 

Ornamentation by means of color is effected in basketry through 
the following processes, already hinted at in the chapter on basket 
making: 

(a) By employing materials which are of different colors by nature. 
This has been partly described in the foregoing sections. 

(i) By the use of dyed materials, 

(c) By overlaying the weft and warp with thin strips of pretty mate- 
rials before weaving or by wrapping strips about them in various 
ways. 

(d) By embroidering on the texture during the process of manufac- 
ture, called false embroidery. 

{e) By covering the texture with plaiting, called imbrication. 

(f) By adding feathers, shells, beads, and other ornamental objects. 

In the making of designs on basketry, dyeing, overlaying, false 
embroidery, and imbrication are merely artificial methods of repeat- 
ing and heightening the decorative effects already shown to be possible 
through use of materials in their native colors. No new designs are 
added, symbolical or otherwise. The effect of new forms in elementary 
technic has already been mentioned. But the artist obtains an immense 
advantage in the number of colors as well as the richness of shades 
and harmonies. After all, excepting in California, there are only a 
few colors in tough fibers to select from in any area. If it were not 
for pretty grasses which have brilliancy of color, but little tenacity, 
and the bright dyes in mineral and vegetal substances which have no 
value as textiles, the aesthetic power of basketry would be greatly 
curtailed. There are two or three small linguistic families of Indians 
in California that seem to have gathered unto themselves every kind 
of .basket decoration. As in the island of Crete the culture of the 
ancient peoples about the eastern Mediterranean seem to have assem- 
bled, so in the Pomo and Mariposan tribes of Indians the composite 
art reached its climax of decoration. Is it not marvelous that here 
hundreds of years ago, perhaps, broke out the first basketry epidemic; 
not as now resulting in a fever to own them merely, but manifesting 
itself in a passion for making them. In the chapter on uses it will be 
seen that this passion was intimately related to the most sacred feel- 
ings that dwelt in the soul of the maker, namely, those associated with 
the spirit world. It is also true that the natural materials for other 
forms of art expression were lacking or not courted. 

(a) In natural materials. — Color in basketry is effected, first, by the 



302 EBPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

materials from which the structure is made up. In the Aleutian 
Islands the ware is in the color of the wild grass sta,lks, unripe and 
ripe; farther south the spruce root decides the shade, and in British 
Columbia cedar root and bast and bark give a brown or white appear- 
ance to the ware. In eastern Canada ash splints are white and brown; 
so are the baskets made therefrom, but the cane of the Southern States 
has a glossy yellow-green surface, and that predominates in Cherokee 
and Choctaw ware. 

Among the bewildering varieties of baskets between British Colum- 
bia and Mexico the foundation colors will be decided by that of the 
Indian hemp, spruce and cedar root, bulrushes, cattail stems, shoots 
of willow and I'hus, roots of sedges and agave, roots of yucca, and 
so on. 

In this connection it must not be overlooked that these same 
materials are not lacking in responsiveness to the severest aesthetic 
demands of the artist. The Abenaki woman knows that last year's 
growth of black ash is almost as white as snow, while the rings of 
growth farther in are brown. She therefore makes warp of one and 
weft of the other, or bands of them alternately, much to the embel- 
lishment of the surface. The commonest iishwoman on the coast of 
British Columbia will show you that cedar root has three colors — that 
of the woody portion, the brown of the outer bark, and the newest 
wood nearest to the bark. She also knows how to overlay with 
grasses. The California cercis, or red bud, has a pretty reddish- 
brown bark, but the wood inside is pure white. Remarkable sug- 
gestiveness to a wide-awake mind exists in the 3a^cca leaf of the 
Southwest, which may be used in basketr}^, whole or split. The out- 
side is mottled green in a number of shades, while the inside is white. 
The leaf of the yucca {Y-ucca arborescejis) is green, the root a reddish 
brown. 

Holmes calls attention to the possibilities of aesthetic effects in a 
single color shown in a workbasket from the ancient cemetery of 
Ancon, Peru, produced through variety in the management of diag- 
onal weaving. There will be found on all these workbaskets (1) ordi- 
nary diagonal weaving, over and under two or three or more; (2) bands 
of greater or less width formed hj laying a piece of wood or cane 
between warp and weft and then continuing the weaving on the other 
side; (3) the forming of hinges and i-idges b}^ twining in each weft 
element about two or three warps before continuing the weaving. 
The herringbone effects are produced by leaving in front alternately 
warp and weft in the padded bands. If the number of rows of com- 
mon diagonal weaving is even, a herringbone effect is seen; if odd, the 
checks in the two rows will be parallel. In Mexico and Central 
America the valuable yuccas give color to all textiles, as do the palm 
leaves in South America. (See figs. 207-209.) 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 303 

It is said that the Japanese in sawing up logs will keep tlie planks 
bound together until the woi'kman is ready to use thena, and when the 
carpenter places them in a ceiling or a piece of furniture he is careful 
to have the ends abut on each other as they were together in nature. 
The grain, in such case, fits and produces odd but pleasing forms. In 
the same way the basket maker, by showing discretion and taste with 
roots or stems of different shades, succeeds in producing cloud effects 
upon the basket or mat. So nature comes in to the assistance of the 
Indian woman in her elementary steps. She does not start out with 
the design in her mind which she will produce in color, but by using 
the colored elements she is able to get her effect with less forethought. 
Indeed, it can be seen that in such a way the earliest thoughts of beauty 
might have been awakened. 

Plate 62 shows two coiled Mission baskets in the collection of G. 
■Wharton James; the upper one' is 10 inches and the lower one llf 
inches in diameter. They are made of rush, but the interesting fea- 
ture for which they are introduced here is the design — the upper 
figure might be called the keystone pattern, the body of the bowl 
having two zones of patterns in brown and black material, each one 
made up of wedge-shaped figures, narrow on the inside and widening 
outward. These patterns are in four parts, each one surmounted by 
a middle piece extending two rows beyond the next pair and each pair 
of the series ending two rows nearer to the center. They are of equal 
width. A narrow wedge separates the four groups. Between the 
zones is a band of Avhite preserving the outline of the border. The 
lower figure is a five-pointed star, the border of the segments being 
curved as in the orange-peel pattern. The central figure might be 
called a sun design, which, though it be modern, shows the adaptabil- 
ity of the Indian mind to invasion by suggestion. 

A second step in color resources, without going away from the 
natural and necessary structural elements, is in the use of different 
material)^. Very few areas in the Western Hemisphere are so poor 
in resources as to have only one good basketry plant. On the Great 
Lakes ash, hemp, and sweet grass are white, brown, and green; in 
the Southwest rhus is white and martynia is black; in California willow 
is woody white; cercis is red outside and snow-white inside, and at 
least one sedge has black root, and the yucca a red one. Most dainty 
effects are secured in coiled basketry by sewing with strips from quills 
of flickers and other highly colored birds. Not to pursue the state- 
ment too far, it is only in Alaska and the Straits of Magellan that the 
body of our textile does not contain varied material. 

The moment a savage woman has in hand these variegated substances 
her fancy is emancipated. Warp may be of one plant and weft of 
another, either in plain checker or in twilled weaving. Wickerwork 
is not entirely irresponsive to the opportunity. In twined weaving 



304 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

the two strands of the weft may differ in color, so that the result will 
be the mottled line. If the warp stems be odd in number, then on the 
next round the colors on vertical lines will not match. With these 
simple resources the basket-maker may play an unlimited number of 
melodies. An excellent example of lines in simple and two-color 
effects from southeastern Alaska is shown in colored plate 67. 

But the ambitious artist is not satisfied with flecked lines and mottled 
surfaces, and broad bands in one color. Her bands are divided into 
rectangles, triangles, and rhomboidal elements. The zones of element 
are widened and the geometric patterns composing them are multi- 
plied .and variegated. Those who have large collections may have 
noticed how the several styles of technic behave in this regard. 
Checkerwork is little restrained, so also are wicker and twilled orna- 
mentation; but in twined and coiled ware the case is entirely differ- 
ent. Plain twine and the Pomo tee work venture little beyond the 
banded ornament. The same is true of most coil types; but the 
twilled or diagonal-twined work and the three-rod coil leap over the 
parallels and spread themselves out in bewildering cycloids of colored 
patterns, or, keeping to the angular elements, the weaver covers a large 
surface with fretwork in endless variet3^ All of this is wrought into 
the structure of the basket in the substantial everyday material, which 
possess tenacity and color as well. Quite a number of tribes in the 
southwestern United States use no superadded material or dyes what- 
ever, and yet the tribes of the Piman family excel all others in the 
endless varietj^ of fretwork on their basketry produced with splints in 
wood color and the undyed splints from the pod of the cat's claw, or 
Martynia louisiana. (See Plate 63.) 

(b) By dyeing. — The colors of natural textile materials were still 
further diversified with dyes and paints, the latter either stamped, 
stenciled, or applied freehand. At the present time the cheap and 
obtrusive dyes and paints of the trades supplant the aboriginal and 
more attractive substances. The latter have also become more diffi- 
cult to procure as civilization has preempted the ground. 

The artificial coloration of basketry material was known to the 
American savages in pre-Columbian times. For mineral dyes they 
use earth colors, burying the splints in different soils, where they 
acquired permanent shades. Vegetable dyes were known from Alaska 
southward everywhere. The substances used were such as have the 
power of directly fixing themselves within the texture of the basket 
material. It is true and also interesting to note that certain of the 
processes of the Indians in dyeing their basketry materials were, all 
unconsciously to them, foreshadowings of the later and more compli- 
cated processes in which a mordant is employed to fix the dyestuff in 
the materials. The Indian had no knowledge of the effects produced. 
They discovered the fact, but their theories would lead into dreamy 



ABOEIGIJSTAL AMEBIC AN BASKETRY. 305 

myths in which the personeity of the dyestuff would be the prominent 
chai'acteristic. 

Plate 64: shows twilled basket No. 76778, U.S.N.M., from the New 
Orleans Centennial Commission. It is a basket of the Chetimacha 
Indians of Louisiana made in split cane in the natural color and dyed. 
The union of textile effects and the three colors — orange, black, and 
straw color- -are most pleasing, the motive being ellipsis and rhombs 
made by the use of small squares and rectangles. The upper portion 
of the figure also shows how a diaper effect may be produced on the 
surface by the lights and shades of the uncolored material. 

It is useless to tarry about the eastern basket makers in search of 
native dyes. There is no doubt of their having possessed them. The 
porcupine-quill workers about the Great Lakes and all the way to the 
Arctic circle are still adepts in the art. In the National Museum are 
little wallets of bladder from Anderson River, Canada, each one filled 
with porcupine quills dyed in a separate color. 

The basket weavers of Yakutat Bay, in southeastern Alaska, color 
their splints of spruce root from which they weave their twined bas- 
ketry with dye from the willow. They scrape the roots of willow 
and make a decoction in a wooden tub in which they soak the spruce- 
root splints. Their neighbors of the same linguistic family had a 
more extensive laboratory in color. For more than a hundred years 
they were in contact with the Russians and from them obtained good 
dye-stuffs and knowledge of processes. Many an old piece of their 
basket ware, although it has stood hard use in all the years and in spite 
of all, has grown more beautiful with age. 

Plate 65 shows two covered baskets of the Tlinkit Indians in twined 
work which are inserted here for the purpose of exhibiting the influ- 
ence of modern traffic. Csesar in his Commentaries speaks of the 
Belgians as being the most manly of all the Gallic tribes, because mer- 
chants less frequently went among them and sold them the things that 
tended toward effeminating their minds. The Mercatores have also 
been among the tribes of the Northwest. On the right-hand basket 
even the bands that would show some little survival of the ancient wood 
color have been dyed, while the red, yellow, black, and white shades 
are in aniline. The form of these baskets is also borrowed from 
civilization, and the handles in braided ware are not aboriginal. Cat. 
Nos. 168267, 168268. 

The wood of the alder, when freshly cut, says Swan,*^ is soft and 
white and easily worked, but a short exposure to the air hardens and 
turns it to a red color. The bark chewed and spit into a dish forms a 
bright- red dj^e pigment of a permanent color, which is used for dyeing 

a The Indians of Cape Flattery, Washington, 1870, p. 43. 
NAT MTJS 1902 20 



306 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

cedar bark or grass. Governor Dagget, writing of the Indian women 
on the Hupa reservation in northwestern California, uses almost pre- 
cisely the same language with reference to making a dye pot of their 
mouths. The processes of weaving there are in twined work and sug- 
gest connection with the Washington state tribes. 

The Navaho Indians, according to Washington Matthews, employ 
native dyes of yellow, reddish, and black. In their blankets they have 
also wool of three different natural colors, white, rust}^ black, and gray. 
The black dye ii made from the twigs and leaves of aromatic sumac 
{Rhus irilobata ). They put into a pot of water leaves and branches of 
the sumac. The water is allowed to boil five or six hours. Ocher is 
reduced to a fine powder and slowly roasted over a fire until it assumes a 
light-brown color. It is then combined with an equal quantity of Piiion 
gum {Pinus edulis)^ and again the mixture is placed upon the fire and 
stirred. The gum melts and the mass assumes a mushy consistencj^ As 
the roasting progresses the mass is reduced to a fine black powder. 
When it has cooled it is thrown into the decoction of sumac, with which 
it forms a rich, blue-black fluid. This is essentially an ink, the tannic 
acid of the sumac combining with the iron of the ferric oxide in the 
roasted ocher. The whole is enriched by the carbon of the calcined 
gum. 

Reddish dye is made from the bark of the Alnus tenuifolia and 
the bark and root of Cercocarpus ^arvifolius, the mordant being fine 
juniper ashes. These dyes are now applied by the Navaho. The 
so-called Navaho blankets are in three colors. 

For yellow the flowering tops of Chrysothainnus graveolens are boiled 
about six hours, until a decoction of deep yellow is produced. The 
dyer then heats over the fire some native alunogen (native alum) 
until it is reduced to a pasty consistency. This she adds to the 
decoction and puts the whole in the dye to boil. From time to time 
a portion is inspected until it is seen to have assumed the proper 
color. The tint produced is nearly lemon yellow. 

Julian Scott makes the statement that the Coconinos or Havasupais 
in northAvestern Arizona use onl}^ black in the ornamentation of their 
basketry, while the Apaches and Wallapais use black and red also. 

(c) JBy overlaying. — This process of ornamentation consists in lay- 
ing a strip of pretty grass, dyed or in the natural color, on the out- 
side of one or both the strands in woven or coiled weaving. It is 
virtually furnishing a dull-brown strip of root with a bright-colored 
bark. By this ingenious combination beauty and strength cooperate 
in the result. The weaver has it always in her power to twist the 
strand so as to hide this bark side or bring it into view. The Hupa 
Indians especially, but many other tribes in northern California and 
northward, do the weft of their beautiful twined weaving in somber 
materials. The men are most adept in lining the backs of their bows 



ABOEIGINAL AMEBIC A.N BASKETRY. 



307 



with sinew shredded and mixed in glue. In a similar way, as though 
one had suggested the other, they line the back of the weft strands 
with bright straw. It is not glued, since the weaving would hold it 
in place. When the Hupa reveals the straw side of the strand at every 
half turn, she covers the surface of her basket with straw color which 
turns to gold with age. The overlaying of only one of the two weft 
strands gives a freckled effect on the surface. In some of the tribes 
the pattern does not show on the inside. 

This will be a good place in which to mention a kind of overlaying 
common in countries where the cane abounds. The outside of the 
stem is glossy and maj^ be dyed. The inside is spongy and unat- 
tractive. By laying two strips together, so that the smooth surface 
may be outward, there would be really a double fabric with two 
glossy surfaces. The southern Indians also frequently passed only 
one of the pair of splints over or under weaving. 

Fig. 101 shows a style of wrapping done in Mexico City." The illus- 
tration is from a hand wallet. 
The body of the checker 
weaving is in hard, flattened 
straws of varjdng shades. 
Each warp straw is wrapped 
with two fillets of thiii mate- 
rial in darker color so as to 
leave small squares on the sur- 
face set diagonally. When 
the plain weft is run among 
the warp elements, the sur- 
face of the fabric is covered 
with larger and smaller 
squares in white set in tri- 
angles of darker material. The white squares run diagonally across 
the surface. There are endless variations produced by this wrapping 
added to the body of the fabric. 

This overlaying must not be confounded with the many tricks which 
cunning women play with the strands of the regular twined weaving, 
which are frequently of brilliant straws of squaw grass and other 
pretty materials. (See Plates 146, 164, 170, 177 and 178.) 

Plate 66 represents twined basketry of the Klamath River Indians 
of various t3^pes, and is here introduced for the purpose of showing 
how the tough weaving material may be overlaid with basketry and 
other colored filaments so as to conceal the foundation both outside 
and inside. It has been shown in the chapter on processes, however, 
that the exposure of the overlaying material need not occur on the 




Fig. 101. 

wrapping weft fillets with daeker ones. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



a W. H. Holmes, Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1888, p. 227, fig. 330. 



308 



REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



inside. These specimens are Cat. Nos. 204258, collected by Mi-s. 
Carolyn G. Benjamin; and Nos. 19286 and 19282, collected by Living- 
ston Stone. 

Akin to the "beading," so common in the Fraser River coiled bas- 
ketry to be mentioned, is an ornamental effect produced in twined 
work by the onlaying of colored straws in regular geometrical designs 
and catching the angle under the strand of the weft. Holmes " figures 
an example of this from the Klamath Indians in northwestern Cali- 
fornia, a rare process in North American Indian basketry. (See fig. 
102.) It reminds one of the stamps for printing tapa cloth used in the 
Polynesian area. 

Beading is the insertion of narrow strips of pretty grass or other 
material into the sewing of coiled baskets, passing it under one, over 
the next, and so on. Plain beading produces a broken line of dark 
and light color alternating, and shifts the direction of the elemental 

figure from vertical to hori- 
zontal. If several rows are 
made, figures are produced by 
the process of twilled weaving. 
The basket maker may pass 
her filament over and under as 
many stitches as she chooses; 
she may make the elements 
of any row immediately over 
those of the preceding row, or 
they may alternate. The Fra- 
ser River Salish are adept in 
this on many of their imbri- 
cated baskets. Especially on the ware whose coils have flat founda- 
tions is beading effective. (See fig. 103.) 

(d) False embroidery. — This is a method of ornamentation in which 
the outer surface of a twined basket is covered wholly or in part with 
designs, but they do not show on the inside. The Tlinkits excel in 
this, calling it uh tah yark tu twage (outside lifted up and put around). 
It has the appearance of being sewed on after the weaving is done. 
The process is described on the next page, and many figures in this 
paper show examples of it. Plates 71 and 74, in color, demonstrate 
more plainly how effective false' embroidery may be made. The body 
of all Tlinkit and Haida ware is in dull-brown shade of spruce root. 
The saving feature which lends itself cheerfully to ornamentation is 
the pliability and even fiber of the young roots. Nothing can be more 
pleasing to the eye than a fine old Haida hat, its surface covered with 
intricate patterns. The Tlinkit false embroider}'^ in subdued colors, 
yellow, red, and black, contrasts harmoniously with the cinnamon- 



^^^^^^^^^3 



Fig. 102. 

beading on twined work. 

Klamath Indians. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



« Sixth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, p. 227, fig. 331. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



309 



brown spruce root. Also the restful manner in which this work 
changes the slope of the elements in the weaving should, not be over- 
looked. The twined weaving is made up of a series of little mosaic 
elements lying down one upon another like a row of bricks that have 






-«-»,i»i,i4," 






•'-^r^^^p^'?r.^*s«sp»»fc«-'V'"r / 






'ill*''^'^'"''!^' 



Fig. 103. 

beading on coiled work. 

Clallam Indians, Washington. 

Cat. No. 23.')12, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. G. Swan. 

fallen. The incline of the stitches in false embroidery is in the oppo- 
site direction. In Plate 67 charming effects are produced by alternat- 
ing the plain weaving and the embroidery. (Emmons.) 

The twined false embroidery might be classed technically with three 
strand twined weaving. (See 
figs. 29, 31, and 104.) The 
warp is in normal position. 
The weaver selects three 
strands for weft, two of 
spruce root and one of 
brightly colored grass. They 
all have their places in the 
weaving, but the third, or 
decorative element, instead 
of taking its turn to pass 
behind the warp, remains 
on the outside and makes 
a wrap about the strand that 
happens to be there. The 
wrapping maj^ pass, also, over two by skipping every alternate twist of 
the warp. The Thompson Indians vary the mode of wrapping b}^ pass- 
ing a strip of corn husk or other soft material entirely around the 
twining each time, showing the figure on the inside. 




^^ 



Fis. 104. 

OVERLAID TWINED WEAVING. 



810 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

(e) Imhrication. — This term, derived from the Latin imbrex, a tile, 
is applied to a style of decoration used in Washington and British 
Columbia b}^ the Klikitat and many of the Salish tribes, and most 
closely allied in technic with the feather work on basketry farther 
south. Leaves of Xeroj>hyllum tenax, strips of wild cherry bark or 
of the inner bark of the cedar, in natural color or dyed black, are laid 
over the sewing of the coiled work. The juice of the Oregon grape is 
used to produce a bright yellow dye. The separate elements of the 
imbrication are squares or rectangles, varying in size with the fineness 
of the workmanship. But the mosaic effect is most striking, and 
designs of intricate character are successfully expressed in it. The 
Salish tribes about the Fraser mouth have learned to widen the coils 
by using thin strips of wood, often half an inch wide, as foundation of 
the coil. This increases the size of the imbrications and of the pat- 
terns. (See page 354 and Plate 68, also Plates 11, 13, 45, and 55.) 

Ornamentation in Thompson River basketry is produced by imbrica- 
tion and by beading (for detail drawing see figs. 52 and 53 and Plate 
102). Imbrication is done by bringing the piece of grass over the 
outside of the last stitch and forward, then doubling it back and 
catching the double end with the next stitch. The outsides of Klikitat, 
Cowlitz, and Thompson baskets are completely covered in this mannei', 
so that the whipped cedar splints can only be seen from the inside. 
Lillooet baskets have the lower part of the body plain, while the 
Chilcotin baskets have a separate band in the middle of the body. 
The grass used is that called Nho'itlexin. It is long, very smooth, 
and of a glossy yellow- white color {Xerojpliyllum tenax). To make it 
whiter diatomaceous earth is sometimes spread over it and it is then 
beaten with a flat stick on a mat or skin. The grass is seldom dyed, as 
the colors ate said to fade soon. (Teit.) 

{/) Feather-worJc^ heads^ etc. — The California baskets adorned with 
feathers are called jewels. They no longer serve vulgar uses. The 
beautiful productions covered with styles of ornamentation before 
described have often the marks of fire, the stain of berries, the smell 
of fish about them, proclaiming that they were not above combining 
the beautiful with the useful. The feather baskets sacrifice use to 
beauty. 

The tribes of eastern America have not employed feathers in basket 
work in recent times. The nearest approach to it is the porcupine- 
quill work of the Indians in Canada and the United States. The quills 
are dyed and set on the surface of birch baskets by thrusting the sharp 
ends into the bark. The old historians tell of gorgeous feather robes 
made doubtless in the Indian fashion of twined weaving, which is akin 
to basketry. The Eskimo, Aleut, Haida, and Tlinkit do not ornament 
baskets with feathers, but they do apply in dainty fashion to some of 
them worsted, hair, and furs. Neither do the tribes of the Fraser- 



ABORIGINAL AMEEIOAN BA8KETKY. 811 

Columbia area. It is the California tribes chiefly that have developed 
the art, of which they practice two styles. In the one tiny bits of col- 
ored feather are sewed by their shafts to coiled basketry just to give 
a hazy effect to the surface. Plate 70 is an excellent example of this. 
It will be observed that the elaborate pattern in black is not obscured 
in the least by the feather. In the other process the feathers are laid 
one upon another so thickly that the surface of the basket is hidden. 
The addition of so much extraneous matter thickens the foundation 
and coarsens the work. As previously remarked the best examples of 
coiled sewing are not to be found in the feathered baskets. 

Plate 69 is a colored illustration of a feathered basket, of the Pomo 
Indians from Sonoma County, California, in the collection of C. P. 
Wilcomb. It is examples such as these that technically are called 
jewels. The foundation is a three-rod coil, the sewing is with split 
sedge root {Carex l>arbarse), and the stems of the feathers are caught 
under the stitches. The feathers on this rare specimen are as 
follows: 

Red — Woodpecker {Melanerpes form.icworus). 

Green— Mallard duck {Anas ioschas). 

Orange — Oriole (Icterus hullochii). 

Yellow — Meadow lark {Sturnella neglecta). 

Black — Quail [Lopliortyx calif ornicus). 

White wampum (Kaya) — Disks of Saxidomus nuttalUi. 

Red wampum (po) — Disks of magnetite. 

Pendants of abalone, Haliotis sp. 

Long diameter — 9 inches. 

Colored plate kindly furnished by C. P. Wilcomb. 

Plate 70 is a feathered jewel basket of the Upper Lakes, who are 
Pomo Indians, in Lake County, California. The stitches are of the 
coiled work over three rods and interlocked beneath. The yellow 
feathers are from the breast of Jushil, the meadow lark {Sturnella 
neglecta)\ the red ones are the throat and scalp feathers of Katatch, 
the woodpecker {Melanerpes formicivorus)', and the black feathers at 
the top are fi'om the crest of Chikaka, the quail {Lophortyx califor- 
nicus). In recent forms pretty feathers of the peacock and other 
showj^ birds gotten in trade are used. The perforated disks are 
money from the clam shell, Kaya {Saxidotnus nuttalUi); and the 
iridescent pendants are cut from Tem, or the haliotis shell, which is 
quite abundant on the Pacific coast. 

The following list of plants used in coloring have been identified by 
Frederick V. Coville, Botanist of the Department of Agriculture: 

Alnus rJiomhifolia — White alder. 

Amaranthus pahneri — Amaranth. 

Berberis nervosa — Oregon grape. 

Carthamus tinctorius — False saffron. 



312 KEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

. Covillea tridentata — Creosote bush. 
Delphin ium scaposmn — Larkspur. 
Dondia suffrutescens — Sea blite. 
Evernia vuljpina — Wolf moss. 
Helianthus petiolarls — Sunflower. 
Parosela emoryi — Paiosela. 
Quercus lobata — California white oak. 
Rhus dmersiloba — ^Poison oak. 
Swmhucus inexicana — Elder. 
Thelesperma gracile — Thelesperma. 
Vaccinium inembranacewn — Blueberry. 

V. SYMBOLISM 

All the high and low 
Of my wild life in these wild stems I snare; 
The jagged lightning and the star I show; 
The spider and the trailing snake are there. 

— Anna Ball. 

All industry leads to fine art and all savage arts begin at the foot of 
the ladder and end ' *■ beyond the bourne of sunset." In this apotheosis, 
basketry is the rival of stone working, wood carving, skin dressing, 
and pottery. The merely useful basket has some beauty, but the 
exalted specimen of handiwork is the acme of intelligent discrimina- 
tion in the materials as well as of hand skill and taste, and leads up to 
the choicest textile productions. Its maker must be botanist, colorist, 
weaver, designer, and poet, all in one. But could the windows of her 
mind be thrown open wide there would be seen, in addition to all these, 
the mystic love of her tribe alive and active. In the old da3^s of 
unsophisticated savagery, no doubt, there was everywhere in America 
the overseeing and guiding presence of the mythic in the practical. 
Its relics are still to be found on fragments of pottery especially, and 
there is no reason to doubt that it reigned in other departments of 
activity. The old-time basket makers were under its spell every- 
where. It would be an interesting study, but it can not be pursued 
here, to find out how far the various peoples of Europe in settling 
down upon the lands of the savages had by their ethnic traits and 
beliefs gradually eliminated or modified those of the aborigines in the 
matter of symbolism. 

Besides the unmodified artistic motives in the designs on basketry, 
there still survives in the Pacific coast area a symbolism more or less 
connected with Indian cosmogony. The maker is a sorcerer. In 
such tribes as the Hopi this idealism in design is still alive and active. 
Among the Algonkin Indians of the Atlantic States the thought seems 
to have escaped entirely from the design, and the Indian woman mak- 
ing her baskets at the seaside resort, at the springs, or at Niagara 



ABOEIGINAL AMEBIC AN BASKETEY. 313 

Falls has no more idea of putting a thought into the colors and pat- 
terns which she weaves than though such a thing never existed. The 
designs are changed to suit the whims of the buyers. Idealism is 
buried in commercialism. Tracing the motive around the Arctic 
region there still is found no pattern in basketiy until southern Alaska 
is reached. In the birch-bark ware of middle Alaska and Canada, and 
in the rawhide-parfleche receptacles of the Sioux and other Plains 
tribes, the mythical conception is reawakened. The Oiibwa about 
the Great Lakes preserve all sorts of ancient patterns in porcu- 
pine-quill work on birch bark, while the Sioux, the Arapahos, and 
Kiowas paint upon their parfleche cases the totemic symbolism of 
their tribes.'' It is well to keep in mind these other symbolic repre- 
sentations in speaking of basketry, since they raise questions of origins 
and relationships. Boas is inclined to refer the designs on Salishan 
basketry to the tribes inland across the Cascade Mountains. 

The Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte Archipelago make wallets 
and hats of spruce root, now and then weaving in a band of black, but 
the ware is extremely plain. Its decoration depends upon the various 
types of weaving employed and painted symbols. But the Tlinkits on 
the mainland and islands of southeastern Alaska, on the other hand, 
cover the surface of their baskets, made precisely similar to those of 
the Haidas, with symbolism connected with their daily life. It has 
been thought that anciently the Tlinkits made baskets like the Haida, 
without colored ornaments, and that the designs on the baskets have no 
mythological significance. The Chilcats, however, who are akin to the 
Tlinkits and live on the mainland, cover the surface of their fringed 
robes with their totemic symbolism in most subtle fashion. The tech- 
nical process on these blankets is precisely the same as that on the 
baskets, only the blankets are made in soft wool while the baskets are 
in hard material. Coming farther southward the land of the imbri- 
cated basket is reached. The sybolism on this ware has been worked 
out by Livingston Farrand.* Further on these designs will be taken 
up with greater detail. As the inscriptions on Assyrian slabs have 
preserved the thoughts and lore of Mesopotamia and the hieroglyphics 
of Egypt held secure for millenniums the story of the oldest of empires, 
so in a much humbler fashion the myths and stories of these Indians 
have been in the olden times symbolized on their basketr3^ There is 
no Rosetta stone nor alphabet of design for their decipherment, all 
the more diligent must the present seeker be to save the evanescent 
records. The basket is frequently made for no other end than to 
record the legend. 

«A. L. Kroeber, The Arapaho, Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural 
History, XVII, 1902, pp. 1-150. 

6 Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians, Memoirs of the American Museum of 
Natural History, II, 1900, Pt. 5, pp. 393-399. 



314 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The Salish tribes of Washington and Oregon, and those of Calif oi'- 
nia, Arizona, and New Mexico, all place some kind of designs on their 
basketr3^ Whether it has a symbolical significance or not has to be 
determined in each case by inquiry. Looking at the whole field as 
revealed in collections and publications, the following classes of objects 
and phenomena sought to be represented seem to be complete: 

1. Natural phenomena, such as lightning, sunrise, clouds, and sky. 

2. Natural features of objects, such as njountains, lakes, shores, and rivers. 

3. Plant phenomena, including splints of the plant used to make the design. 

4. Animals and parts of animals. There is no end to this species of design, from 
the attempt to represent the entire animal alive and in motion, to the few stitches 
which stand for a part of the creature, perhaps a wing, a fin, an eye, or a tooth, to 
show what the animal might be. 

5. Human beings, either full or in part. 

6. Devices used by the Indians in their occupations, arrowheads especially. 

7. Ideas connected with the Indian thought and life; for example, such as the 
opening in a Navaho basket. 

8. Mythical personages connected with sorcery and witchcraft. 

9. Their gods and heavenly beings. 

In thinking of symbolism the sign or form on the basket and the 
thing signified must be kept separate in the mind. The sign may be 
at the beginning pictorial and pass down through changes and abbre- 
viations to a mere outline that has no suggestion in it, or a simple 
geometric figure common in the technic may become a mj^thic being, 
by making here and there a significant addition through suggestion. 

When it is i-emembered that the Indian represents in a general way 
the childhood of the race, one has but to revert to that period of life 
to recall how a spot of ink or a meaningless form was transformed 
into a picture of something real or ideal. A fundamental geometric 
figure on basketry may in similar fashion by the addition of a line or 
two become almost any design, the visible home of any symbol. 

In this paper, devoted more particularly to the technical side of 
b; sketry, the manner of realizing the symbol is still important. How- 
ever, it is not so much sought to teach that a certain design represents 
a butterfly as to see how the woman pu.t the form into the texture of 
her basket. 

The sculptor, the painter, the carver, and the potter are more realistic 
than the basket maker, since the making of portraiture and pictures are 
easily within their reach. Yet nothing is more common among them all 
than abbreviation and synecdoche. Not only are they under the spell 
of symbolism, but the symbol is curtailed to the lowest terms. A fin 
stands for a whale, incisor teeth for a beaver, the beak for a bird, and 
often the image is completely obliterated in the symbol. Now the 
basket maker is still moi'e handicapped by her technical limitations 
and driven to symbolism if she did not largely invent it. For pic- 
torial effects on the surface, the maker is hampered by the limitations 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 315 

of weaving and sewing. It will be found, therefore, that her tempta- 
tions are to pass more quickly to the symbolic stage of representa- 
tion. It is well to remember also that just as on the baskets themselves 
the symbolism, starting with pictures, has in some tribes been reduced 
to its lowest terms, so in the basket maker's mouth the legends have 
become faded into concrete words and then into meaningless terms, 
yet the thought is there. Of a certain form on a basket plaque the 
Hopi woman would say it is the bird that carries messages to the 
rain god; another tribe would call it a bird; a third name it wings, 
and finally it becomes an empty geometric design. Again, the student 
himself passes through a process of initiations as the subject is 
exploited. 

It is said that Pompey declared, when he had drawn aside the veil 
of the Holy of Holies, at Jerusalem, "The Jews worship nothing." 
With some such feeling the collector of baskets begins his quest. The 
first impression is that no set patterns were in the maker's mind. She 
has a sense of the beautiful and loves to give her fancy free rein. 
Indeed, the reticent and suspicious basket maker helps the delusion. 
A little later the discovery is made that the patterns stand for things, 
but still for general notions. It is only after long familiarity and sys- 
tematic converse with old basket makers that the veteran collector 
learns that the belief that these patterns stand for mountains, lakes, 
rivers, men and women, deer or other mammals, flying birds or bird 
tracks, fishes, insects, flowers, plants, heavenly bodies, or articles of 
use and worship merely is but a fraction of the truth. They are con- 
crete, standing not for all or any, but for one, and underneath them is 
charming folklore. Mrs. Shackleford tells of a certain intricate pat- 
tern on a Washington basket that it represents ripples, but on patient 
inquiry it was found to mean the subtle movements in the under waters 
of a certain lake upon a special occasion. To appi-eciate symbolism 
fully one must know the sign, hear the story, and then study the 
skies, the landscape, and the social environment. 

To attempt to discover an alphabet in this primitive art would be 
useless, for each tribe adapts old and new standard forms to its own 
concept myths. The artists alone, in every case, can interpret them. 
This existence of concrete stories in art form is not confined to bas- 
ketry. Dr. Boas is authority for saying that the intricate totem post 
and composite painting of the North Pacific coast can be interpreted 
only by the carver. The attempt to find a clue to the mystery of 
their composition is hopeless, for none exists. As soon as the perfec- 
tion of monotony or uniformity has been reached in the technic to 
form the basis of real art, there ensues a variety no less thorough and 
diversified in the ornamentation for symbolizing the same idea. The 
rule in the Indian woman's mind seems to be reduced to a f oi^mula like 
this: "The minimum of variety in the technic, the maximum of variety 



316 EEPOET OP NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

in the symbolic." Or, in other phrase, varietj^ of symbolic expression 
in the unity of the real art. One looks carefully at a set of drawings 
like those of Emmons, Farrand, Fewkes, or Dixon, and turns to a 
familiar collection to find the same sjmibols. They are not there; 
or, rather, they are hiding' there. It is a question whether there be 
two baskets alike in design among aii}^ tribe. This is the real charm 
of savage hand work as compared with the rather dull uniformity of 
machine products. All the tribes of the West that have preserved 
their sj^mbolisms have at the same time made the most of their liberty 
to modif}^ the original. 

The subject of symbolism may be studied from several points of 
view, the technic, the elaborative or historic, and the ethnic. Begin- 
ning with the technic as the easiest, symbolism is wrought in checker, 
twill, wicker, twine, and coil. Looking at a coarse piece of matting 
made up of monotonous squares, it is not easj^ to see how the story of 
creation or tribal preservation could be wrought into them. But with 
finer elements and the introduction of color, a part of the difficult}'^ 
vanishes. In point of fact, however, there is little evidence that sen- 
timent was wrought into checker, or even into twilled weaving. There 
is no essential difficulty in the wa^^ Mosaic in stone or other hard 
matei'ial is made up of little blocks, chiefly squares, and both the 
twined and the coiled basketry surfaces contain innumerable designs 
made up in small squares in black or other color. 

Symbolism may be studied in its elaboration or historic develop- 
ment. The history of a symbol on basketry is the same as that of a 
design on pottery or a painting on hide. Perhaps, since the technical 
demands are more exacting, the progressive appearance of the ideal 
is more rapid and the hiding of the original more complete. A 
moment's thought makes it clear that one is dealing simply with a 
universal law of mental development. The basketrj^ of any one tribe 
will show what is meant. On a single Hojji plaque it is not rare to 
see side hy side the complete figure of a bird or butterfly with out- 
spread wings and near by an abbreviated cross which means the same 
thing. (See Plate 47.) 

Another specimen constructed b}'- the same hands will have the cross 
but not the birds. By and by enough examples are brought into com- 
parison to show the process of fading out through which the realistic 
becomes only a skeleton. Thei'e is a celebrated Japanese painting 
showing seven stages in the life of a beautiful girl. As she passes into 
womanhood, through all its years, behind the real face the pretty child 
is seen, and eveta the skull that lies among the flowers shows to the 
beholder, after a moment's gaze, the lovely girlish face. In the last 
relic of symbol on basketry to the trained eye of mj^thology the same 
transition takes place. The comparison of an ordinar}^ lot of Califor- 
nia basketry, their zigzag lines, arrowheads, mountains, and crossing 
paths, with such treasures as are in the Merriam collection, each gath- 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 317 

ered from the hand of the maker, together with the song of the soul 
whose melody is written there also, makes plain what is here set forth. 

Professor Farrand calls attention wisely to the fact that in the 
reduction of symbols to their lowest terms very dissimilar forms have 
converged until the same figure does duty for many objects, the 
technical exigency or strain predominating. This has led to differ- 
ences of opinion among native connoisseurs and frequently confusion 
to the ethnologist. The same observation would be true in working 
the other way. It is only in most recent times that psychologists have 
appreciated the power of suggestion in helping one to determined action. 

Recently a package of beautifully marked shells were sent to the 
National Museum as the probable origin of designs in savage art. 
Nothing could be farther from the truth. Form does not come to the 
savage artist's mind in that way. Whether the symbol arise by con- 
traction or expansion, the artist is the creator of new forms, working 
always within the school of her materials and tools. 

Wicker basketry in its worst state is positively ugly. In the eastern 
part of North America no attempt is made to put a legend upon it, 
but in New Mexico and Arizona it is found in two forms side by side, 
one as plain as undressed stems can be made and the other at the top- 
most point of pictorial representation. In Oraibi, the most western 
of the Hopi (Moki) towns, are made the pretty little wicker plaques 
called Katchinas. The finding of fragments of these in ancient ruins 
by Dr. Fewkes is good proof that they have long been made by the 
Hopi. Farther on, the designs themselves will be examined. They 
are mentioned here rather to show that where there is a will with the 
human species, of whatever color, there is a way. Examples of 
Katchinas are shown in Plates 85 and 93. The Hopi wicker plaques 
are made up of short stems of Glirysothavmus that have been previously 
smoothed and dyed in as many colors as are needed. The work resem- 
bles closely that in porcupine quills. Figures do not show effectively 
on the back, for the reason that a single stem often passes over only 
one warp element. Symbols of complex pattern are also frequently 
finished out with the brush. In many of the intricate symbols on the 
Katchinas the narrow limitations of the material and the curve of 
texture that can go in one direction onh" put the artist to her wits' 
end for conventionalisms. She does not mind, but goes ahead. True, 
a rainbow must be upside down, the sky goddess must have rectangular 
eyes and mouth. There is no perspective, the round must be flat, and 
even those features that are out of sight must be brought to view. 
Never mind, the ideal wins and the plaque is finished. 

With twined work the case is different. All its varieties are capa- 
ble in themselves of expressing ideas even in one color, but as soon as 
overlaying, embroidery, and the use of different hues are added there 
is practically no end to the possibilities. In this connection the reader 
may be reminded again that designs must not be confounded with sym- 



318 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

bols. The former are apparent and constant and extremely limited, the 
latter ideal and as varied as an Indian woman's fancy. But in the chapter 
on ornamentation it was seen how varied in different hands and mate- 
rials twined patterns might be made. Twined ware is, if anything, at 
the start the coarsest of all, for what could be ruder than the wattling 
of a fish weir or the wall of a granarj^ ? Taking the geographic areas 
in turn, it is not until southeastern Alaska is reached that an attempt 
to tell a story in twined decoration occurs. Even there the symbol 
exists more in the false ernbroiderj' on the surface than in the twined 
work. In point of fact, however, whether studied with Emmons for 
southeastern Alaska; with Farrand on Salish ware; or with Dixon in 
northern California tribes, it is not in twined work that the most 
exalted and idealized symbolism has been wrought. 

Coiled ware also has such a variety of technical treatment, with the 
whole color scheme of nature to select from, that in practice there is 
no limit to the form and combination of designs or of symbolism. In 
these the weaver secretes her thoughts. You must ask her what they 
mean. Rarely is one of her symbols widespread. In the next tribe the 
sign will stand for quite something else. It is well to observe here that 
a vast deal of coiled basketry has no symbol or design on it whatever. 

Ethnic symbolism. — Recurring to the six ethnic areas which for 
convenience have been adopted in this publication, basketry has lost all 
trace of symbolism among the Indians of eastern North America. It 
can not be for a moment supposed that they have none, for with 
Algonquian, Siouan, Kiowan, the substitutes for basketrj^, rawhide 
receptacles, as well as moccasins, cradles, and objects in three dimen- 
sions, are covered with idealism in painting and embroidery. 

To understand the richness of this survival of aboriginal symbolism 
the student will receive his principal aid at hand in the researches of 
A. L. Kroeber among the Arapaho.'^ Four hundred and fifty-eight 
distinct symbols are given in figures covering Indian ideas from com- 
mon objects to spiritual beings. All the closing pages of the above- 
named paper (pp. 138-150) must be examined carefully in order to 
comprehend both the sign and the thing signified, the thought and the 
overthought, the text and the symbolic context in Arapaho embroid- 
eries, paintings, and three dimension designs. The closing paragraph 
will give the gist of Dr. Kroeber's study: 

The closeness of connection between this Arapaho decorative symboHsm and the 
religious life of the Indians can not well be overestimated by a white man. Ajiart 
from the existence of a great amount of decorative symbolism on ceremonial objects 
not described in this chapter, it should be borne in mind that the making of what 
have been called tribal ornaments is regularly accompanied by religious ceremonies; 

0- Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians (Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural 
History, XIII, 1900, pp. 69-86); Decorative Symbolism of the Arapaho (American 
Anthropologist N. S., Ill, 1901, pp. 308-336); The Arapaho (Bulletin of the Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History, XVIII, 1902, pp. 1-150). 



ABOEIGINAL AMEBIC AN BASKETEY. 319 

that some styles of patterns found on tent ornaments and parfleches are very old and 
sacred, because originating from mythic beings; that a considerable number of 
objects are decorated according to dreams and visions; and, finally, that all symbol- 
ism, even when decorative and unconnected with any ceremony, tends to be to the 
Indian a matter of a serious and religious nature. 

The Eskimo also and the Aleuts perpetuate no thought or myth in 
basketry symbols. The etchings of the former on ivory are also mod- 
ern and were learned from outside teachers. It is not in these that 
the idea is to be sought. Not for a moment is it to be thought, how- 
ever, that there is .no symbolism existing. All the life is wrapped up 
in hunting. The long, dark winter, the return of the sun with the 
innumerable retinue of life in the air and in the waters gives the key- 
note. It is in the drama of hunting and the masks worn in dances that 
symbolism is embodied. 

On the Pacific coast from Alaska to the peninsula of California and. 
in the Interior Basin the tribes have been left to their own devices 
through the centuries, and it is here that survivals of symbolism are to 
be sought. They will be found in one place full of life and ancient 
spirituality; in another stung b}^ civilization, they are as torpid as the 
spiders that are placed in their nests by the mud wasps. 

The name Tlinkit applies to a number of basket-making tribes in 
southeastern Alaska. In their charming archipelago they have devel- 
oped a unique scheme of symbolism growing out of their mode of life. 
This has been thoroughly studied by Lieut. G. T. Emmons, U. S. 
Navy, in his collections in the American Museum of Natural History, 
New York, and the identifications here made are on his authority.'^ 
They cover a wide range of meanings. Supplementary to this basket 
symbolism, or rather preeminent over it, are the Chilkat blankets and 
the endless variety of carvings in stone, horn, and wood, and the sym- 
bolic paintings on all sorts of surfaces. The following identifications 
are from specimens in the U. S. National Museum : 

Ars suck har ha yar ku, "Spirit voice, or shadow of a tree." 

Kah thluckt yar, ' ' Water drops. ' ' 

Kisht, "The crossing." 

Klake da kheet see tee, "Single tying around." 

Klabk shar yar kee kee, "Head of the salmon berry cut in half." 

Ku Klate ar ku wu, "The Arctic tern's tail." 

Kuk thla ku, " Flaking of the flesh of fish." 

Shon tche kulth kah katch ul tee, "Tattooing on the back of the hand of au 

old person." 
Shuh tuck ou hu, " Shark's tootli." 
Shar dar yar ar kee, "Work on Shaman's hat." 
Thlul k yar nee, "The leaves of the fire weed." 
Ut tu wark ee, "An eye." 
Ut kheet see tee, "Tying around." 
Yehlh ku wu, "Raven's tail." 

« Basketry of the Tlingit Indians, Memoirs of the American Museum Natural 
History, III, 1903, pp. 229-277. 



320 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Plate 71 shows specimens of twined wallets made of spruce roots, 
for carrying berries and other articles of food on the back. The left- 
hand figure in this plate is Catalogue No. 20704 in the National 
Museum and was collected by James G. Swan, at Sitka, Alaska. It 
is an excellent specimen of twined weaving, with what is hei'e called 
false embroidery. The figures on the surface, determined b}^ Lieuten- 
ant Emmons, are as follows-: The two wide bands contain the following 
ornaments: The large five-sided figures in the middle are the " Shark's 
tooth; " the chevron pattern covering the shark's tooth means the 
"Flaking of flesh of fish into narrow strips;" the small triangular fig- 
ures are the " Salmon berry cut in halves," but in this arrangement 
also called "Water drops;" the narrow middle band is rendered 
" Single tying around;" below the ornamental band the cross-shaped 
figure represents the ' ' Raven's tail. " 

The right-hand figure in this plate is also a berry basket. The two 
wider bands have the same design, having a bar in the middle with its 
ends bifurcated, known by the Tlinkit as " The crossing." The trian- 
gles in these bands stand for " The salmon berry cut in halves." The 
middle band is " Tying around." The vertical designs at the bottom 
represent "An eye" on one side, and on the other side "Shark's 
tooth." The five-sided figure with a reentrant angle stands for "The 
Arctic tern's tail." Catalogue No. 21660, U.S.N.M., collected by J. B. 
White. 

The right-hand figure in Plate 72, Catalogue No. 20701:A in the 
National Museum, collected by J. G. Swan, is a cylindrical basket in 
twined weaving. The upper part of the body of this basket is divided 
into three bands worked in straw, natural color, and dyed red and 
brown. The symbols in the upper and lower band are (1) the " Spii'it 
voice, or the shadow of a tree," in zigzag lines; (2) vertical rows of 
rhombs, which indicate the eye; the middle band, made up of sinuous 
lines on rectangular figures is called "Tying around." The allusion 
ma}^ be either to the fact that this figure constitutes an encircling- 
band, or to the sinuous pattern itself. On the lower part of the body 
the fretted pattern, with three rectangles inclosed in the bents like the 
bars on an epaulette, stands for "The tattooing on the back of the hand 
of an old person." 

Plate 37 represents two small, beautiful baskets with rattles in the 
tops, made by the Tlinkit Indians of southeastern Alaska. Both of 
them are covered over the entire surface with false embroider}^ in 
three colors. The small patterns on the baskets portray the salmon 
berry and the triangular figures stand for shark's teeth. These are 
fine old specimens collected in 1875 by Dr. J. B. White, U. S. Army. 
Catalogue No. 21562. 

Plate 73. The bottom figure is a covered basket on the Tlinkit 
Indians, Catalogue No. 168282, collected by Lieutenant Emmons. The 



ABORIGINAL AMEBIOAN BA8KBTEY. 321 

warp is crossed, and the weaving is in twined work ornamented with 
false embroidery. The upper band and the one across the middle 
of the body i-epresent "The salmon berry cut in half," while the band 
of the shoulder and the one at the bottom stand for "The leaves of 
the fire weed." 

The upper covered jar on the same plate illustrates the combination 
of false embroidery and the use of two colors in the material out of 
which the specimen is woven. This specimen is Catalogue No, 9112 
U.S.N.M., and was collected in Alaska by Lieut. F. M. King, U. S. 
Army. 

The Haida Indians on Queen Charlotte Islands are near to the Tlin- 
kit in arts, but weave no symbols into their basketry. They paint 
various designs on their ceremonial hats and have no end of richest 
symbolism on their canoes and carved in wood and slate. They also 
now engrave on silver and keep alive the poetry of their ancient art. 

The following story, collected for Lieutenant Emmons by a friend, 
proves that the basket is not altogether out of touch with their world of 
myth: 

Once upon a time there were two Haida Indian orphan girls living 
on Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. After being punished 
by their stepmother for eating up a store of deer tallow they resolved 
to run away. They wandered about in the forest a long time and were 
eventually rescued by the "seek quan ni" (Black Bear tribe), one of 
whom married the girls. Years afterwards these girls determined to 
visit the scenes of their sad childhood. For their journey back from the 
forest to places of human habitations their good totem spirit directed 
them to weave two baskets apiece large enough to fit over the end of 
the thumb. These they were dii'ected to fill with crumbs of various 
kinds of cured meats and deer tallow. As in the miracle of the five 
loaves and two fishes which sufiiced for a multitude, the contents of 
these tiny baskets furnished food for the two women on their journey 
of many moons. Arrived at the entrance of their father's house their 
baskets suddenly became very large, so large, in fact, that it required 
the strength of msnaj slaves to take them into the house. The women 
found their stepmother still alive. They ofi'ered her the various meats 
and tallow which they had brought from their forest home. More, 
and yet more food they pressed upon her until the unhappy woman 
died of overeating. 

Professor Farrand selected happily the most versatile of all the 
North American families of Indians for his studies, the Salishan. 
Among these the Lillooet and Thompson baskets, of British Columbia, 
supply the flat and round types of imbricated coiled work, and the 
Quinaielt, on Puget Sound, the overlaid twined weaving. The Klikitat 
ware is not included, but a comparison of its symbols with the Salish 
would be profitable. The line of development in symbolism among 

NAT MUS 1902 21 



322 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

the Salisli tribes has been from the pictorial to the geometric. Pro- 
fessor Farrand finds that the use of animal designs is b}^ no means 
predominant. This was seen to be true on the Tlinkits also, while 
the Chilcat (Tlinkit) blanket shows the dissected and distorted motives 
described by Boas.'^' 

The list of symbols on the baskets of the lower Thompson Indians 
is given hj Mr. James Teit. It is made up of: 

1. Arrowhead pattern (tataza, arrowhead). 

2. Root pattern (mula, a variety of root). 

3. Butterfly pattern (nkikaxeni, liutterfly). 

4. Star pattern (nkokucen, star). 

5. Packing strap pattern (tsupin, packing strap). 

6. Zigzag pattern (skolotz, crooked). 

7. Box pattern (luka, grave box). 

8. Eagle pattern (haMu, eagle). 

Each of these words is compounded with the suflix "aist," pattern; 
but the lower Thompson also have symbols for snake or snakeskin, 
snake or snake tracks, rattlesnake tail, grouse or bird tracks, bear 
foot or bear tracks, bird or geese flying, fly, beaver, deer, horse, 
man, hand, tooth, leaf, shells (dentalia), stone hammer, comb, neck- 
lace, net, root-digger handle, leggings, canoe, trail, stream, lake, 
mount, air, lightning, and the same is true of other Salishan tribes. 

Plates 74 to 79, reproduce Professor Farrand's figures and the 
descriptions are from his monograph.^ These illustrations, lieing most 
of them in a difficult technical process called imbrication furnish excel- 
lent studies in mosaic pictographs. The elements arc all little squares 
in difi'erent colors, varying from one-eighth to one-quarter inch in 
dimensions. Much charity is needed in detecting the thing in the 
symbol. The shark's mouth with its horrid teeth, is rather intensified 
by the angularity of the design, but most of the things represented 
are hidden in the symbol. 

Plate 7i, fig. 1, shows a coiled and imbricated berry basket of the 
Lillooet Indians, British Columbia. It has a pyramidal form, flat 
foundation in the coils, and the decoration is in two segments or bands. 
The designs are flies, arrowheads, and half circles (?). The lower 
stripes are clusters of flies. Height, 10^ inches; 1 inch = 7i stitches, 
H coils. Compare Cat. No. 213535 U.S.N.M. 

Plate 74, fig. 2, shows a twined and overlaid basket of the Quinaielt 
Indians, Washington. Its design represents flounders. Height, 6i 
inches; 1 inch = 8 twists, 12 rows of weaving. 

Plate 74, fig. 3, shows a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lillooet 
Indians, British Columbia, with structural elements the same as in 

« The Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific coast, Bulletin of the 
American Museum of Natural History, IX, 1897, pp. 123-176. 

& Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians, Memoirs of the American Museum of 
Natural History, II, 1900, pp. 393-399. 



ABORIGINAL AMEBICAN BASKETRY. 323 

figure 1. Its design is a head, with mouth, teeth, and hair along the 
back of the head. The stripes below are arrowheads. Height, 11 
inches; 1 inch=7i stiches, 1 coils. 

Plate 74, fig. 4, represents the end of Plate 75, fig. 6, Lillooet. The 
design is said to typify flies. Compare example 216123 U.S.N.M. 

Plate 74, fig. 5, shows a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lillooet 
Indians, British Columbia. The two segments are preserved in the 
design as in figures 1 and 3. The structural features are also the 
same. The design is a head, with open mouth, below are arrow heads. 
Compare fig. 3. 

Plate 74, fig. 6, represents a coiled and imbricated basket of the 
Lower Thompson Indians, British Columbia. Special attention is 
called to the ridged surface caused by a bundle of splints. On this 
plate are shown the two radically different methods of lajang the 
foundation for the coil. The two narrow black and white stripes on 
the upper portion are made by beading, and represent earth lines. 
The lower figures are grouse tracks. Height, 6 inches; 1 inch=6i 
stiches, 5 coils. 

Plate 76, fig. 1, represents a coiled and imbricated cooking basket 
of the Lower Thompson Indians, British Columbia, with a design of 
flying geese. The foundation of the coil is of splints; the distinctive 
characteristic is that the ornamentation covers the whole surface and 
is not divided into bands. Height, 9 inches; 1 inch = 6^ stitches, 4i 
coils. 

Plate 75, fig. 2, shows a coiled and imbricated covered basket or 
trunk of the Lower Thompson Indians, British Columbia, while the 
design is of a rattlesnake's rattle. Height, 5 inches; 1 inch = 6 stitches, 
3i coils. 

Plate 75, fig. 3, represents a wrapped twined bag of the Yakima 
(Shahaptian family) Indians, Washington. The National Museum has 
many bags from Shahaptian tribes showing Farrand's symbols. The 
design is of flying birds. Height, 22 inches; 1 inch = 7 stitches, 9 rows. 

Plate 75, fig. 4, shows a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lower 
Thompson Indians. British Columbia. Its design is a snake trail or 
track. Height, 9i inches; 1 inch=6i stitches, 3^ coils. 

Plate 75, fig. 6, shows a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lower 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia. The design indicates a snake 
trail. In technical elements this example is Thompson, but the cren- 
elated form of design is widespread and has many interpretations. 
Compare Plate 74, fig. 1; also Merriam's butterfly design, page 332. 
Height, 13 inches; 1 inch=6i stitches, 3i coils. 

Plate 75, fig. 6, represents a coiled and imbricated basket of the 
Lillooet Indians, British Columbia. The shape and flat foundation 
are Lillooet, but the solid design over the whole surface is not so. 
The design shows flies, snake tracks, and arrowheads (side view). 
Height, lOi inches; 1 inch==5i stitches, 2 coils. 



324 RBPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Plate 76, fig. 7, is a coiled and imbricated globular basket of the 
Lower Thompson Indians, British Columbia. The design represents 
a snake coiled around the basket and exists on baskets in other 
Salishan tribes. The vertical line interrupting the coils shows the 
limitation of this style of weaving, made up of a continuous spiral and 
not of a series of rings. Height, 7i inches; 1 inch =8 stitches, 4^ coils. 

Plate 75, fig. 8, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lower 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia. This beautiful example is true 
to type in all except the angular design. The designs I'epresent but- 
terflies' wings. Height, 14 inches; 1 inch =6 stitches, Si coils. 

Plate 76, fig. 1, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lillooet 
Indians, British Columbia, the upper design representing intestines; 
the vertical stripes in the lower segment are flies. Height, 11 inches; 
1 inch =7 stitches, 4 coils. 

Plate 76, fig. 2, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lillooet 
Indians, British Columbia, with a design representing a net; the inter- 
spaces show deer shot by arrow, deer, man, dogs, flies. The flat coil 
in the bottom, the absence of angles, the design over the surface are 
noteworthy in the Lillooet, Height, 13^ inches; 1 inch =6 stitches, 
3i coils. 

Plate 76, fig. 3, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lillooet 
Indians, British Columbia, with a design representing a man with 
feather in his hair, bow and two arrows, and at either end a notched 
ladder ( ?). The lower segment is beaded. Height, 8-| inches; 1 inch = 8 
stitches, 5i coils. 

Plate 76, fig. 4, shows a typical coiled and imbricated basket of the 
Lower Thompson Indians, British Columbia. The design is a plant 
with fernlike leaf, end view. Height, 8^ inches; 1 inch=7i stitches, 
3i coils. 

Plate 76, fig. 6, shows a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lillooet 
Indians, British Columbia, having a design representing arrowheads 
and flies. In technic this example represents the older forms. 
Height, 11 inches; 1 inch— 7 stitches, 4 coils. 

Plate 77, fig. 1, shows a coiled and imbricated basket trunk of the 
Lillooet Indians, British Columbia. The structure and form are 
decidedly Hudson Bay Company in motive. The design represents 
arrowheads of different shapes. Height, 9 inches; 1 inch=5i stitches, 
3i coils. 

Plate 77, fig. 2, shows a bag in twined weaving with wrapped orna- 
ment of the Wasco Indians (Chinookan family), Washington, with 
designs representing flying bii'ds, men, and sturgeon. Height, 8^ 
inches; 1 inch = 8 twists, 12 rows. 

Plate 77, fig. 3, is a coiled and imbricated basket trunk of the Lower. 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia; design, arrowheads. This speci- 
men shows the intrusion of Hudson Bay Company forms into the 
upper country. Height, 6^ inches; 1 inch=:7 stitches, 4 coils. 



ABaRIGHJSTAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 325 

Plate 77, fig. -i, represents a coiled and imbricated basket of the 
Lower Thompson Indians, British Columbia, with a design showing a 
packing strap or tump line, possibly a net. This is a good type in 
technic, form, and decorations. See also figs. 6, 7, and 8. Height, 
Hi inches; 1 inch = 6i stitches, 4 coils. 

Plate 77, fig. 5, is a coiled and imbricated packing basket of the 
Lower Thompson Indians, British Columbia, with a design represent- 
ing grave or burial boxes. This is an interesting hybrid, with 
Thompson stitch and decoration on a Coast box, having even the added 
foot. Height, 6f inches; 1 inch = 7 stitches, -ii coils. 

Plate 77, fig. 6, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lower 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia. The design indicates crossing 
trails, possibly stars. Height, 14 inches; 1 inch=6i stitches, 4 coils. 

Plate 77, fig. 7, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lower 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia. Legend, stone hammer, side 
view. Compare example 217438 U.S.N.M. 

Plate 77, fig. 8, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lower 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia. Height, 9 inches; 1 inch = 7i 
stitches, 3i coils. 

Plate 77, fig. 9, shows a twined and overlaid basket of the Quinaielt 
Indians, Washington, with a design representing a fish net. Height, 
7i inches; 1 inch=5 twists, 8 rows of weaving. 

Plate 78, fig. 1, shows a twined and wrapped wallet of the Upper 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia, with a design representing lakes, 
lakes connected by streams, ducks flying toward the lakes, and animal 
footprints. Figures 1-4 are akin to the Shahaptian work in Washing- 
ton, with the exception that the decorati^^e filaments are wrapped 
about both elements of the twine. Height, 21 inches; 1 inch=9 twists, 
13 rows of weaving. 

Plate 78, fig. 2, is a reverse of preceding, having a design of arrow- 
heads and crossing trails. 

Plate 78, fig. 3, is a twined and wrapped Avallet of the Upper Thomp- 
son Indians with a design showing three rows of lodges. Height, 23 
inches; 1 inch=:6i twists, 8 rows of weaving. 

Plate 78, fig. 4, is the reverse of No. 3, and has a design showing 
household utensils. 

Plate 78, fig. 5, is a twined and overlaid wallet of the Quinaielt 
Indians, Washington, having a design representing a mountain chain. 
Height, 8 inches; 1 inch=6 twists, 8 rows of weaving. 

Plate 78, fig. 6, shows a twined and overlaid basket of the Quinaielt 
Indians, Washington. Its design is called a mountain chain. Height, 
10 inches; 1 inch = 5 twists, 7i rows of weaving. 

Plate 79, fig. 1, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lower 
Thompson Indians, British Columbia. The design is said to rep- 
resent mountains with lakes in the valleys. Height, 14i inches; 1 
inch = 6i stitches, 3^ coils. 



326 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Plate 79, fig. 2, is a twined and overlaid basket of the Quinaielt 
Indians, Washington, with a design representing waves or ripples on 
the water. Height, 10 inches; 1 inch = 5i twists, 9 rows. 

Plate 79, fig. 3, shows a twined and overlaid basket of the Quinaielt 
Indians, Washington, with an unknown design. It is widespread, 
however, and resembles a cluster of marsh plants. Resembles motives 
in northern California. Height, 6i inches; 1 inch =7 twists, 10 rows. 

Plate 79, fig. 4, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Lillooet 
Indians, Washington, with a design representing lightning. Compare 
Plate 75, figs. 1 and 2, where it stands for flying geese. Height, 5 
inches; 1 inch = 8 stitches, 3i coils. 

Plate 79, fig. 6, is a coiled and imbricated ware of the Lillooet 
Indians, British Columbia. The design is said to be of meaning 
unknown revealed in a dream. Height, 10 inches: 1 inch=5 stitches, 
3i coils. 

Plate 79, fig. 6, is a coiled and imbricated basket of the Chilcotin 
Indians, British Columbia, with an unexplained design. This rare 
piece is noteworthy for having three or four bands or segments of 
independent designs. It shows in its technic little influence of foreign 
culture. Height, 8i inches; 1 inch=6i stitches, 7 coils. 

For the northern California and southern Oregon tribes the guide 
to the study of symbolism is Roland B. Dixon." who divides basketry 
into three types (see fig. 163.): 

I. Northwestern type includes the area occupied by the Hupa (Atha- 
pascan), Karok (Quoratean), Yurok (Weitspekan). The techpic is 
twined work overlaid. 

II. Northeastern type cova^ri^QS Modoc and Klamath (Lutuamian), 
Shasta (Sastean), Pit River (Palaihaihan), Yana (Yanan), Wintun 
(Copehan), and Maidu (Pujunan). The technic is twined and coiled. 

III. Porno type. — This versatile people of the Kulanapan family in 
its technic is cosmopolitan, using- both twined and coiled ware in every 
variety. The Yuki and the Costanoan are left unclassed. 

Three groups of symbols are distinguished by Dixon— animal designs, 
plant designs, and representations of natural or artificial objects. For 
the Pomo symbols he relies upon Carl Purdy, collector of material 
from that people in the American Museum, New York. For the 
northeastern group. Dr. Dixon has made exhaustive personal observa- 
tions and illustrated the symbols in Plates i-xvi of his monograph. 

The following story applies to a beautiful piece of basket work from 
the Yuki Indians, now in Round Valley Agency, Covelo, California. 
They are associated with the Wailakis, who are Athapascan, but the 
Yuki themselves form a separate family. Catalogue No. 131108 in the 
U.S.N.M., Plate 80, is called a sun basket, of Yuki manufacture, 

« Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California, Bulletin of the American 
Museum of Natural History, 3iVII, 1902, pp. 1-32. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 327 

collected b}^ N. J. Purcell, and in order to complete its history it is 
necessary to know what the Yukis believe to be the origin of the 
world. " In the beginning there was no land; all was water. Dark- 
ness prevailed everywhere. Over this chaos of dark waters hovered 
'On-coye-to,' who appeared in the form of a beautiful white feather, 
hence the love of the Yukis for feathers. In time the spirit became 
wear}' of his incessant flight through the murky space and lighted 
down upon the face of the water. Where he came in contact with the 
water there was a whirlpool that spun his body round and round. So 
rapid became the motion that a heavy foam gathered about him. This 
became more dense and expanded in width and length. It gathered 
up the passing bubbles until it was a huge floating. island. On the 
bosom of this rested the snow}' form of On-coye-to. As he lay upon 
this island after an almost endless flight through the dark space, the 
idea of a permanent resting place came into his mind. So he made 
the land and divided it from the water. From the form of a feather 
he assumes that of a man and rested upon the land. Still there was 
no light, and the spirit was troubled. On-coye-to saw far ofi^ in the 
firmament a star, po-ko-lil-ey, and resolved to visit it and learn how it 
emitted its sparkling light. After a long journey he arrived and 
found a large and beautifully lighted world, inhabited by a numerous, 
hospitable people. Still, he saw not whence came the light. He was 
allowed free access to all the habitations save one, ' the sweat house.' 
This was guarded night and day, and was accessible onl}' to sick per- 
sons. Finallj^ a gi*eat hunt was planned, and as the time drew near all 
was prepared for the occasion. But On-coye-to feigned sickness, that 
he might investigate the sweat house. When the morning arrived for 
the hunt he was too ill to accompany the hunters. A council was held 
to determine whether this stranger should be admitted to the sweat 
house, which is even now a sacred place with the Yuki tribe, and it 
was decided to give him the benefit of this house of medicine, religion, 
gambling, and many other practices. A few old men were left to 
administer to his wants and to see that all went well. As he entered 
the sweat house he was almost blinded by the light that flashed u^pon 
him. As he became accustomed to it he looked around him and dis- 
covered its origin. Hanging high over his head in several baskets 
were as man}" beautiful suns. Having found the fountain of light he 
waited patiently until the old men were all asleep, then climbed cau- 
tiously to what seemed the brightest of the suns, took down the basket 
which held it, slipped from the sweat house and made his way rapidly 
back toward his own world. He was hotly pursued by the indignant 
warriors, but he arrived safely after many adventures. He hung the 
sun in its basket far in the east, then surveyed it. It did not light u^p 
to suit him and he moved it a little higher. Still it did not suit him, 
so he continued to move it on and on, and is moving it to the present 



328 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

day." Thus the Indian accounts for the moving of the sun, and thinks 
not that the earth moves. 

The basket here shown is believed to be a copy of the same in which 
the sun was stolen from the other world and brought to this. On 
the bottom is a piece of polished abalone shell cut round to represent 
the sun. Below this is suspended a new moon, then a fish, and all 
around the sides hang pieces of the same shell, which the Yuki say 
represents the stars. (N. J. Purcell.) 

As before mentioned, Dr. Dixon relies on Mr. Purdy for the sym- 
bolism on the Pomo basketry. The collection was made in 1900, and 
the names of designs given. Since that time more information has 
come to Mr. Purdy, and some of the terms are changed. The U. S. 
National Museum has the collection of Dr. J. W. Hudson for com- 
parison, made some years earlier. The interpretations of the symbols 
by the two men are quite as interesting a study in the psychology of 
the collectors as of the Indian basket women. From Dr. Hudson's 
manuscript accompanying his collection the following notes on sym- 
bolism are taken. The underlying thought in his mind is that each 
separate social group of the Pomo has peculiar types of basketry 
known by the keynote in the ornamentation, which is the totem of 
that group. 

Both in painting and in feather decoration the following colors have 
a significance with the Pomo: 

Red: bravery; pride. (Personified by the woodpecker.) 

Yellow: amatory; success; gaiety; fidelity. (Lark.) 

Blue: demoniac cunning; perfidy. (Jay.) 

Green: astuteness; discretion; watchfulness. (Duck.) 

Black: conjugal love; beauty. (Quail.) 

White: riches; generosity. (Wampum.) 

The following interpretations of signs were given by Dr. Hudson 
in connection with his collection of basketry secured by the U. S. 
National Museum: 

Baiyakan (Baiyak, net mesh). Same as Mr. Purdy's. The design is an alterna- 
tion of dark and light squares between two boundarj^ lines. 

Biahekamak, deer's hoofs or trail made by those animals in the mud. Very rare 
pattern, once common to the Taco ( Yukian) of Potter Valley. Consists of two right- 
angled triangles joining so as to represent the track of a deer's hoof. 

Bisliemao, deer's loins, the mottles on the buck's rump when struggling out of the 
slime of Clear Lake at the creation. Parallel lines with the inclosed space filled 
with dark and light parallelograms. 

Bisheo, deer's teeth, seen by the primal Indians when that animal called to them 
for help as he struggled in the mud. A i-ow of little squares with open spaces 
between. 

Danokakea, Mountain Waters tribe, totem of a tribe once living 6 miles north of 
Upper Lake, in the mountains at the headwaters of McClure Creek, and a close afiin- 
ity and neighbor of the Pomo of Potter Valley. A band of equilateral triangles in 
two colors alternating. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 329 

Ka wi na ote, oi' Ka lui na mi yak, turtle neck. A charm of halved turtle backs 
strung one above the other, indicated by three equilateral triangles, one resting on 
another. 

Katsha, arrowheads often represented on the basket as strung together and worn 
as necklaces. 

Katshak, arrowhead. A row of equilateral triangles bounded by two lines and 
touching by their bases, or having the apex of each one touching the middle of the 
base of the other. 

Kawinateedi, turtle backs which were seen floating on the waves of Clear Lake. 
A series of rhombs adjoining one another. 

Kea, quail plume. Totem of the confederated tribes of Lake County, California, 
especially those living in the valleys around Clear Lake. This excludes the Napo, 
Kabe napo, rock village; and Kura napo, water-lily village, who had no recognized 
totems. The Yokaia also claimed the Kea totem, being close kin to Lake tribes, 
though living across the range. L-shape and Z-shape designs in color. Most common 
of Pomo symbols. 

Misakalak, blacksnake, a totem recognized as belonging to the Shokowa of Scho- 
kowa valley, around Hopeland. Represents a snake trail. Two parallel lines near 
together with a sinuous pattern between. 

Na wa kai, a totem consisting of a series of ponds connected by a slough, and this 
tribe is totally extinct, yet the pattern is often seen in the Yokaia village and called 
Baketch, or man's spit. This is a row of squares made up of dots. 

Poma, red earth. Named from the mound of siliceous earth in Potter Valley, 
whence all Pomos sprung, and from which, to this day, their ceremonial yeast or 
sacrament is dug to be mixed with their bread and eaten. The totem of a Potter 
Valley tribe. Pomo = red (stone) mine or quarry, where argillite or magnetite is 
mined for wampum. A row of triangles in red splints. 

Shakobiya, grasshopper elbows, or the spines on the tarsi. Trail noted in mud. 
It consists of a line of right-angled triangles joined at their bases. 

Shakokamak, grasshopper tracks made in the mud at creation. Parallel rows of 
dots in fours. 

Tsi yo tsi yo, up and down, the word Ka being understood. "Waves" rolling 
back from the shores of Clear Lake, releasing the new-born creatures. Three zigzag 
lines parallel and oblique. Certain Lake County Pomo tribes use the term tsi yo tsi 
yo, signifying waves, or the marriage of the east wind to the waters of Clear Lake, 
representing it by a series of dotted parallelograms in stepped pattern. 

Carl Purdy's vocabulary of Pomo symbols on basketry is as follows: 

Baiyakan (Baiyak, net), band of rectangles, called meshes; also, snake. 

Bishe mao, or mia, backbone or ribs of a deer. Rectangles or rhombs en Echelon. 

Butterfly pat I em, Long Valley Indian (Copehan). 

Chi kakh, quail. 

Dalan, halved. (Yokaia, dilan*. ) 

Dan, opening. ( Compare the path in Navaho baskets. ) 

Itchi cu we; len we is naked, or bare and naked; itci tcu we, bare of design— i. e. 
not ornamented. 

Ka poh poko, short design, rhomb or rectangle in the middle. 

Ka tio tio, waves (Ka, water, and tio tio, rippling); or Kahio, or Kalio (?). 

Kailakama, crow foot (kai, crow, and akama, foot). 

Kalchamisit, arrow points. (Yokaia.) 

Kalen le Ian, white mark in the middle. 

Katcha, arrowhead. 

Katcha, arrow; Katcha da Ian, arrow halved; Katchi mi set (or misit), arrow 
points. 



330 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Kawina ritcha, turtle neck. 

Klyd, quail tip. 

Keya, tip or top. 

Lelan (Ulan) in the middle. 

Mato, large; Kalcha mato, arrowhead large. 

Mi sit, -goini; or miset (?). Upper Lake Pome. 

M sa kalle, spiral, or snake; name of a certain spotted snake. 

Pau shna, acorn top (Pau, corn, and shna, head). 

Sakalle (Yokaia for snake). 

■Slot sio, zigzag, waves. 

Tchikaka ke-ya, quail tip (Tchikaka, quail; ke-ya, top knot). 

Una leu, crossing. 

Utcha, neck. 

Mr. Purdy's interpretations of Fomo symbols will be found in Dr. 
Dixon's paper before quoted. If the reader have a collection of Pomo 
baskets, an examination of the symbols on them in comparison with 
the Dixon plates will demonstrate what liberties the basket weaver 
took with her designs. May be, it were better to say, what struggles 
she made to realize a design or symbol under general and special lim- 
itations. 

poMO (kulanapan) designs, dixon's plates 

Arrow point. (Plates 29, 30, 33, 36.) Quail tip. (Plates 27, 28, 29, 36.) 

Buckeye tree. (Plates 27, 34.) Red mountains. (Plates 27, 30, 31, 33, 

Crossing tracks. (Plates 28, 29, 34, 36.) 34,35.) 

Crow's track. (Plates 34, 35.) Spotted fawn skin. (Plate 27.) 

Grasshopper leg. (Plate 27.) Unknown designs. (Plate 32.) 

Leaf. (Plate 27. ) Zigzag. (Plates 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 35, 36.) 
Meshes in fish net. (Plates 30, 31, 33, 
34, 35. ) 

To illustrate the technic of symbolism, Plate 81, Catalogue No. 
203398, collected by Dr. J. W. Hudson, is presented. It shows a 
gift basket of the Pomo Indians, made by a Yokian woman whose 
name is Keshbim, who worked upon it seven months. The pattern is 
a pictograph of a feast, the bottom of the basket being tule mats 
(bitsan) interspersed on the assembly hall iioor, not shown in the 
figure. The band of rhomboid figures around the bottom is the roof 
of the dance lodge with its rafters crossed and interlaced, and the 
dancers, male and female, are celebrating the Ma a ca ka (food-falling) 
harvest (acorns). The Pomos have four seasons in their year, begin- 
ning on the first full moon (cha na bu sa da, thumb moon) in July, and 
Sahanim, smoke-floating time, has four moons; Ma a ca ka has three 
moons, beginning with Ba too da, index moon. Kat sa na, green 
earth, has three moons, and Katsami, green-things time, has three 
moons. This basket, under the old regime, would have been presented 
to some friend during the feast, demanding a very handsome return, 
for no one appreciated a fine piece of work like a Pomo woman. The 
foundation is of willow rods. The sewing' is not done with linen 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 331 

thread as one would suppose, but with roots split so fine that in some 
places the sewing shows 60 stitches to the inch. 

Dr. Dixon has made careful personal investigations concerning the 
symbolism on the basketry of California tribes east of the Sacramento 
River. '^ The following designs with their tribal assignments may be 
found in Dr. Dixon's plates: 



WINTUM (COPEHAN) DESIGNS 



Arrow points. (Plate 23.) 
Bear's foot. (Plate 23.) 
Eent elbow. (Plate 23.) 
Cross waves. (Plate 24. ) 
Deer excrement. ( Plate 24. ] 
Empty spool. (Plate 24. ) 
Fishtail. (Plate 23.) 



Flying geese. (Plate 23.) 
Leaves strung. (Plate 24.) 
Pulled around . ( Plate 24. ) 
Rattlesnake. (Plate 23. ) 
Striped. (Plate 24.) 
Water snake. (Plate 23.) 
Wolf's eye. (Plate 23.) 



MOQUELUMNAN DESIGNS 

Eye. (Plate 26.) | Quail tip. (Plate 26.) 

PIT RIVEE (pALAIHNIHAN) DESIGNS 

Arrow point. (Plate 22.) 1 Skunk's nose. (Plate 22.) 

Lizzard. (Plate 23.) | 

MAIDU (pUJUNAN) DESIGNS 

Deer excrement. (Plate 25.) 1 Rattlesnake. (Plate 25.) 

Earthworm. (Plate 25.) | Water snake. (Plate 25.) 

NOZI (yANAn) DESIGNS 

Wolf's eve. ('Plate25.) | House. (Plate 25.) 

Dr. Dixon's conclusions are of interest. Designs are subject to 
much variation, chiefly throvigh different arrangements of elementar}^ 
and constant forms in the pattern. If there are two or more types 
for the same element they are never found together. Designs are 
essentially the same on coiled and twined basketry, but most of the 
Maidu baskets are coiled, and there is suggestion of acculturation from 
the Pit Rivers. Function and form of the basket have something to 
do with symbols, certain designs being restricted to plaques, others 
to soup bowls, and so on. The spiral line is a favorite in massing 
symbols. Some of the patterns are found everywhere in the Maidu 
area, others are quite restricted. In most cases, and this is the uni- 
versal testimony, the intent of the design is not clear from mere 
inspection, but must be explained before it can be understood. The 
author's summary of Maidu symbols is the very large variety and 
number, the frequency of animal designs, the unusual predominance 
of plant designs, the number in which the realism is obscured, the 

« Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California, Bulletin of the American 
Museum of Natural History, XVII, pp. 1-32, 37 plates. 



332 EEPOET OP NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

tendency to spiral and zigzag patterns, and the well-nigh universal 
practice of putting but a single design on a baslcet. 

Plate 82, fig. 1, is a Washoe basket 8i inches high, 12 inches wide, 
and 6 inches across the opening. There are 30 stitches to the inch. 
Colors, red, black, and brown. Weight, 16 ounces. The legend is 
named "Migrating," or "When the birds leave their nests and fly away 
we shall move." The lower left-hand basket, fig. 2, is 7 inches high, 
llj inches across, and 6 inches over the opening, with 30 stitches to the 
inch. The body is light-gold color, and the ornamentations are in 
red and black. Weight, 16 ounces. The legend is, "Rays of the 
sun ascending." An attempt to imitate the radial appearance of the 
light at sunrise. The lower right-hand basket, fig. 3, is 7 inches high, 
6 inches across the opening, and 11^ inches in diameter, with 30 
stitches to the inch. The body is light-gold color and the decorations 
are in red and black. Attention is invited to the intricate combina- 
tion of squares and triangles, stepped patterns, and rhombs to form 
the total design on the surface. These symbols relate to the different 
ranks or degrees in the chieftancy of the tribe which they are entitled 
to receive by inheritance. This information is based on the studies of 
A. Cohn, of Carson City, Nevada. 

Plate 83 is a Tulare bottle-neck, collected on Tule River, Tulare 
County, California, and is in the collection of C. P. Wilcomb. The 
material and sewing are similar to those in other Tulare baskets. 
The ornamentation deserves especial attention. The bands of rhombs 
on the body and the part on the upper border which resembles the 
shaftment and feather of an arrow are common to the region. On the 
middle of the body, however, is a band of ornamentation which 
resembles the Egyptian ankh. It is useless to speculate on the origin 
of this symbol, since the Indians in this part of California have been 
in touch with the Latin-American race for centuries. In this Inyo- 
Kern-Tulare subarea Dr. C. Hart Merriam finds the crenellated 
design to be associated in symbolism with the spasmodic flight of the 
butterfly as it flits among the flowers (see Plates 41, 188, 192, 194) 
and calls attention to the dispersion of the symbol as far north as 
southeastern Alaska. 

Designs were found by Dr. George H. Pepper" on the ancient 
basketry from the caves of southeastern Utah. He refers them to 
symbols as they are now understood among living tribes, but recognizes 
that such forms do not stand for the same object always, even in the 
same tribe. The designs given are the butterfly of the Maidu, water- 
fowls, mountain, and sun. A glance at the beautiful workmanship 
and the designs on Dr. Pepper's specimens at once places them not 

«The Ancient Basketmakers of Southeastern Utah, Guide Leaflet No. 6 of the 
American Museum of Natural History. 



ABORIGINAL AMBEIOAN BASKETRY. 333 

in the Ute or Shoshonean family, but with the exquisite basket-making 
tribes westward in California. They have the three-rod foundation. 
The upper one is 17i inches in diameter and 5 inches deep. 

The basket having the butterfly design was found over the body of 
an infant, and this led the finder to the conviction that the forms had 
some mythic significance. These specimens, and man}'' more, belong- 
ing to the Wetherill, the McLeod, and Graham collections are now in 
the American Museum of Natural History, New York. (See Plate 81.) 

The Pueblos called Hopi in northeastern Arizona were visited by 
the Spaniards in the early part of the 16th century. Having no gold 
to tempt the avarice of the conquerors, they were let alone. On their 
coiled and wicker baskets, used in their religious ceremonies, are shown 
the personages and phenomena most intimately associated with their 
cult. I am indebted to Dr. J. Walter Fewkes for the interpretation 
of their symbolism. 

The basket shown in Plate 86 is peculiar to the Hopi village of 
Oraibi; has a picture of the Corn Maiden (Shalakomana or Palahiko- 
mana). The head bears the representation of a tablet which is sym- 
bolic of the rain clouds. The colors represent the rain clouds of the 
four cardinal points: Yellow, the north; blue, the west; red, the south; 
white, the east. Usually in representations of this maiden the Hopi 
hair puffs are represented. A design on the forehead stands for an ear 
of corn, which is one of the symbolic marks of this maiden. There 
ought to be represented in the middle of the forehead, dependent from 
this ear of corn, a fragment of Haliotis shell. This is for the rain- 
bow. The two eyes appear as bands, and should be of different 
colors, the left green or blue, the right red. The two bands below 
the eyes are meant for facial markings which are generally triangular 
in shape. Green and red stripes on the chin represent the rainbow. 
On paintings the bow is curved the other way, but the restrictions of 
basket making i"equire the curve to be downward. The blanket on 
the body is a garment made of feathers, the individual feathers being 
represented by blue and red bands. This is the earth goddess or 
corn goddess. Interesting descriptions of the ceremony in which 
this Corn Maiden or sky goddess is engaged will be found in Dr. 
Fewkes's interesting paper " on the Minor Hopi Festivals. On Plate 
21, opposite page 191 of his article, is illustrated the Palahiko-mana 
dance. She is shown as the central figure. The headdress, body 
garment, and embroidered blanket are represented in full. The head- 
dress is decked with feather plumes, and altogether the appearance 
is more striking. The basket weaver has done her best where her 
pictorial ability gave out, at least, to indicate the presence of even the 
clan markings on the face, which in the drawings picture the human 
hand. 

« American Anthropologist, N. S., IV, 1902, pp. 482-511. 



334 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The top figure, Plate 93, shows the birds of the four cardinal points, 
two very much enlarged and two smaller. The stripes on the border 
ai'e the tail feathers of the larger birds. The limitations of the basket 
maker are well shown in the specimen, in that all perspective is neg- 
lected and every part of the body brought to the same plane; the feet 
are turned around so as to show the toes. 

The lower figure in the same plate represents one bird. The head 
on the upper margin having rain-cloud appendages, the beak being 
represented by an extension on the right hand side. The wider sym- 
bolic colors are abbreviated in every part. The bend in the knee is 
shown by the rectangular spaces representing the leg. (See Plate 93.) 

The basket shown in Plate 47 was made at the Hopi village of 
Oraibi. The symbols on this basket represent the sky birds of the 
four cardinal points, two of which are larger, two smaller, apparently 
made so for want of room. The central figure represents the heart of 
the sky with geometrical rain-cloud figures. The sky god has a 
number of names. 

In the upper figure (see Plate 216), the designs have got past the 
pictorial stage, and the meaning could only be known hj consulting 
the maker of the basket. It is doubtful whether she did any more 
than what she saw her mother do. It might be possible, if a large 
series were had, to follow this symbol outward to the known pictorial 
form. 

The lower figure in this plate represents the four birds of the car- 
dinal points. The standard colors of the cardinal points are not all 
in the design because the basket itself is yellow, which deprived the 
workwoman of the privilege of representing the north. The symbol 
is very highly conventionalized. 

The figures on both examples, Plate 30, denote rain clouds. 

The same types of symbolism, occasioned by the climate, the phys- 
ical features and productions of the arid region will be found at Zuni 
and among the Rio Grande Pueblos." S3"mbolism on the basketry of 
Middle and South America has not been worked out. 

ff F. H. Gushing, A Study of Pueblo Pottery, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, Washington, 1887, pp. 467-521. 

For a fuller explanation of the rich symbolism surviving in the Pueblo region the 
reader must consult the papers of J. W. Fewkes, to be found illustrated in the Amer- 
ican Anthropologist, N. S., V, 1899-1903, and in the reports of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology. 

A Study of Textile Art in Its Relation to the Development of Form and Ornament, 
Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1889, pp. 189-252; 
also. Prehistoric Textile Art of Eastern United States, Thirteenth Annual Report of 
the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1896, pp. 3-45 



ABOEIGINAL AMERlCAlSr BASKETRY. 335 

VI. USES OF BASKETRY 

Blessed shall be thy basket and thy store. — Deuteronomy, XXVIII: 5. 

Nature has provided members of the animal kingdom with recepta- 
cles which are a part of their anatomy. The camel has its water 
sack, the ruminant animals have their extra stomach for the storage 
of grasses, the squirrel carries nuts in the pouch in the side of his 
cheek, and certain insects are provided with various means of trans- 
porting food to a distance. It remained for the human race to invent 
appliances to accomplish similar results, and basketry forms one of 
the principal means adapted to such needs. There is practically no 
limit to the uses to which basket-work weaving has been put. The 
enumeration of these uses in detail will show what a prominent place 
the receptacle has had for holding water, food, and other precious 
objects, for gathering the matei'ials connected with industry and for 
transporting them. Basketry also enters into the house, the furniture, 
the clothing, the armor, the domestic economy, the family life, and 
religion of the American tribes. 

There are a multitude of secondary uses of baskets which will be 
mentioned in the proper place. Certainly they have done as much as 
any other industiy to develop the intellectual life of savage women, 
both a knowledge of the resources of nature and a taste for aesthetic 
products. It will also be found that there is no gulf between basketry, 
beadwork, lacework, and loom work. There are times when the basket 
weaver suspends her work and, with the use of her fingers alone, 
imitates the products of most complicated weaving fpames. The 
highest steps in basket making will be the first steps in the great 
mechanical art which now costs so manj^ millions of dollars and 
emploj^s so man}^ human beings. 

Before the coming of the European, basketry supplied nearly every 
domestic necessity of the Indians, from an infant's cradle to the richly- 
decoi'ated funerary jars burned with the dead. The wealth of a family 
was counted in the number and beauty of its baskets and the highest 
virtue of woman was her ability to produce them. Some domestic 
vessels were named for the particular service they performed; as 
bi-ti-bo-um' (dishes), or Ka-dem (water giver) among the Pomos; but 
the majority were known by their weave or shape. Vessels of the 
Tee weave, says Hudson, bore the brunt of culinary usage, as pots, 
pails, roasters, etc. There were two varieties of sifters; the coarse 
pshu-kan separating the crumbs for nut cake, etc. , and the ma-a-p6-i, 
or finer sifter (a conoid utensil), which, slightly tilted and struck 
sharply within by the finger tips, spills the chaff over the outer 
margin. 



336 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The great value of her work reflected upon the make'' herself. It 
was the most expert woman in basketry, says Miss Jennie C. Carr, 
who brought the highest price, namel}^, two strings of shell money. 

Of old basketry some examples are clean while others are soiled and 
dilapidated. The former had the good fortune to fall into careful 
hands half a century ago, when they were new, and have with the years 
merely faded down to their indescribable shades. The other precious 
old pieces have been 

Dipped in baths of hissing tears 
And battered by the shocks of doom. 

The study of structure in basketry, as in other activities, leads to 
investigations concerning functions and use. Among the least favored 
tribes in this regard there is a similarity to the lower forms of animal 
life where the same structure performs a number of processes. It is 
also common to see among plain sort of people and the uneducated 
one utensil used for many purposes. So with the little advanced 
tribes of Indians there will be one technical process in basket making 
and very small variety of forms for many uses, but when the more 
advanced and skillful tribes are reached there is a differentiation of 
function and along with it corresponding differences in structure and 
technical processes even in the same piece. 

In the study of function there are two inquiries of equal value, 
namely, (1) the geographic distribution of functions together with 
the particular types of basketry that are used to perform these offices 
from place to place, and (2) tribal origins and purposes in order to 
connect function with ethnological and geographical studies. In each 
one of the six areas into which the Western Hemisphere has been 
divided the uses to which baskets are put will be decided by the ani- 
mals, plants, and minerals that are indispensable to the happiness of 
the people, and the forms and characteristics of the baskets will 
depend upon the plants that are to be had for making them. On the 
seashore there must be clam baskets and fish baskets. In the interior 
there will be beny baskets; and in those regions where no pottery is 
to be found cooking baskets, in which food is boiled by means of hot 
stones, are among the commonest objects in sight. From the other 
point of view a more subtle question arises, Avhether ethnology has 
anything to do with basket materials or things to be carried in them. 
In tracing the history of invention during its primitive stages it will 
at once be recognized that the art of basket making was greatly stim- 
ulated by the multiplication of ends to be served; that the inventive 
faculty having such a versatile and accommodating material found 
scope for its own enlargement and improvement. In the end it be- 
comes apparent that the art and the artist have set themselves one to 
the other "'like perfect music unto perfect words." The basket 



ABORIGINAL AMEBICAlsr BASKETEY. 337 

adapts itself to the woman's life. It is not easy to pin any special 
structure upon a definite tribe, however, since women were captured 
or ran away mayhap into other tribes. A quiet system of pedagogy 
was going on all the time in basketry, as well as in other activities. 
The uses of basketry will be given in further detail, the topics arranged 
in alphabetic order. 

An interesting phase of the struggle between use and beauty is to 
be seen in the compromises which they make for space on the same 
basket. The jewel, the cremation chef d'cBuvre, the precious gift to 
a friend, may be covered with designs, have the most beautiful on the 
bottom, or where the maker's fancy led her. On the other hand, the 
piece for common uses is a despair of the artist; it is bereft of orna- 
ment. Among the Tlinkit of southeastern Alaska, while the covered 
trinket baskets are decorated to the ground, the cylindrical food 
baskets are plain near the bottom, and in many examples half the way 
up the body. This compromise in decoration is more apparent in the 
heavy coiled work of the British Columbia tribes. Boxes for show, 
cradles, and such examples are surrendered to the decorator, while the 
berry baskets and cooking pots have their decorations chiefly on the 
upper portion of the body. This fact limits the motives in the design. 
On old pieces it is melancholy to see how the hard wear of years has 
invaded the sacred precincts of art and destroyed even the symbols of 
religion. On the California basketry art was predominant. The 
spirals descend nearly to the bottoms of the mush bowls and the 
carrying baskets, but a glance reveals at the point of strain a patch 
of ordinar}^ strong weaving or a protective covering. 

As previously mentioned, baskets are receptacles of some kind or 
other. They do not of themselves usually perform work, but are 
used for holding the materials and apparatus of work. The art of 
basketry, however — that is, the plication or working of somewhat 
rigid materials — easily passed out of the mere making of receptacles 
into the construction of all sorts of objects needed in daily life. 

The uses of basketry are either industrial or ideal. Industrially, 
they are connected first with the whole range 'of obtaining food or 
nourishment and the other natural materials upon which all history 
depends. 

With the secondary industries, called manufactures, with trans- 
portation, and with consumption or enjoyment, one has but to take a 
stroll along the crowded dock, as in a great seaport, or the bus}^ ware- 
house of any modern city, to become familiar with the infinite number 
of ways in which the basket lends its services to the comfort of the 
human race. 

All of these functions, so intricate and diversified in civilization, are 
represented in savagery by much more simple occupations, from 
which, however, the basket is never absent. 
NAT MUS 1902 22 



338 KEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Beyond the drudgeries of life lie its beatitudes, and here the basket 
is also present. In fine art, in social functions, in birth, in lore, in 
custom, and eyen in burial it is not absent. 

A detailed description of the way in which these functions are per- 
formed by basketry, with abundant illustrations, will show just what 
is meant in these declarations. 

IN THE CARRYING INDUSTRY 

Carrying in baskets was done by the Americans on the head, on the 
back with head band or breast strap, and in the hands; about the 
home the basket was scarcel}^ ever absent. It was the strongest of all 
Indian fabrics, easily made into any shape convenient to the load or 
the carrier, and it was lightness itself. In a hemisphere almost devoid 
of pack animals, where woman was the ubiquitous beast of burden, is 
it any wonder that she invented the most economical of devices for 
holding and transporting? Since nothing grows where it is wanted, 
an attempt to enumerate the things transported in baskets would be to 
list every natural material that contributed to the Indian's happiness. 
Mineral, vegetal, and animal substances are all in there. Cla}^ from 
the quarry, water from the spring, stones for working, firewood, 
edible roots, fruits, and seeds, textile materials, fish, flesh, and fowl 
are a part of the freight ever on the move throughout the culture 
areas. 

The carrying basket did not lose its multitudinous functions for 
women with the departure of savagery. One has only to look into 
market houses and stores, walk along the streets, or visit farms in the 
countr}^ to be convinced of this. 

They are borne on the head, shoulder, hips, or knees; they are hung 
to the body in every possible fashion, and carried by two or more 
persons with the hands — all for loading ships, cars, or wagons. They 
are used also as panniers on the backs of animals, and smaller and 
better specimens are used by the interminable procession of children 
and buyers and travelers. 

The transportation basket did not cease as a stimulus to invention 
with its holding things and spurring the maker to do her best in its 
composition. It waked up her mind in other directions. Her feet 
had to be fitly shod to gather materials; thus sandals were often in 
basket work. Her clothing required adjustments to new occupations 
and exposures in the new activities made possible hj the art. Even 
the baskets of other functions were perfected and new functions were 
created by the carrying art. 

In the report of the U. S. National Museum for 189i'^ a large num- 

«0. T. Mason, Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1894, pp. 237-593, pis. 1-25, 
figs. 1-257. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEKIOAN BASKETRY. 



339 



ber of illustrations are devoted to showing the variety of ways in 
which baskets may become vehicles among the aborigines of our 
hemisphere. 

Edwin Bryant describes the moving of a Sioux camp near Fort 
Laramie in 1846." The tent poles were fastened to the sides of the 
ponies for travaux. Crosspieces were lashed to these 
and small children were confined in cages made from 
willows in the form of crates for crockery, having 
doors on the sides. 

The Moki, or Hopi, Indians of to-day, in addition 
to the woven head ring and the ordinary head straps 

for carrying 
loads, have in 
use a breast 
band of yucca 
fiber for drag- 
ging loads over 
the ground. 
(See figs. 105 
and 106.) The 
Papago women 
fit a lacework 
frame to the 
back in carry- 
ing loads for 
long journeys. 
(See fig. 106.) 
The Apaches 
make a spe- 
cial pannier in 
twined work, 
one of which 

will fit the human back, and two 
may be used on a donkey. 

Plate 86, from a photograph 
by A. W. Ericson, represents a 
Hupa Indian woman using the 
carrying basket for firewood. 
On her head she wears one of the 
beautiful little conical basket caps of this tribe, common in collec- 
tions. A band of leather passes across her forehead, and the load of 
wood is supported on her back. There is no other function of bas- 
ketry so universally widespread as this. 

According to Muhlenpf ordt the Pimas and Maricopas make a basket 





Fig. 1U5. 

BKEAST BAND FOR 
HAULING. 

Zufli, New Mexico. 

Cat. No. 70962, TJ.S.N.M. 
Collected by James Ste- 
venson, 



Fig. 106. 

carrying frame. 

Papago Indians, Mexico. 

After W J McGee. 



'' Eocky Mountain Adventures, p. 110. 



340 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



boat which they call "cora," woven so tight as to be waterproof 
without the aid of pitch or other application. And upon the sanae 
parallel of latitude, along the Gulf of Mexico, the Indians used to 
cross the rivers on floats of cane woven together and called "cajen." 
Bundles of cane were laid together sidewise, and over them others, 
the whole being woven together."' 

Formerly mats were used by the Makah as canoe sails, but at 
present they are employed for wrapping up blankets, for protecting 
the cargoes in canoes, and for sale to the whites, who use them as linirg 
of rooms, or as floor coverings (James G. Swan). 

Besides the endless carrying of things among the Indians, called 

transportation, there is, it must 
not be forgotten, a large amount 
of passenger movement. The 
cradle, or, more correctly, the 
papoose basket, was the beginning 
of devices for carrying persons. 
Except a little riding by people 
of note on the backs of men in the 
Andes, only infants were passen- 
gers in aboriginal days through- 
out America. 

For the infant there were three 
zones of going about in the West- 
ern Hemisphere, the Arctic, the 
Temperate, and the Tropical; 
speaking technically, the zone of 
the fur hood, the zone of the car- 
rying frame, and the zone of free 
motion. The Atlantic province 
tribes made use of flat boards or 
racks, the Eskimo mother carried 
her babe safely ensconced in her 
ample hood of fur. The cradle 
of southeastern Alaska and the 
mainland near by were troughs, but most of the Pacific tribes made 
their papoose frames of basketry, and it is to these that attention is 
invited. In nearly all of them the feet and head are left free.* The 
Hupa Indians, on the Hupa Reservation, in northwestern California, 
belong to the Athapascan family in Alaska and northwestern Canada, 
and that may account for the resemblance of their cradles in form 
to those of birch bark made by the tribes of that northern i-egion. 

aDu Pratz, History of Louisiana, London, 1763, II, pp. 228-229. Dumont also 
mentions rafts of poles and canes. 

6 0. T. Mason, Primitive Travel and Transportation. Eeport of the U. S. National 
Museum, 1894, p. 521. 




Fig. 107. 

twined cradle. 

Hupa Indians. 

Cat. No. 126519, tT.S.N.M. Collected by P. H. Eay, U. S. A 



ABOEIGIlSfAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



341 



Structurally, they are in plain twined weaving, with here and there a 
row of wrapped twine and false braid. In passing, it may be noted 
that these Hupa babies are not strapped on a board as among the 
eastern tribes, nor are their heads bandaged as are those of the tribes 
along the coast of British Columbia.'* (See fig. 107.) 

IN DEFENSE AND WAR 

Basket armor of the tribes on the Pacific Coast is made of narrow 
slats of wood, recalling those in the bottoms of some of the Lillooet 
Indian baskets in British Columbia. The slats are associated with 
straight rods of hard wood. These are woven with cords in regular 
twined weaving. The twine is finely spun and laid on so as to prodvice 
an ornamental effect upon the surface. This basket ornament has been 




Fig. 108. 

stick armor twined together. 

California. 

After W. Hough. 



found in caves of the Aleutian Islands, also among the Tlinkit Indians 
of the Pacific Coast as far south as the Hupa Indians of the coast of 
California. In some specimens wicker weaving takes the place of 
twined weaving.* 

An examination of Hough's Plates 7, 8,. 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, and 15 will 
show how the weft of twine in basketry is transferred to slat armor 
worn anciently by the Tlinkit, Aleut, Takoo, Shasta, Hupa, and 
Klamath Indians was held together. 

Fig. 108, reproduced here, illustrates one in which the twined 
basketry was applied to this sort of armor. 

«See Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1887, p. 178, fig. 11. 
& Walter Hough, Primitive American Armor. Reportof the TJ. S. National Museum, 
1893, pp. 625-651. 



342 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The Massawomekes, on the Chesapeake Bay, had similar basket 
shields or armor. Smith" speaks of them as made of little small 
sticks woven "betwixt strings of thin hempe and silke grass," but so 
firmly that no arrow could possibly pierce them. Comparing this 
description with the figure above leaves no doubt of the similarity of 
the defense on both sides of the continent. 

IN DRESS AND ADORNMENT 

Basketry, laying aside its chief function of holding something, is 
even now used extensively among many tribes in dress and adornment 
of the person. It was mentioned in the section on carrying that the 
exigencies of going about stimulated the inventive faculty not only in 
the basket industry but in other crafts accessor}^ to travel. The fore- 
most of these companion arts is that of sandal or shoe maker. It is 
true that boots of hide and moccasins of tawed skin are the commonest 
supply of this want, but there is a vast portion of America where the 
sandal holds sway. They are made of tough fiber and woven in wicker, 
checker, twill, twined in a number of fashions. Some of the cliff- 
dwellers' sandals are studies in weaving three and even fou.r ply. 
Many of them are figured in a paper on Primitive Travel and Trans- 
portation.* (See Plate 87.) 

But, far more than the feet, the head claims the basket weaver's art 
the world over. In America the basket hat clings to the Pacific slope. 
As soon as the Indian area is reached in southeastern Alaska the hat 
bursts into bloom. It is made not only for comfort, to save the eyes 
of the hunter from the glare, and to act as an umbrella, but the handy 
weaver, having first scoured the earth for the most delicate spruce 
root, exhausts her artistic skill in its composition. The Tlinkit 
woman and the Haida woman solve the problem differently. Given 
the task to make the most elegant hat that can be done in spruce root, 
the Haida artist relies upon her delicate fingers to get the result. 
Twined weaving is her technic, but plain and twill and three-ply are 
so happily blended that she discards color. The Tlinket, just a whit 
less refined in touch, or maybe not having such perfect material, 
resorts to color. The designs are not always wrought, but are fre- 
quently painted, while beard of seal, abalone shell, and beads exhaust 
the possibilities of decoration. These hats are made for men as well 
as women. Indeed, the finest are doubtless made for men to wear on 
the chase, with the conviction that a hunter must not only do his best 
but wear his best. 

The use of the basket in clothing reaches its climax in the California 
hats. In a description of the costume worn by Hupa Indians in 

« John Smith, History of Virginia, Richmond, 1819, p. 185. 

&Otis T. Mason, Primitive Travel and Transportation, Report of the U. S. 
National Museum, 1894, pp. 237-593. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 343 

northern California a large collection of designs on their basket hats 
are shown in Plates 3, 4, and 5 in the Ray collection from the Hupa 
Reservation," and on Plate 6 of the same paper will be shown the 
relation of basketry to foot gear. (See Plate 88.) 

Excepting the head gear and the foot gear, the American Indian in 
places needed protection from rain and cold. The robes made from the 
tender skins of rabbits and other small animals by cutting them into 
strips and making them into blankets by twined weaving were widely 
diffused in North America from Virginia to the Pacific. Wherever 
the tough cedar bark abounded soft capes and robes were made there- 
from by the same women who made the baskets. The rain cloaks of 
middle America, if they are not of oriental origin, are knotted and do 
not belong to basketry. Other basketry dress was chiefly ornamental. 
Leggings reaching to the knees made up by well-known processes are 
to be found. A great deal of ceremonial regalia, even that from buck- 
skin, is put together by basketmaker's processes. 

IN FINE ART AND CULTURE 

Basketr}^ has been most useful as the patron of fine art and culture. 
Like all other human activities, it passes from the homely useful to the 
useless beautiful, and in so doing combines the two qualities whose 
union was long ago said to be the acme of excellence. The best art 
critics will say that in many of their productions the American Indian 
woman had, by obeying the voices within, attained a high degree of 
excellence. The practice of this superb work, and the admiration of it, 
elevated her; her abject state is not her fault. 

There is no doubt that in the centuries of sorrow men have sufi'ered 
more than women, since all their old occupations in which they excelled 
have been destro3'ed and hope with them; but the pride of excellence 
remained with the woman, who easily surpassed the whites in the work 
she was allowed to continue. That thousands of children are now 
being taught her art is witness of this. 

Plate 89 shows two coiled baskets from Tulare County, California, 
specimens of the combined art of three or four well-known basket- 
making stocks who have united at this point — the Shoshonean from the 
east, the Mission Indians from the south, and the makers of coiled 
basketr}^ from the north. In the upper figure the basket bowl is in 
open sewing over a grass foundation, with ornamentation in plain 
vertical stripes. Every item of form, color, and design in this speci^ 
men has in it the true element of art. 

The lower basket is jar-shaped, in closer weaving and more uniform 
in texture, but its design is especially attractive. The base is a rec- 
tangular outline, but the pattern is made up of hourglass form 

a Smithsonian Report, 1886, pp. 205-238. 



344 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

flanked by two triang'les. The body color is that of the matei'ial, the 
hourglass is black, and the triangles in reddish brown. Especial 
attention is called to this figure. It occurs many times in the basketry 
in the Merriam collection. It is also seen in McLeod's specimens from 
the Kern Count}^ tribes. The symbolism is not known, nor is there 
any attempt at imitation of natural objects in these figures, which are 
natural size in the plate. 

Plate 90 shows the resources of the western California tribes of Men- 
docino County for heightening the beauty of ordinary coiled basketry. 
The abalone shell, having been ground away from the back, the nacre- 
ous surface becomes one of the most beautiful natural objects. The 
beadlike ornamentation around the edges is the monej'^ of the tribes, 
the feathers are the crests of the partridge, and forming the body of 
the basket the plumage of various species of birds is sewed on in 
bands. These objects, of course, have no other value than to show 
the taste and skill of the maker, and they are chiefly employed in 
making presents to friends, who are expected to give something quite 
as good in return. 

Emulation in aesthetic ideals and technical skill, a potent factor in 
education and refinement, found unrestrained opportunity in basketry. 
It is doubtful whether pottery excelled this art in the demand for 
scrupulous care in every movement. Man}^ of the best pieces in Cali- 
fornia ware are marked with the monogram of the maker; and these 
special marks are often at the bottom of a piece, as though the artist 
with consciousness of excellence had felt the Horatian thrill when the 
poet wrote: Sublimi feriam sidera vertice. 

A sense of beauty in detail was the motive which led the basket 
maker to search the fields and dig into the earth for fiber. It edu- 
cated her mind and sharpened her judgment. In order to secure the 
plume of the quail, the crest of the woodpecker, the shoulder tips of 
the blackbird, the mottled feathers of the duck, and more, the woman 
must catch her birds. So she becomes an inventor, more dangerous 
than the owl, more skillful than the hawk, more subtle than the ser- 
pent. At first the inventions were crude enough but effective in 
damming the waters and barricading the air. Ministering to these 
called forth a new grade of artificialities; culture grew by what it fed 
upon until it is not possible to comprehend in one grasp the multitude 
of materials, the variety of technical methods, the shapes, the designs 
and their meanings, involved in what one forlorn woman had to master 
in order to graduate in her art. 

Dr. Washington Matthews" figures the so-called Navaho basket 
plaque as a drum, and says that the art of basket making is little cul- 
tivated among them to-day, because it was neglected through the 
development of blanket weaving. The material is the twigs of the 

o American Anthropologist, VII, 1894, pp. 202-208. 



ABOETGINAL AMEBIC AN BASKETRY. 345 

aromatic sumac. The work is done in coiled weaving. The founda- 
tion is in roots of the same material, and in starting the basket the 
butt of the rod is placed in the center, the tip toward the periphery 
all the way to the end of the work Around the middle is a band in 
red, and branching from this band outward and inward triangles in 
black. The band is not continuous, but at one point is intersected by 
a narrow line of a colored wood. At first this seemed to be an imita- 
tion of the Pueblo "line of life" on pottery, but the Navaho line is 
put there to assist in the orientation of the basket in the medicine 
lodge when the light is dim. In playing their game the butts and 
tips of the Navaho give preference to the butt end of the gambling 
stick, associating the idea with that of the position of the warp in the 
coiled basket. When the basket is finished the butt of the first twig 
and the tip of the last twig in the outer edge must be on a line with 
this radial opening. When the basket is used in ceremony this 
line must lie east and west. The stick for this drum is made from 
the leaves of the yucca bent together, wrapped and sewed. The 
dull ghostly sound accords well with the other portions of their 
ceremonies. 

IN PREPARING AND SERVING FOOD 

The basket is closely connected with the Indian kitchen and dining 
room, if these terms be allowed. After the purveyor has gleaned 
from the waters, the air, the range, or the field, with appropriate 
devices, and the patient carrier has emptied her baskets at the tent 
side, and forsooth the miller has put through their exercises quite 
another series, the cook and caterer take up the burden. She is gen- 
erally the selfsame woman who made the baskets and performed the 
forenamed drudgeries. But she is prepared for this task as well. 
Therje is first of all the mixing bowl or basket, about the shape of the 
bread trays in millions of kitchens. The coiled method suits th» pur- 
pose, especially in their manufacture, since to be solid and water-tight 
are desirable, and weight is not an objection; 3^et there are tribes that 
make excellent mixing bowls in twined work. (See Plates 50, 53, 
93, 93.) 

It must not be supposed that basketiy cooking pots are placed over 
a fire, as one of metal. Great preparation and skill are necessary to 
success. The basket must be substantial and water-tight; the proper 
kinds of stones must be selected and cleaned. After heating to a high 
degree they must be dipped into water to reduce the heat. A red- 
hot stone would spoil the broth, sure enough. Tongs of wood of a 
certain species and bent just so must be made ready, and paddles for 
incessant stirring." 

«For illustrations of cooking with hot stones see W. H. Holmes, Report of the 
U. S. National Museum, 1900, pp. 170-173, pis. 9-15. 



346 EEPOET OF NATIOI^AL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Plate 91 shows two of the best examples of Klikitat imbricated 
basketry. The foundation is seen in the basket exposed, consisting 
of a bundle of rude splints of cedar root; the sewing is with prepared 
splints of the same material, and in both fig'ures it will be seen that 
no ornamentation ever occurs on the inside of this type. The method 
of laying on the outer ornamentation has already been explained in 
the earlier part of this paper. 

The designs are made-up of rectangular figures in the grass color 
for the body, with yellow material dyed with Oregon grape, cherry 
bark, and cedar bark. The designs represent in the upper figure 
geese migrating; the lower, some species of swamp plant. 

The border of the lower figure is in false braid, laid on the upper 
row of sewing. The stains on the lower basket show that it has been 
used in gathering berries for a long time; the upper one has not yet 
seen use. Both of them, however, are vessels for gathering and cook- 
ing food. 

This cooking with hot stones is mentioned by man}^ older writers, 
which proves that it was not an innovation with the discoverj^ of 
America. After the cooking of the food, the next thing was the serv- 
ing of it, for which purpose there were a number of forms in basketry 
for holding the fish or mush and for the individual eater. 

Plate 92 represents a collection of baskets used for preparing and 
serving food. The lower figure is a cooking basket in which either 
mush or fish can be prepared to eat by means of hot stones. Spoons 
are made from the horns of the Rocky Mountain sheep or goats, and 
may be used for the individual eater. The upper basket is for drain- 
ing food or for holding fish or some hot substance and allowing the 
water to drain off. The other figure shows the method of twined 
weaving and introducing a new splint into the texture. 

Plate 93 shows two of the meal trays of the Hopi Indians in northern 
Arizona. When the coils are left open, as in these examples, they are 
said to have been made by an unmarried woman. The base or founda- 
tion of the coil is the shreds of 3'ucca stems and the sewing is done 
with the rib-like strips of the leaves. The colors used in dyeing are 
those emplo3^ed also by the weavers in the same region, but of recent 
years common cheap dyes of traders have taken the place of the native 
colors. The mythology of the figures in the plaques is explained on 
page 333. 

Plate 94, from a photograph by G. Wharton James, shows a young 
unmarried woman of the Oraibi pueblo preparing the corn meal for 
bread making. The chimney is interesting as a first chapter in the 
history of di-aft. Fire is built in the corner of the room and a few 
adobe bricks supported on a log of wood form the flue. A few pieces 
of brick on the upper part of the roof continue the chimne3^ Other 
utensils common in the j^ueblo life are seen. The 3'oung woman wears 
her hair in the fashion of the tribe. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETKT. 347 

IN GLEANING AND MILLING 

Gleaning or harvesting, storing away, and milling, what a vast 
number of men are nowadays employed in them. Women are not 
absent from them altogether in the United States and nothing is more 
common in the Eastern Hemisphere than to see harvest fields and all 
activities associated with root and seed gathering thronged with them. 
The industry was almost solely hers in America. Baskets are named 
for their part in these crafts. There are picking baskets, root baskets, 
beriy baskets, and on to the list of acorns, fruits, seeds, and roots 
without end. Carrying baskets are universal, but there are a great 
many of them used by this set of workwomen, and it will be found 
that special varieties have been devised for these pursuits. 

Also, as every other important invention calls for a host of subsidiary 
devices, there must be wands for beating off seeds, sieves for separat- 
ing grain from chaff, fans for the same purpose, roasting trays in 
which the raw material is parched before grinding. Brooms are 
made from basket fiber, hoppers for the top of the millstone also, and 
the open, generous bowls to hold meal. All this is before the cooking 
processes are reached. If the meal is not to be used up at once, all thrifty 
tribes had learned to store up vegetable supplies against the day of 
need. The granary basket was the rival of the pit and the wooden 
crib. There must have been something refining about this entire 
round of activities. In many of the baskets associated with them the 
ornamentation is exquisite. The hunter and the fisherman had scant 
encouragement to cultivate the gesthetic sense in their emplo3'ments; 
but nuts, seeds, grain, most fruits, and roots are clean. Even berries 
when they stain do not soil the outer part of the receptacle, so the 
Eraser River tribes adorn the upper portion of the baskets with beau- 
tiful patterns. The lower part is left plain. The use of baskets in 
the plant quest was well-nigh universal. The eastern Indians employed 
the cane or split ash for their wicker or twilled baskets. As far as 
the cane extended, even to Guiana and Brazil, this is true. The 
ingenious cassava strainer belongs to this class. 

Plate 95 shows the domestic utensils of the upper Amazon tribes for 
various household purposes. Palm leaf, out of which fiber is made; 
the fiber itself, used in various forms of domestic utensils; baskets in 
two types, twined and crossed warp weaving. The cassava strainer on 
the left is in twined weaving, so that when the weights are taxed the 
bag is increased in size and the water forced out of the cassava. The 
specimen shown was collected for the U. S. National Museum by J. B. 
Steere. 

Lewis H. Morgan writes" that in the art of basket work, in all its 
varieties, the Iroquois Indian women also excel. Their baskets are 

« League of the Iroquois, 1851, p. 382, showing twined baskets. 



348 REPORT OF ISTATIOlSrAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

made with a neatness, ingenuity, and simplicity which deserve the 
highest praise. Splint is the chief material, but they likewise use a 
species of sweet grass, and also corn husks. Among these various 
patterns, which are as diversified as convenience or ingenuity could 
suggest, the most perfectly finished is the sieve basket. It is designed 
for sifting corn meal, to remove the chit and coarse particles after the 
corn has been pounded into flour. The bottom of the basket is woven 
in such fine checks that it answers very perfectly all the ends of the 
wire sieve. Another variety of baskets was made of corn husks and 
flags very closely and ingeniously braided. In their domestic economy 
the basket answered many purposes. Cat. Nos. 221161-3, U.S.N.M. 

From the historians of the discovery it is learned that basketr}'^ was 
used in connection with the gathering and preparing of food. Bartram 
mentions the use of a sieve which the Indians of Georgia have for 
straining a "cooling sort of jell}^ called conti, made by pounding cer- 
tain roots in a mortar and adding water. " Dumont describes the sieves 
and winnowing fans of the Indians of Louisiana. The Indian women, 
he saj^s, make fine sieves with the skin which they take off of the canes; 
they also make some with larger holes, which serve as bolters, and 
others without holes, to be used as winnowing fans. They also make 
baskets very neatly fashioned, cradles for holding maize. By compar- 
ing this statement with what is said about the California gleaners it 
will be seen that the Louisiana tribes knew how to sift meal, leaving 
the coarse particles inside the sieve, and also to separate seeds from 
chaff, and finally from coarse material, by beating over the edge of a' 
tightly woven basket. 

Du Pratz also says that for 

sifting the flour of their maiz, and for other uses, the natives make sieves of various 
finenesses of the splits of cane. 

John Smith, speaking of the Indians of Virginia, says they 
use a small basket for their Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so separating 
by dashing their hand in the basket, receiue the flowr in a platter of wood scraped 
to that forme with burning and shels. 

Strachey makes the following statement: 

Their old wheat they firste steepe a night in hot water, and in the morning pound- 
ing yt in a morter, thej^use a small baskett for the boulter or seaver, and when they 
have syfted fourth the finest, they pound againe the great, and so separating yt by 
dashing their hand in the baskett, receave the flower in a platter of wood, which, 
blending with water, etc. 

There are no gleaning baskets in the Arctic and few in northern 
Canada. Birch, elm, and pine bark usui'p the place of textile mate- 
rials. But all along the southern border there were gleaners and a 
variety of basket forms in their hands. Maize, wild rice, roots, nuts, 
and berries were food staples. Checker matting, wicker basketry, 
and twined bagging supplied the receptacles. 

For the basket maker there are four Alaskas: — Athapascan, and 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN" BASKETRY. 349 

Eskimo, where there is no gleaning or milling; Aleutian, in which 
the harvests come from the sea, and the daintiest of twined weaving is 
made in grass stems; and southeastern Alaska, which shall I'eceive fur- 
ther notice. Storage baskets are attributed to them by early voya- 
gers. Nowadays the ware is small, no piece exceeding half a bushel in 
capacity. Since seafaring is mixed with hunting and gleaning the 
fields, the gathering basket leads a busy life. Plates 136-149 represent 
the types, which, large and small, are chiefly cylindrical in shape. The 
methods of manufacture and decoration have been described. 

In Gerstaecker's Journal is the following account of seed gatherers 
in California: 

While I was standing there a couple of pretty, young girls came from the woods 
with flat baskets full of flower seed emitting a peculiar fragrance, which they also 
prepared for eatmg. They put some live coals among the seed, and, swinging it and 
throwing it together to shake the coals and the seed well and bring them to contin- 
ual and close contact without burning the latter, they roasted it completely, and the 
mixture smelled so beautiful and refreshing that I tasted a good handful of it, and 
found it most excellent (p. 375). 

Edwin Bryant, in his Rocky Mountain Adventures, gives this 
description of the acorn harvest: 

We soon learned from them that they were a pa,rty engaged in gathering acorns, 
which to these poor Indians are what wheat and maize are to us. They shoM'ed us 
large quantities in their baskets under the trees. When dried and pulverized, the 
flour of the acorn is made into bread or mush, and is their "staff of life." It is 
their chief article of subsistence in this section of California. Their luxuries, such 
as bull beef and horse meat, they obtain by theft, or pay for in labor at exorbitant 
rates. The acorn of California, from the evergreen oak {Quercus ilex), is much 
larger, more oily, and less bitter than on the Atlantic side of the continent. In 
fruitful seasons the ground beneath the trees is covered with nuts, and the Indians 
have the providence, when the produce of the oak is thus ])lentiful, to provide 
against a short crop and the famine which must necessarily result to them from it by 
laying up a supply greater than they will consume in one year (p. 240) . 

The Hupa Indians for collecting seeds, according to Prof. P. E. 
Goddard, use the basket in the shape of a common burden basket in 
closely woven style.'' They also made large storage baskets of close- 
twined work called djelo, the base being of greater diameter than the 
top.** 

Plate 96 represents the harvesting outfit of the Hupa Indians on 
Hupa Reservation in northwestern California. There is the open- 
work-twined basket for picking the seeds, the carrying basket in 
openwork with a decorated band at the top for bearing the crop home, 
the granary basket, which bears significantly on the outside the image 
of destructive worms that eat the crop after it is harvested. The 
woman's head has a pad of soft-twined work on the forehead, across 
which the buckskin band of the carrying basket rests. The outfit of 

«Life and Culture of the Hupas. Publications of the University of California, I, 
1902, pi. XXII, fig. 2. 



350 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

the mill consists of a large basket at the bottom for catchino- the acorn 
meal and millstone set in this for grinding, a hopper basket, most 
elaborately made, resting on the I'ock to hold the acorns that are being 
ground. A similar hopper is shown below, both in its foi'm and struc- 
ture. The pestle for grinding the acorns and the broom for sweeping 
up the meal complete the paraphernalia. Throughout the entire acorn 
area implements resembling these will be found. 

The outfit for the Pomo acorn mush maker in Mendocino County, 
California, is illx>.trated by V. K. Chesnut" in his paper on Plants 
Used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California (fig. 71 and 
Plates 13, 18), issaed in 1903, by the Department of Agriculture, 
Washington. 

It consists of eleven pieces: The picking basket for the individual 
gatherer; the holding basket for receiving the contents of number 
one; the cone-shaped carrying basket, with headband; the granary 
basket at the home, holding two or more bushels, many of them have 
beautiful covers; the basket hopper, open at the bottom to fit on the 
mortar stone, the work of strengthening these tax the ingenuity'' of 
the weaver; the mat for the meal to be placed under the millstone; the 
sifting plaques, in openwork for coarse separating and tightly woven, 
for shaking the waste over the edge; the cooking pot of the closest 
weaving; the dipper; the eating bowls, and the daintily woven basket 
hat. 

William H. Holmes illustrates at length the acorn, harvesting and 
milling industry in northern California, carrying and hulling the nuts, 
pounding them in stone mortars, grinding the meal, separating the 
coarse particles, cleaning the meal by shaking and blowing, leaching 
in sand and using hot stones for cooking in basket pots.* 

Plate 97 is a group of baskets in plain-twined weaving (Bamtush) 
in the collection of C. P. Wilcomb, of San Fi'ancisco. It consists 
of a conical carrying basket, mill hopper, granary basket, and mush 
bowl. The carrying basket is in plain-twined work throughout. Even 
the narrow bands near the top are no exception, for though each 
twist in the twine passes over two warp stems, on the next round the 
same two are included in the twist above. Casting the eye upward will 
show that in the upper band next to the border the same motive occurs, 
but the same pairs of stems are not inclosed in the twist. The efl'ect 
of this ornament is quite pleasing, as the two bands with intervening 
space form an endless zigzag pattern. The border of this basket is 
formed by bending the wai'p stems down as the foundation of a coiled 
work which is strengthened by a hoop of wood. The bands of orna- 
mentation on this and the other baskets in this group is explained 
under " Symbolism." 

a Contributions to the National Herbarium, VII, pp. 295-408. 
ftEeport of the U. S. National Museum, 1900, pis. 10-15 and 22. 



ABOEIGINAL J^MERICAN BASKETRY. 351 

The mill hopper is also in plain-twined weaving-, strengthened with 
three narrow bands of tee weaving. The granary basket and the mush 
bowl are noteworthy especially on account of the peculiar method of 
finishing the work by merely cutting off the warp stems. 

Plate 98 represents two specimens in the collection of C. P. Wilcomb, 
both of them from Tulare County, California. The upper figure is a bowl 
connected with body in twined weaving. The diameter is 14f inches. 
The ornamentation is in four bands, the lower broken, the second in 
chevron pattern, the third human figures, the fourth the standard hour- 
glass pattern. On the mar "in are spots in black material in groups of 
fours. The lower figure represents a typical mortar stone with pestle 
and hopper, in this case glued to the upper surface of the millstone. 
The ornamentation on the upper is also the standard band of hexagonal 
figures. 

Plate 99 represents a Yokut woman on the Tule River Reservation 
shaking acorn meal and sifting it for making mush. 

In Plate 100; the same collection, is represented a Havasupai (Yuman) 
Indian woman screening corn in a roasting basket with hot stones and 
blowing out the chaff, using the specimen both for parching and clean- 
ing the seeds. 

Plate 101 shows a Coahuilla (Shoshonean) woman grinding acorn 
flour on a mortar stone, on the top of which has been cemented a hop- 
per basket with open bottom. This method of grinding is extremely 
old, inasmuch as some of the pieces of ancient baskets in prehistoric 
graves, found by Mr. Pepper and others, are in this type and stitch 
of basketry. 

Speaking of the Apache Indians and others farther south, Capt. John 
G. Bourke mentions their fanning trays for grinding the seeds of grasses. 
Hot stones are placed in them, with the coarse material and the chaff is 
burned out. The Captain also mentions that the tra3^s are wet to keep 
them from burning. This can not be a universal practice, because in 
some of the specimens in the Museum the texture is very much charred. 

Plate 102 shows the most primitive form of storage, holding several 
bushels, used by the Mohave Indians in the desert between Mexico 
and soutliern Arizona. It resembles more a bird's nest than a textile 
preparation. The specimen is in the Field Columbian Museum, Chi- 
cago, and to the courtesy of C. L. Owen and G. C. Simms I am 
indebted for the photograph. 

The Mohave and other, tribes have curious granaries for storing 
mesquite beans, corn, etc., near their houses. A platform is con- 
structed on high poles; upon this is placed a round, bottomless basket 
from 3 to 5 feet in diameter and 2 to 3 feet deep. These are made 
of arrow-weed stalks tightly interwoven. When filled the top is 
sealed with mud to keep oat rain. In specimens examined by Owen 



352 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

and Simms, of the Field Columbian Museum, several of these nest-like 
baskets were clustered on the same platform and a rude fence served 
for inclosure.* 

IN HOUSE BUILDING AND FURNITUEE 

House and furniture were here and there constructed of basket 
work, so the basket maker became architect and cabinetmaker. Of the 
former, the wall may have been constructed like a huge, coarse basket, 
with upright stakes for warp and brush, canes, rushes, or leaves of 
palm for weft. The roof, also, especially in its framework, was in some 
tribes an immense shallow basket bottom inverted. The rafters were 
the parallel or radiating warp and the interlacing vines the openwork 
woof into which many kinds of thatch were fitted. 

Accessory to the house, whether a woven structure or not, were 
fences, awnings, screens, and shelters. They were woven after the 
fashion of the walls. In middle America and the tropical portions of 
South America, but far more skillfully in the Philippine Islands and 
all about the Indo-Pacific, the mat and light basketry serve for seclu- 
sion and decoration among the houses. Open checkerwork, twilled 
weaving, wattling, or twined textile are as effective as they are light 
and easily put together. When they were moving about, or in situa- 
tions where a compact dwelling would have been burdensome, it was 
an affair of only a few moments to imitate the nest-building birds and 
throw together a wickiup or leaf shelter of some kind. 

The winter houses of the Porao Indians were a rude kind of feath- 
ered basketry. They are described by Carl Purdy * as domes of wicker- 
work, thatched heavily with grass or tules (p. M3, with illustration). 
The summer houses were of wickerwork covered with boughs, and 
the tribe moved several times a year as acorns, fish, game, or dry 
quarters were desirable. They solved the problems of transportation 
by moving themselves about. 

Furniture had not the pretentious meaning that it possesses in civ- 
ilization. The bed for the Indians was the most desirable luxury. 
Their chairs were mats of many styles of weaving and many colors. 
All of them were plicated by hand and were the production of the 
basket naaker. 

But the bed was not always a basket. In the ISIorth it was the 
warmest fur and robes; in many tribes the mat took the place of the 
robe, and over a wide area the hammock was chair by day and bed at 
night. In some of these the twine is knotted or netted and the ham- 
mock is in no sense a basket. Throughout the Southwest a resting 
device is formed by the very ancient basket-makers' process of string- 
ing a number of stiff rods together by three or more rows of weaving. 
(For a Hopi bridal costume case see Plate 103.) 

«For illustration see Newton H. Chittenden. Land of Sunshine, 1901, p. 202. 
6 Land of Sunshine, XV, May, 1901. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 353 

IN MORTUARY CUSTOMS 

The basket is intimately associated with Indian life in the " last act." 
Not only fabrics woven in basketry technic were wrapped about the 
dead and used to protect the body, but on the sentimental side exam- 
ples of the finest workmanship were either deposited or burned with 
their makers. Plate lOi is taken from Pepper's account of the basket- 
making Indians of Utah, and is interesting as exhibiting the method of 
burial among the ancient tribe of southeastern Utah in the canj^on 
country. These old people must have lived long in these curious 
retreats, for on top of their graves are found deposits made by later 
tribes. The corpse was placed in the hollow of a rock, covered with a 
rabbit-skin robe made in twined weaving. On top of all was turned 
upside down a coiled basket. The plate shows the method of admin- 
istering the blanket and the basket, and the lower figure of the plate 
declares the type and style of weaving used by these ancient basket 
makers. The foundation is of three-rod type. The four figures on 
the surface near the margin are like the butterfly design seen on some 
modern ware, but the symbol is not known. Horatio N. Rust tells of 
a young Indian girl who was dying of consumption. She wore on her 
person a small basket of beautiful workmanship and gave it to a young 
American, begging him to have her buried in a coffin and the little 
basket placed within. 

Another Indian, Roherio by name, living in the southern California 
country, tells of his wife, who, when djdng, called him to her and said: 
Take my basket cap, which I have always worn since I have been 
your wife, and burn it, with everything that is mine. He obeyed her 
and burned two trunks full of personal property. 

Clarence King describes vividly, in his Mountaineering in the Sierra 
Nevadas, a cremation scene: 

In the opening between the line of huts a low pile of dry logs had been carefully 
laid, upon which, outstretched and wrapped in her blanket, lay the dead form of 
"Sally," the old basket maker, her face covered in careful folds. Upon her heart 
were the grass-woven water bowl and her latest papoose basket. The flames slowly 
lapped over, consuming the blanket; and caught the willow papoose basket. When 
the husband saw this the tears streamed from his eyes; he lifted his hands elo- 
quently, looking up at the sky and uttering heartbroken sobs. All of the Indians 
intoned in pathetic measure, ' ' Himalaya, Himalaya, ' ' looking first at the mound of 
fire and then out upon the fading sunset. 

The desert region of Peru was favorable to the preservation of 
delicate textiles, and it is in the cemeteries of this region that large 
quantities of basketry in every style of weaving here described have 
been found." (For lace work see Plate 105.) 

«For basketry (coiled and twined) from graves in Peru, see Eleventh Annual 
Report of the Peabody Museum, pp. 280-292. 

NAT MUS 1902 23 



354 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

IN RELATION TO THE POTTER'S ART 

Pottery and basketry were in America, especially among the savage 
tribes, both the work of women. Before answering the question how 
far one art was useful to the other, attention must be called to the fact 
that in eastern United States both prevailed almost universally. In 
the Arctic, excepting the rude pottery of Alaska on Bering Sea, and 
on the Pacific from Mount St. Elias to Santa Barbara Islands, the 
tribes made only basketry. Those of the interior basin and all south- 
ward were expert in both. 

It was formerly believed that in the eastern division of the United 
States, especially, pottery was made to a large extent in basketry. 
Eminent students held this opinion and there seemed to be abundant 
evidence of its truth. Gushing figures a basket with clay inside to 
protect the former in the cooking of seeds and grains." 

Holmes now believes that the extent to which good baskets were 
used for modeling pottery in this province has been greatly overesti- 
mated. There are innumerable examples of basketry and other textile 
markings on earthenware, and he divides them into five classes, 

1. Impressions from the surface of rigid textile forms. 

3. Impressions from cloth and nets, 

3. From woven textures used over the hand or modeling implement. 

4. From cords wrapped about modeling paddles or rocking tools. 

5. Impressions of bits of cords or other textile units, singly or in 
groups, applied for ornament only and so arranged as to produce 
textile-like patterns. 

In modeling a clay vessel a basket might be used as a support and 
pivot. It might assist in shaping the bodies of vessels, assuming to a 
limited extent the limits of a mold. Also, the mat upon which a 
plastic form rests will leave impressions that firing will render indel- 
ible. The tribes of the Pima linguistic family produce jars and baskets 
of the same shape; but if a row of Zuni or the Hopi pottery be compared 
with a row of their basketry they would not suggest that either one 
was the predecessor and occasion of the other. Laying aside the 
inquiry whether the basket was the progenitor of the pot, inasmuch as 
the same hands often produced both, the former unwittingly rendered 
itself immortal by its many little helpful attentions to the latter in its 
formative stage. The pot was afterwards fired and worn out and 
broken into fragments that were buried out of sight. In these last 
years the archeologist exhumes the shards, washes them carefully, and 
makes casts of their surfaces in plaster or artist's clay. A glance 
shows that, though the surfaces of the shards are much worn awa}'^ by 
time, the lines in the little cavities are as sharp as when the clay and 

o William H. Holmes: American Anthropologist (N. S.), Ill, pp. 397-403; also 
F. H. Gushing, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886, pp. 483-493. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY, 355 

the basket made each other's acquaintance centuries ago. (See Plates 
106, 107.) 

In the shards examined by Eggers and Holmes one fact is preserved 
that no historian recounts, namely, that twined basketrj^ as varied and 
beautiful as that of the Aleutian Islanders was made by the tribes in 
the Mississippi Valley before the fifteenth century. 

AS A RECEPTACLE 

Very few of the Indian tribes of America were so unsettled in life 
as to be without a home. About such a place accumulated personal 
property and provisions for the future, large and small. On the Great 
Plains of the West, receptacles were made of rawhide gaudily painted. 
On the MacKenzie drainage, bark of the white birch was the material, 
decorated with quills of the porcupine dyed in many colors. But for 
holding the bone awl and the sinew thread, the trinkets belonging to 
dress, the outfits of fisherman and hunter, the basket and the wallet wei'e 
well-nigh universal. In the industries and other activities of life in 
which materials, utensils, apparatus, in a word, things were involved, 
there were receptacles for holding them. The basket maker herself 
has a kit of appliances for making her wares. 

One of the primary functions of basketry, if not the very first, was 
to contain or restrain something. The weir, fence, wing of the game 
drive, wall of the house, besides many smaller objects of the coarsest 
weave were invented long before basketry became cooking utensils or 
works of ceremony. The mj^riads of Indian baskets sold at railroad 
stations and summer resorts have gone back to first principles and are 
made for the sole purpose of holding. 

In the north the small tools of the fur worker and trinkets are 
easily lost in the snow. The workbasket or something in its stead is 
universal. About Point Barrow the Tinne (Athapascan) Indians make 
coiled baskets in several styles of weaving. These are traded to the 
Eskimo. On the Bering seacoast of Alaska rougher trinket cases 
appear. The Attu makers of dainty wallets in grass, living away out 
on the Aleutian chain, are quite as skillful in the manufacture of cigar 
cases, which, by the wa};-, are nothing more than two of their old-fash- 
ioned cylinders fitted one into the other and flattened. Receptacles of 
basket wood, with no other function than just to hold things, are to be 
found in all the areas of the Western Hemisphere, in all sizes from 
the granary down to the sheath for an awl, in every one of the tech- 
nical processes and in every degree of fineness. It is the one function 
of universal application. 

Plate 108 is an ammunition holder in twined basketry from the 
Tlinkit Indians of Sitka, Alaska. It is ornamented by false embroid- 
ery. The interesting fact concerning this specimen is that as soon as 
these Indians came in contact with the Russians they began to imitate 



356 BBPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

modern forms of apparatus in textile material. This telescope basket 
was used by the owner for holding caps, bullets, or other delicate objects 
for hunting. It also shows that the acculturation of form did not begin 
recently, but took place as soon as the Indian woman's eye rested 
upon some novel and attractive form. This specimen is Catalogue No. 
1166 in the U. S. National Museum and was collected bj^ James G. 
Swan. 

Plate 109 represents a woman's workbasket of the Tlinkit Indians, 
of southeastern Indians, in twined weaving, ornamented in false 
embroidery. Doubtless the form is derived from Russian motives, 
but it is extremely common among the Indians in this locality and is 
useful in a thousand ways for holding material. This specimen was 
collected in Sitka, Alaska, by J. J. McLean. 

The Eraser River tribes in British Columbia illustrate also what is 
said about the power of suggestion in modifying form, and even 
structure, in an art. The bulk of their stalwart baskets are made for 
cooking and harvesting apparatus. But where the Hudson Bay 
Company's and Malayo-Pacific packages came into view, another class 
of baskets appeared, fashioned in their shapes and ornamented over 
their entire surfaces. (See Plates 43 and 4A.) 

IN RELIGION 

The one who carried the sacred basket in the Greek religious pro- 
cessions was called the Kanephoros, and it will be remembered that in 
the consecration of Aaron and his family to the priesthood, among the 
multitude of paraphernalia was the basket of shew bread.'' 

In one tribe, at least, of American aborigines — the Hopi of north- 
eastern Arizona — bread consecrated to the service of religion is set 
before the altar in beautiful plaques of coiled and wicker basketry, on 
which the emblems of religion are wrought in colors. 

By religion is meant beliefs about a spirit world, with all its inhab- 
itants and their relations with mankind; this is creed, and cult, or 
worship. " The best for the gods " is the talisman in the rudest faiths 
as in the highest. So it will be found that basketry devoted to religion 
is worthy of its object. 

In the autumn, during the months of September and October, the 
Hopi Indians of northeastern Arizona celebrate their basket dances. 
They have been studied by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes and J. G. Owen. 
The basket dance is a public exhibition, closing a series of secret rites, 
the whole festival being called Lalakonti. It is rather a posturing of 
the bod}^ in rhythm, together with songs, during which baskets are 
carried b}^ women or thrown as gifts among the assembled spectators. 

Those taking part in these dances are in two groups — the basket 

« Leviticus, viii, 2. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 357 

bearers, or chorus, and the basket throwers, or Lakone manas. The 
only man participating- is a priest called the Lakone taka. 

The costumes of the participants, the method of holding- and throw- 
ing the baskets, and the struggles of the men for the specimens are 
all carefully described by Dr. Fewkes." 

In archaeological studies at the Chevlon ruins, about 15 miles east 
of Winslow, Arizona, a large amount of basketry was found in the 
graves. Much of it had the form of plaques like those still used in 
Oraibi and the Middle Mesa. The inhabitants of the old pueblos at 
Chaves Pass were also clever basket makers, and had the same beliefs 
as their descendants concerning the kinship and close relationships of 
life between spirit beings and men. 

With reference to these basket dances. Dr. Hough says the baskets 
used are shallow, circular trays, either coiled or wicker, invariably of 
Hopi manufacture and all decorated in colors. The designs on the 
Lalakonti baskets are various, and there seems to be a greater use of 
symbolic figures than in those specimens commonly ofi^ered for sale. 
In some examples the designs are conventionalized merely to the 
extent of adapting them to the field of the basket and the exigencies 
of the weaving. In most cases, however, the design is in the last 
stages of convention and the original motive is lost. 

Plate 110 shows the portion of the Hopi Lalakonti eeremon}" in 
which the baskets are introduced by the young women. 

The uses of baskets of the plaque type by the Moki may throw light 
on the reason for their occurrence in the "basket dances." In the 
household these plaques are devoted to various purposes; ground 
meal is heaped upon them in high cones by the grinders, or dry food, 
such as piki bread or dried peaches, is served in them. A basket being 
difficult and laborious in construction and high priced, besides being 
easily soiled and unsuitable for the uses to which pottery is put, is 
employed in cases of nicet}^ or, one might say, of luxur3^ Whenever 
presents are exchanged it is proper to carry them on basket trays. 

Baskets form an important part of the paraphernalia of the religious 
fraternities, being used to at least as great an extent as potteiy for 
containing sacred meal, the prayer-stick offerings, etc. Usually new 
plaques are prepared for sacred use upon the altars and in the service 
of the fraternities, notabl}'^ the Lalakonti. It may be found that 
plaques are almost entirely of ceremonial import. 

Sometimes baskets are placed on the walls of rooms as a decoration. 
This was observed at Sichomovi, where a f I'ieze of Cohonino baskets 
decorated a room in the house of Wa lu tha ma. 

The use of baskets in religious ceremonies by the Navaho Indians 
is described in Dr. Matthews's paper. The Mountain Chant, a Navaho 

« J. Walter Fewkes, Journal of American Folk-Lore, XII, 1899, pp. 81 and 96. 



358 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Ceremony. (See page 515.) Among the Yaquis of northern Mexico 
baskets are used for holding palms, which they use in their sacred 
ceremonies. The Hupa Indians, on the Hupa Reservation, in one of 
their dances hold baskets in their hands, examples of which were 




Fie. 109. 

CEREMONIAL BASKET. 

Hupa Indians, California. 
Collected by P. H. Ray. 



collected by Captain Ray, of the U. S. Army, and illustrated in the 
Smithsonian Report for 1886, Plate XI, fig. 45. (See fig. 109.) . 

Prof. P. E. Goddard* describes the use of this basket in the 
ceremony. (See Plate 111). 

IN SOCIAL LIFE 

Baskets played a role in the etiquette of the Indians. The Choc- 
taws, in sending a gift of fruit, use a heart-shaped basket to convey 
a sentiment of sincerity. (See Plate 131.) The wedding basket of 
the Pomos is an exquisite production in twined weaving. During a 
marriage festivity the bride's mother presents her son-in-law with a 
large, handsome basket, which he must immediately fill with cakes and 
pine sugar for the guests. It is thereafter known as chi-mo pi-ka, or 
dowry. On such occasions the 'artist is incited by a combination of 
powerful motives to do her best. Among the same Indians the gift 
basket, presented by the maker as a token of friendship, is a master- 
piece not onlj' in fineness, but in the exquisite sentiments of its design. 
In the National Museum are good examples both of the wedding and 
of the gift baskets. (See Plates 112-111.) 

The Gualala style of gambling, says Powers, prevails all over the 
state, but the Tulare have another .sort, which pertains exclusivel}'^ 
to the women. It is a kind of dice throwing, and is called U-chu-vs. 
For a dice they take half of a large acorn or walnut shell, fih it level 
with pitch and pounded charcoal, and inlay it with bits of bright-colored 
abalone shells. For a dice table they weave a very large, fine basket 
tray, almost flat, and ornamented with devices woven in black or brown, 

« See Life and Culture of the Hupa, University of California, 1903. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 359 

mostly rude imitations of trees and geometrical figures. Four squaws 
sit around it to play, and a fifth keeps tally with fifteen sticks. There 
are eight dice and they scoop them up with their hands and dash them 
into the basket, counting one when two or five flat sui'faces turn up. 
(See Plates 115, 116.) 

The rapidity with which the game goes forward is wonderful, and 
the players seem totally oblivious to all things in the world beside. 
After each throw that a player makes she exclaims yet-ni (equivalent 
to " one-y "), or wi-a-tak^ or ho-mai-eh^ which are simply a kind of sing- 
song or chanting. One old squaw, with scarcely a tooth in her head, 
one eye gone, her face all withered, but with a lower jaw as of iron, 
and features denoting extraordinary strength of will — a reckless old 
gambler, and evidently a teacher of the others — after each throw 
would grab into the basket and jerk her hand across it, as if by the 
motion of the air to turn the dice over before they settled, and ejacu- 
late wiatak. It was amusing to see the savage energy with which this 
fierce old hag carried on the game. The others were modest and spoke 
in low tones, but she seemed to be unaware of the existence of any- 
body around her. " 

The plates show two varieties of the Yokut gambling trays, the flat 
and the dished. The former is in the National Museum, collected by 
W. H. Holmes; the latter is in the C. P. Wilcomb collection, collected 
on the Tule Eiver. 

IN TRAPPING 

One of the earliest and most primitive uses of basketry textile was 
in connection with the capture of animals. In a paper on traps pub- 
lished by the Smithsonian Institution, * the word trap is defined as 
"an invention for inducing animals to commit self -incarceration, self- 
arrest or suicide." The basketry traps are used principall}' for pen- 
ning or impounding animals and not for killing them. In every one of 
the areas mentioned, coarse wickerwork or twined weaving are used in 
this function and there is little doubt that luany of the very finest pro- 
cessses of weaving by hand were derived originally from coarse work 
of this character. 

The Pomo Indians make a trap for catching fish from Jwncus effusus. 
The interesting feature about these objects is that they are a gross 
production in brush of the rare Mohave carrying basket, in which the 
weft is wrapped once about each warp element in passing. 

« Contributions to North American Ethnology, III, 1877, pp. 377, 378. 
6 Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1901, pp. 461-473. 



360 BEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

IN CARRYING WATER 

Nearl}' everywhere throughout the Western Hemisphere the Indian 
was encamped near springs of water, and in his journeys about for 
hunting and other purposes knew always where to obtain it. An 
exception to this is the arid region of the western portion of the United 
States. 

Among the Shoshonean trib^es and in the pueblos, seeking out, car- 
rying, and storing water was the chief industry and most of the relig- 
ious ceremonies and prayers were with reference to rain. 

The canteen and the larger carrying jar among the sedentary tribes 
was of pottery, but with the Utes, Apaches, and other unsettled tribes 
these vessels were of water-tight basketrj^ made with round or conical 
bottom, so that in settling on a level the center of gravity would bring 
the vessel into an upright position and thereby keep the water from 
spilling. (Plates 32, 33.) 

The transportation and storage of drinking water is one of the 
functions of pottery. Aquarius, the water bearer of the sky, is repre- 
sented with a jar in his hands, and the spirits that haunt the springs in 
classic mythology are all of them friends of the potter. The Indians 
of the Atlantic area were well supplied with water and had vessels of 
clay. The Eskimo made bottles of sealskin; so did the tribes of the 
Pacific coast as far south as the Columbia. But in the interior Basin 
of the United States, Indians of the Shoshoean, Athapascan, and Yuman 
families substitute basketry for pottery in their canteens, jugs, pitch- 
ers, and small tanks. These are made in coiled or twined ware, and 
sealed with pine tar in the north and asphaltum in the south. It is 
probably owing to the unsettled life of these tribes that they out and 
out invented this ingenious substitute for fictile ware. There is no 
lack of clay, for pueblos in the midst of the region are the last strong- 
holds of Keramos in America. And there was in pre-historic times no 
lack of pottery there, as the supply of charming whole pieces and 
precious fragments bear witness. 

The most interesting connection of hydrotechn}?^ with basketrj'^ was 
discovered in a clifi'-dwelling 3 miles north of White River Agency, 
on the White Mountain Apache Reservation, Arizona, by Charles L. 
Owen, of the Field Columbian Museum, Chicago. On the floor of the 
cavern baskets were built without bottoms. The warp was of willow 
shoots with the leaves on. The weft was in juniper and willow twigs 
in twined weaving or wattling. The interstices were filled with pud- 
dled clay, to make them useful for receptacles of water, which had to 
be transported from the canyon 300 feet below. An example brought 
away. No. 68876 in the Field Museum, measures 4 feet 10 inches in 
diameter and is 15 to 20 inches in height. (See Plate 102.) 

The occurrence of basketrj'^ water receptacles is a good problem m 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 361 

the stud}^ of the parallelogram of subjective and objective forces which 
originated and developed special arts in primitive times everywhere. 
In this particular example, the originators of cement-tightened baskets 
had good textile material, knew the arts of weaving them, were on the 
move in desert countries where water sources were far apart, and 
could easily secure the pine sap or the asphaltum for tightening 
purposes. 

Plate 117 illustrates the water jug or pitcher of larger size, called 
0-oats by the Paiutes. Most of these are in coiled weaving, but 
even there a varietv of technic is shown both in the foundation and 
in the sewing. 

The upper figure is a pitcher-shaped water carrier with globular 
body, used also for holding seed. The coiled foundation is of two or 
more rods, the stitches are wide apart and overlap in what is called in 
Pomo, tsai work. The border is in oblique coiled sewing, and the 
handle is an afterthought set on the neck. Its height is 10 inches. 
This specimen, Cat. No. 112i9 in the National Museum, was collected 
in southern Utah by Major J. W. Powell. 

The lower figure is a much neater specimen in which the foundation 
is a single rod and in sewing the stitches simply interlock with those 
underneath, giving a ver}^ much more regular form to the surface. 
The border is in oblique coiled sewing. There are lugs on the side 
for the purpose of canning, and the headband is of soft deerskin. 
This specimen is Cat. No. 11876 in the U.S.N.M., and also was col- 
lected in southern Utah by Major J. W. Powell. 

The Powell collection contains a large number of these carrying jars 
in coiled work. The}^ differ in the form of the body somewhat and in 
the length and shape of the neck, but in other respects, in structure and 
function, they are the same. 

Plate 118 shows two Navaho Indian girls carrying water in their 
tusjehs, or basket jars, after G. Wharton James. ^' The photograph is 
interesting also in illustrating the two methods of suspending burdens 
employed by the Indians. The girl on the right has a band across the 
top of her head, while the one in the rear supports the load from her 
shoulders. The latter method is also common in the south, especially 
in Mexico. The baskets are made in coiled weaving and dipped in 
pitch to make them water-tight. 

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF USES 



Armor made of slats and rods woven 
together. 

Awning mats in front of cabins. 

Bags for everything; for gathering, car- 
rying, and storing, made in every 
quality. 



Bait holding. 

Bases for pottery-making (primitive 

wheel); also forms for portion of 

vessels. 
Beds of matting in basketry. 
Boiling baskets, for cooking flesh or mush. 



« Indian Baskets, Pasadena, California, 1902, p. 31. 



362 



KEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Bread, mixing or serving. 

Burden baskets in endless varieties. 

Burial caskets and deposits. 

Cage for insects, birds etc. ; also for chil- 
dren on Sioux travois. 

Canoe covers, for cargoes (Swan). 

Canteen, for personal water supply. 

Cape, poncho, or other garment to cover 
the shoulders, both in animal and vege- 
table fiber. 

Carrying basket, an immense class, with 
infinite variety of form and universal 
distribution. 

Carrying chair, Guatemala and Peru. 

Ceremonial objects; trays in rites and 
before altar, carried in dances, strug- 
gled for, etc. 

Chef d'cEUvres, to show the best one 
could do. 

Chests for treasures, regalia, and fine cos- 
tume. 

Children's toys; imitations of more seri- 
ous objects. 

Clothing; robes of twine, with or with- 
out feathers; hats, jewelry, capes, 
fringes, petticoats, leggings, moccasins, 
and receptacles for these. 

Cofiins of canes and reeds wattled to- 
gether. 

Cooking baskets, used with hot stones. 

Cradles or pappoose frames, quite widely 
distributed. 

Creels, all varieties of fishermen's bas- 
kets. 

Cremation baskets, burned at the wom- 
an's grave. 

Cult baskets, Hupa basket wand (Eay), 
Hopi plaque (Fewkes). 

Curtain mats for partitions. 

Cushions in boats and kaiaks. 

Dance baskets, used in ceremonies. 

Ditty baskets for small articles of hunters. 

Dress. {See Clothing.) 

Drinking baskets or cups. 

Drum, in Navaho ceremony. 

Drying tray for fruit. 

Eagle traps and cages. 

Etiquette baskets, for giving away on the 
proper occasion. 

Fences of coarse basket technic; hunting 
fences. 

Fine art in basketry. 

Fish, holding, transporting, creels, bait 
baskets. 



Fish trap, fish weirs, fykes, etc. 

Food-serving baskets. 

Foundations for pottery. 

Fringes on garments, in refined basket 
technic. 

Furniture in basketry. 

Gambling baskets. 

Gathering or harvesting. 

Gift baskets. 

Granary or storage. 

Grasshopper baskets, so called. 

Hammocks in basket work. 

Harvesting, fan or wand for beating seeds. 

Hats for men or for women. 

Head rings, oUa rings for carrying. 

Hedges, employed chiefly in game drives. 

Hoppers, for acorn and other mortars. 

Houses, walls, roofs, floors, doors, and 
other parts. 

Inclosures for the beginning of domesti- 
cation. 

Insect cage, for lighting and other pur- 
poses. 

Jewel baskets, chef d'oeuvres of woman's 
art. 

Jewelry, woven in finest material for 
adornment. 

Leggings in twined weave. 

Lined with clay for cooking. 

Love baskets. 

Marks on pottery. 

Meal trays, useful and sacred. 

Medicine, associated with sorcery. 

Milling outfit, grinding, hoppers, brushes, 
sieves, etc. 

Moccasins or sandals. 

Molds for pottery. 

Money, mechanism of exchange. 

Mortuary baskets of many kinds and 
functions. 

Mud sandals, Klamath, for going in 
marshes. 

Mush bowls for mixing or serving. 

Musical instruments, rattles and drums. 

Offerings of food to dead, and mortuary 
objects. 

Paho, or prayer-stick wrappings (ancient 
graves). 

Panniers, with saddles. 

Papoose baskets. 

Partitions for dwellings. 

Patterns for pottery. 

Picking baskets, for gathering nuts and 
fruits. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



368 



Pitcher basket, 'with wide moutli. 

Plaques, for meal. 

Plates or platters. 

Ponchos. (See Capes.) 

Pottery. ( See ' ' Marks on Pottery ;" also 
used to line roasting trays (Gushing). ) 

Prayer basket, Pahos. 

Preparing food, mixing mush, bread, etc. 

Quivers. 

Receptacles of all sorts, for cooked food, 
dried fish, and all kinds of preserved 
meats and fruits. The basket maker 
herself keeps her splints and. stems in 
a basket. 

Religion, used in services of. 

Roasting trays, for poaching seeds. 

Robes of shredded bark. 

Roof of basketry. 

Sacred meal trays. 

Saddlebags, of late application. 

Sails, in both continents. 

Seats, at home, in boats, etc. 

Seed baskets, harvesting, carrying, and 
storage. 

Seed beater, for harvesting. 



Serving food, for single persons or a com- 
pany. 

Sieves, for screening or for shaking. 

Skirts, both of common and ceremonial 
dress. 

Sleeping mats. 

Storage, fish, berries, pemmican, acorns. 
All tribes stored some kind of food. 

Trade, medium of. 

Treasure baskets, those considered treas- 
ures. 

Trinket and feather storage, also herbs, 
gum, paint, etc. 

Vizors of Katchina masks, made from 
segments of coiled basketry (Utetype), 
Hopi. 

Washbowl, in ceremonies. 

Water bottles, drinking cups, etc. , of bas- 
ketry dipped in pitch. 

Water transportation, rafts of cane, mats 
for sails. 

Wedding blanket or cover. 

Winnowing baskets for seeds. 

Zootechny, or the arts associated with 
animal life. 



VII. ETHNIC VARIETIES OF BASKETRY 

For all arts belonging to humanity have a common bond and are included, as it were, in the same 

kinship. — Cicero. 

The technical processes, the decorations, and the symbolism that 
may exist in the single basket having been scrutinized, it is in order 
to examine the geographic distribution of these forms in relation to 
ethnology and environment. Geography has much to do with human 
enterprises. It does not furnish the ingenious mind nor the skillful 
hand, but it does supply their materials for their exercise and set 
bounds in which the mind and hand soon discover how to reach their 
best. 

America was, in aboriginal times, unequally occupied by native 
peoples. On the Atlantic slope in both continents vast areas were in 
possession of single linguistic groups called families. On the Pacific 
slope there were also a few influential families, but the rule was 
otherwise. Wedged in among the mountains wherever there was an 
inclosure abounding in food supply there were crowded what seemed 
to be shriveled remnants of once larger peoples, or fragments of dis- 
rupted families. 

At once arises the query. Did they bring with them and preserve 
uncontaminated the stitches and patterns of their priscan basketry and 
keep the ancient models unchanged? It is to be feared that they did 
not, and that is why the ethnologist becomes embarrassed in trying to 



364 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

harmonize ethnology and technology. There are, notwithstanding, 
certain general effects which may be associated with definite peoples. 

1. In the Eastern province the prevailing families were Algonquian, 
Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Caddoan, and a few remnants of smaller 
ones, in some instances numbering at present less than a hundred per- 
sons. The Siouan and other bufl'alo-hunting tribes on the plains will 
be omitted because the hide of the slain animals furnished them with 
receptacles as well as other conveniences of life. The basket makers 
in their territory belong elsewhere. 

2. In the Alaskan province an interesting state of affairs existed 
with reference to the matter here investigated. In the interior of the 
peninsula are the Athapascan (or Tinne) tribes. Around the coast 
line dwell members of the Eskimauan family, having entirely different 
materials, workmanship, and technical processes. It will be seen 
later that the Eskimo as a whole are not skillful basket makers. There 
has been contact, however, between the two linguistic families. The 
Aleutian peoples are very different in this art from the Eskimo, their 
ware being among the most highly admired on the continent. In 
southeastern Alaska the Koloschan family are found, who are different 
from the Athapascans in the interior of the peninsula in that they do 
not make coiled basketry at all. The same is true of the Haida or 
Skittagetan famil}^ in the Queen Charlotte Archipelago. 

3. In the Frazer-Columbia province, including the drainag-e of these 
great rivers, the Salishan family, the Wakashan, the Shahaptian, and 
the Chinookan are the present basket-making families. As in the 
Siouan areas, so here a few small fragments or survivals fill in the 
gaps and waste places, but contribute little to the technical processes 
involved. In the discussion of basketry in this province a special 
characteristic will be brought out. 

4. The California province, including also southern Oregon, is the 
most mixed of all in its ethnology. Many stocks of people whose 
languages are not known elsewhere, and many fragments of stocks 
that have a larger existence in other parts of America, are wedged 
into the mountain valleys and drainages of the streams. Natui'e has 
been most lavish here in her materials, and the finest textile plants for 
making baskets are to be found in California. The diversity of technic 
is almost as great as that of language. Few styles of weaving or coil- 
ing exist that do not have their representatives among this intermin- 
able labyrinth of valle3'S. 

5. The Desert, or Interior province, is occupied in its northern 
portion by the great Shoshonean family, which extends from the 
forty-ninth parallel to Costa Rica, pushes its way over the Rocky 
Mountains into the Mississippi drainage and across southern California 
to the Santa Barbara islands on the Pacific coast, giving and receiving 
technical suggestions in its way. In the southern portion of this 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 365 

interior province, Athapascan tribes, the Navaho and the Apache, 
the Yiiman, and the Piman family are basket maimers. 

6. The sixth province includes Middle and South America, not 
because all the basketry in these regions is on the same plane, but 
owing to the small collections received from these quarters. A great 
portion of it is in the Torrid zone, where palm leaf and tough cane 
and reeds await the basket maker. There will be missing the charac- 
teristics of the North American tribes, and also local weaves will appear 
worthy of study. « 

Unlike pottery, this fabric is not destroyed bj^ frost, so that wher- 
ever textile material could be obtained there was no meteorological 
reason why the basket should not be forthcoming. The Athapascans 
of Alaska and northwestern Canada, possessed of both willow and 
spruce root, at once developed the coiled ware which fheir descend- 
ants, the Apache, are still making in Arizona. 

East of the Rocky Mountains, in the Atlantic drainage of Canada 
and the United States, at the present time checker and willow work 
are practiced almost universally; but in the mounds of the Ohio Val- 
ley quite well diffused twined ware is found. The Gulf province 
afforded excellent cane {Arundinaria macrosperma^ Arundiiiaria glgan- 
tea^ Arundinaria tecta), and here, both in ancient times and in modern, 
diagonal plaiting of basketry and matting was prevalent in all tribes. 
The Plains province in its central portion relied chiefly on the hide of 
animals for its receptacles. But around its borders will be found 
intrusive processes of manufacture in twined, diagonal and coiled 
workmanship. 

On its Pacific slopes North America is the home of basketry. From 
Attn, the westernmost island of the Aleutian chain, to the borders of 
northern Mexico is to be found practically every type of this art. 

In Middle America, including southern Mexico and the Central 
American States, pottery was exalted among receptacles, and excellent 
fibers usurped the function of the coarser pliable materials of basketry. 

Owing to differences of climate, rainfall, and other characteristics 
of environment, the materials for basketry vary greatly from region 
to region throughout America, and this in spite of all ethnic considera- 
tions. Again, the motives for the use of basketry differ from place to 
place, so much so that peoples of one blood make one ware in this 
place and another in that. Finally, however, it must never be for- 

«The author acknowledges that many statements made in this ethnic portion of 
the work are at second hand and has been fortunate in being able to consult men of 
expert information. The Hudson and the Merriam collection, in Washington City, 
the Benham, Tozier, Emmons, Teit, Long, Whitcomb, McLeod, and others of the 
west coast have been placed cheerfully at his disposal. To Mr. C. 0. Willoughby, Dr. 
Boas, Mr. Pepper, Dr. Dixon, Dr. Kroeber, and others mentioned in these pages, he 
is indebted for constant favors. He hopes that errors will be condoned. 



366 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

gotten that the ideas, utilitarian and artistic, in the minds of the man- 
ufacturers themselves, serve to bestow special marks upon the work 
of different tribes so as to give to them ethnic or national significance 
under any circumstances. In the following chapters the typical forms 
of the various families of Indians will be illustrated. 

Were there no mixture of tribes it might be possible to state in 
every case the maker of each specimen from the technic and the orna- 
mentation, though this opinion must be held with reserve. Through- 
out the entire continent the practice of capturing women was common; 
in each case the stolen ones carried to their homes the processes they 
had been familiar with in their native tribe. The Twana Indians on 
Puget Sound practice ten different methods of basket making; the 
Porno Indians have eight processes; the Hopi Indians of Arizona have 
at least five. It is well known that each one of these tribes belong to 
synthetic families. In order to comprehend the extent of this rela- 
tionship between the tribe and the art, the various basket making 
groups will be defined and the types of their work illustrated. (See 
Plates 154, 155.) 

The mixing of basket work through the traveling about of women 
is well illustrated in the story of Maria Narcissa, told by E. L. McLeod, 
of Bakersfield, Califoi-nia. Maria was born at San Gabriel mission 
and brought up in Tejon Canyon. There she retained the knowledge 
of her native speech and learned the dialects of the surrounding tribes. 
She married an American, reared and educated a large family of chil- 
dren, and is still living. On her testimony tribes from the north as 
far up as Tule River would come down to Tejon for social and religious 
purposes, hold great feasts and dances, and gamble on the gaming 
plaques. Parties came longer journeys from San Fernando, San 
Gabriel, Ventura, Santa Barbara, and Santa Inez, and Mr. McLeod 
finds undoubted evidences of these meetings in the technic and the deco- 
rations on basketry. (See Plates 115-116.) 

From the Tule River country there came the beautiful flexible work, 
an improvement on the Fresno ware. But the Tejon basketry 
excelled, the pieces were better finished, there was more emulation, a 
greater variety of patterns, showing the influence of both north and 
south. 

There was trading of materials likewise, for vou will see fine old 
pieces from the caves on the Tejon with mission bottoms and Tejon 
tops, also old specimens from caves in Santa Barbara County which 
were made in Tejon. 



ABOEIQINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 367 



LIST OF BASKET-MAKING TEIBES 

The following list includes the names of those tribes known to 
collectors as makers of any kind of basketry, especially in North 
America, together with the linguistic families to which they belong, 
and their locations. 

Abenaki, Algonquian family, Maine and Canada. 

Aleut, Eskimauan family, Aleutian Islands. 

Algonquian family, northern frontier and Canada, many tribes. 

Apache, Athapascan family. See Chiricahua, Jicarilla, Mescalero, San Carlos, White 

Mountain, Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma. 
Apache-Yuma, Yuman family, Palomas, Yuma County, Arizona. 
Arapaho, Algonquian family, Shoshoni Agency, Wyoming; and Oklahoma. 
Arikara, Caddoan family. Fort Berthold, North Dakota. 
Ashochimi, Yukian family, near Healdsburg, California. 
Atsuge. See Hat Creek, branch of Pit Eiver. 
Attakapa, Attakapan family, southern Louisiana. 
Attu Island. See Aleut. 

Auk, Koluschan family, Gastineaux Channel, southeastern Alaska. 
Basket-Makers, Ancient Shoshonean family, Grand Gulch, southeastern Utah. 
Bella Coola. See Bilhula. 

Bilhula, Salishan family, northwestern British Columbia. 
Cahuilla. See Coahuilla. 
Calapooia, or Kalapuya. 

Calpella, Kulanapan family, Ukiah, California. 
Carriers. See Thompson Indians. 
Cayuse, Waiilatpuan family, Umatilla Agency, Oregon. 
Chaves Pass Ruin, Hopi pueblo, Arizona. 
Chehalis, Salishan family, Chehalis River, Washington. 
Chemehuevi, Shoshonean family, Arizona and California boundary. 
Cherokee, Iroquoian family. North Carolina and Indian Territory. 
Chetimachas, Chetimachan family, Louisiana. Also written Shetimachas. 
Chevlon Ruins, Hopi pueblo, northeastern Arizona. 
Chickasaw, Muskhogean family, Indian Territory. 
Chilcotin, Athapascan family, Tsilkotinneh or Chilkyotins, distinct from Carriers, 

British Columbia. 
Chilkat, Koluschan family, southeastern Alaska. 

Chinook, Chinookan family, southeastern lower Columbia River, Washington. 
Chippewa, Algonquian family, northern United States. 
Chiricahua Apache, Athapascan family, Arizona and Oklahoma. 
Choctaw, Muskhogean family, Louisiana. 
Chukchansi, Yokut tribe, Mariposan family, Sierra region, California, north of 

Fresno. 
Clallam, Salishan family, Washington. 
Clatsop, Chinookan family, Clatsop County, Oregon. 
Coahuilla, Shoshonean family, Coahuilla, Kawia, Kauvuya, Agua Caliente, Santa 

Rosa, Cabezon, Torres, Twenty-nine Palms and Cahuilla reservations, California; 

also Saboba, southern California. 
Cocahebas. See Merriam's list, page 468. 
Coconinos. See Havasupai, Yuman family. 

Cocopa, Yuman family, near Mexican boundary, Arizona, and Lower California. 
Concow, Pujunan family, Round Valley, California. 



368 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Coos, Kusan family, Coos County, Oregon. 

Coquille. 

Couteau. See Thompson Indians. 

Cowlitz, Salishan family, Cowlitz River, Washington. 

Coj'^otero Apache, Athapascan family, southern Arizona. 

Coyuwee. See Paiutes. 

Creeks, Muskhogean family, Southern States and Indian Territory. 

Diegueiios, Yuman family, San Diego County, California. Capitan Grande, Sequan, 

Santa Ysabel, Campo, Cuyamaka, and Morongo reservations. 
Diggers, Pujunan family, (a popular name applied to vegetarian tribes), California, 

east of the Sacramento. 
Eel Rivers, Athapascan family. See Flonho. 
Eskimo, Eskimauan family, Arctic America. 
Flathead, Salishan family, misnomer for Salisli. 
Flonho or Lolonkuh, Athapascan family. Eel River, California. 
Eraser River, Salishan family, British Columbia. 
Galice Creek, Kulanapan family. See Pome. 
Gallinomero, Kulanapan family, Cloverdale, California. 
Garotero, Athapascan family. (Same as Coyotero. ) 
Gualala, Kulanapan family, Mendocino County, California. 
Haida, Skittagetan family, Southern Alaska, Dall, Prince of Wales islands. Queen 

Charlotte Islands, and British Columbia. 
Hat Creek, Palaihnihan family, northeastern California, branch of Pit Rivers. 
Havasupai, Yuman family. Cataract Canyon, Arizona. 
Hoh, Chimakuan family, Neah Bay, Washington. 
Homolobi, ancient ruin near Winslow, in Arizona. 
Hoochnom, Yukian family, Round Valley, California, Eel River. 
Hoonah, Koluschan family. Cross Sound, Alaska. 

Hopi, Shoshonean or Hopean family. Pueblos, northeastern Arizona. Wrongly Moki. 
Hualapai. See Walapai. 

Huicholes, Piman family, Zacatecas, etc. , Mexico. 
Hupa, Athapascan family, Trinity River, California. 
Iroquois, Iroquoian family, northern frontier and Canada. 
Jicarilla Apache, Athapascan family, northern New Mexico, Jicarilla Agency. 
Kabinapo Pomo, Kulanapan family. Clear Lake, California, western part. 
Karok or Cahroc, Quoratean family, Klamath River, California, Lower Salmon River 

and down Klamath to a few miles above Waitspeh. 
Kaweah, Mariposan family, middle California, not Coahuilla. 
Klamath, Lutuamian family, Klamath County, Oregon. 
Klikitat, Shahaptian family, Yakama Reservation, Washington, Klikitat County, 

Oregon. 
Kohonino, same as Havasupai. 

Lillooet, Salishan family, western British Columbia. 
Little Lakes, Kulanapan family, Round Valley Reservation, California. 
Lolonkuh, Athapascan family. Eel River, California. 
Luiseno or San Luis Rey Mission, Shoshonean family. Mesa Grande, Potrero, Teme- 

cula, Rincon, Los Coyotes, Pauma, and Pala reservations, villages at San Luis 

Rey, and San Felipe, California. 
Lummi, Salishan family, north Puget Sound, Washington. 
McCloud or Winnemem, Copehan family, northern California. 
Maidu, Pujunan family, east of Sacramento River, California, Sacramento to Honey 

Lake, from Big Chico Creek to Bear River, California. 
Makah, Wakashan family. Cape Flattery, Washington. 
Makhelchel, Copehan family, Clear Lake, California. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 369 

Maricopa, Yuman family, southern Arizona. 
Mattoal, Athapascan family, northwestern California. 
Mayas, Mayan family, Yucatan and lands adjacent. 
Melicite, Algonquian family, Quebec and New Brunswick. 
Menomini, Algonquian family, northeast Wisconsin. 

Mescalero Apache, Athapascan family, Mescalero Agency, eastern New Mexico. 
Mewas. See Miwok. 

Micmac, Algonquian family, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Quebec. 
Missions, a great many villages, Shoshonean and Yuman families, southern California. 
Agua Caliente (Shoshonean), a rancheria in western San Diego County. 
Augustine (Shoshonean). 
Coahuilla, Kawia (Shoshonean). 

Comoyei, Yuman family, all Yuma dialects between Lower Colorado River 
and Pacific Ocean and 32° to 34° north, Comoya, Quemaya, called Diegueiios 
on the coast. 
Cuchan, Yuman family, Yumas so called. 
Cupania, in Agua Caliente. 
Dieguefiio, Yuman family, in Capitan Grande, Campo, Cuyamaka, Inaja, 

Sequan, Santa Ysabel, Mesa Grande, San Felipe, Manzanita villages. 
Kawia, Shoshonean family. See Coahuilla. 
Matayhoa, possibly the Diegueno village of Mataguay, in western part of San 

Diego County. 
Piute, Shoshonean family, at Twenty-nine Palms. 
Playanos, Shoshonean family, coast tribes of Coahuilla. 
Saboba (School), Shoshonean family, Tahktam village, San Jacinto Vallej'. 
San Felipe, Yuman family, a Diegueno rancheria of this name was 70 miles 

northeast of San Diego in 1883. 
San Fernando, Shoshonean family, related to San Gabriel. 
San Gabriel, Shoshonean family, also Kizh dialect, Tobikhar of Loew. 
San Juan Capistrano, Shoshonean family, formerly Netela dialect, Gaitchiin 

of Loew, called Juanenos. 
San Lucania, Shoshonean family, also Cabezon, Potrero, Pala, Pauma, Rincon, 

Temecula, Puerto de la Cruz, Puerta Ygnacia, Torris, and Matajaui. 
San Luis Rey (de Francis), Shoshonean family, formerly Kizh dialect. 
Santa Inez. Same character of baskets as Santa Barbara. 
Santa Rosa. 

Serrano, Shoshonean family, Morongo, San Manuel, the Serranos or "moun- 
taineers," formerly Tahktam, a division of Tabikhar. 
Takhtam (men), Shoshonean family, called Serranos, dialect, Coahuilla. 
Tule River, remnant of Tejon. 

Yuma, Yuman family, evidently the Cuchan or present Yumas. 
Miwok, Moquelumnan family, California, from the Sierra to the San Joaquin 

River, from Cosumnes to the Fresno. 
Modoc, Lutuamian family, Klamath Agency, Oregon, east of Shasta, north to Goose 

Lake Valley. 
Mohave, Yuman family, between Fort Mohave and Ehrenberg, Lower Colorado 

River. 
Moki or Hopi pueblos, Shoshonean family, northeastern Arizona. 
Monos, Shoshonean family, sierras east of Yosemite, California. 
Muckleshoot, Salishan family, Puget Sound, Tulalip Agency, Washington. 
Nakum, Pujunan family. See Maidu. 

Napa or Suisun or Solano, Copehan family, Sacramento River, California. 
Natano, band of Hupa. 
Navaho, Athapascan family, southern Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona, 

NAT MUS 1902 24 



370 BEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Navarros, Kalanapan, Punta Arenas, California. 

Nehalem, Salishan, Oregon. 

Newooah. See Merriam's list, page 469. 

Nez Perce, Shahaptin family, Nez Perce Agency, northern Idaho. 

Nims. See Merriam's list, page 468. 

Nishinam, Pujunan family, Sacramento Valley, California. 

Niskwalli, Salishan family, or Nisqualli, Columbia River, Wasliington. 

Nomelaki or Numlaki, Copehan family, Round Valley, California. 

Nozis, Yanan family, south of Pit Rivers, California. 

Nutka, Wakashan family. West Vancouver Island. See Makah. 

Ojibwa, Algonquian family, Michigan. 

Opata, Sierra Madre, Sonora and Chihuahua. 

Oraibi, Shoshonean family. (See Hopi) Hopi pueblo. 

Paiutes, Shoshonean family, Nevada agencies, Reno, Carson and Wadsworth on 

central route of the Southern Pacific Company; Tule River Reservation, Kern 

River, White River, Poso Creek, Sierras near Walker Pass, eastern Nevada, 

Pyramid Lake, Schurz, Hawthorne, Virginia City. 
Panamint, Shoshonean family. Death Vallej% Inyo County, California. 
Papago, Piman family, south of Tucson, Arizona, and Sonora, Mexico. 
Patawat, Wishoskan family, Humboldt Bay to Areata, California. 
Patwin, Copehan family, Sacramento River, California. 
Pawnee, Caddoan family. See Arikara. 
Penobscot, Algonquian family, Old Town, Maine. 
Peruvian, Kechuan family, Highlands of Peru. 
Pima, Piman family, Gila River, Arizona. 
Pit Rivers, Palaihnihan family. Pit River, California. 
Pomo, many subdivisions, Kulanapan family, Mendocino and Lake counties, 

California. 
Potter Valley, Kulanapan family. Round Valley, California. 
Pueblos: of the Rio Grande, Tanoan and Keresan families; those of the Zunian family 

are in New Mexico; Shoshonean pueblos are in northeastern Arizona. 
Puyallup, Salishan family, Puget Sound, Washington. 
Queets, Chimakuan family, northwest Washington. 
Quilleute, Chimakuan family, northwest Washington. 
Quinaielt, same as Quinaults, Salishan family, west Washington. 
Redwoods, Yukian family. Round Valley Reservation, California. 
Rogxie Rivers, Athapascan family, Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon. 
Round Valley tribes. See Concow, Little Lakes, Nomelakki, Pit Rivers, Redwoods, 

Wailaki, and Yuki. 
Saboba Mission, Shoshonean, southern California. 
Salishan family, great variety of technic and many tribes, Washington and British 

Columbia. 
San Carlos, Apache, Athapascan family, southeastern Arizona. 
San Felipe pueblo, Keresan family, Rio Grande River, New Mexico. ' 

Santa Barbara Mission, Moquelumnan family, southwestern California. 
Santa Rosa Mission, Yuman family, San Diego County, California. 
Santa Ysabel, Yuman family, San Diego County, California. 
Seminole, Muskhogean family, Florida. 

Shasta, Sastean family, in Shasta and Scott Valley, California. 
Shoshoni, Shoshonean family. Great Interior Basin, Montana. 
Shushwap, Salishan family, British Columbia. 
Sia, Keresan family. New Mexico, a Rio Grande pueblo. 
Sikyatki, ruin, ancient Hopi pueblo, northern Arizona. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 371 

Siletz, Athapascan, Siletz Reservation, Oregon. 

Sitka, Koluschan family, Alaska. 

Si wash, Chinook jargon for "Savage," general name for Northwest Coast Indians. 

Skagit, Salishan family. North Puget Sound. 

Skokomish, Salishan family, or Twana, upper Puget Sound, Puyallui? Agency, 
Skokomish Reservation, Skokomish River. 

Snohomish, Salishan family, upper Puget Sound, Tulalip Agency and reservation, 
northeast of the Skokomish. 

Solano. See Napa. 

Spokan, Salishan family, Montana and Washington. 

Squaxin, Salishan family, Puget Sound. 

Suisun. See Napa. 

Tarku, Koluschan family, Tarku Inlet, Alaska. 

Tatu, Yukian family, Round Valley, United States Indian Agency, California. 

Tejon, Tulares of Tejon Pass, Moquelumnan family. 

Thortipson Indians, Salishan family, also Couteau or Knife Indians, British Colum- 
bia, southern interior of British Columbia, mostly east of Coast Range, in val- 
leys of Eraser, Thompson, and Nicola rivers. 

Tillamuk, Tillamook County, Oregon. 

Tinne, Atha2:>ascan family, name for tribes in Alaska and Canada. 

Tlinkit, Koluschan family, southern Alaska. 

Tolowa, Athapascan family. Crescent City, California. 

Tonto Apache, Athapascan family, southern Arizona. 

Towanhoo. See Twana. 

Tsinuk or Chinook, Chinookan family, Columbia River, AVashington. 

Tulalip, .Salishan family, Tulalip Reservation, Washington. 

Tulares, Moquelumnan family, Tule River, California. 

Tule Rivers, Mariposan family, southern California. 

Twana, Salishan family, Puget Sound, Washington. 

Umatilla, Shahaptian family, Umatilla and Morrow counties, Oregon. 

Umpqua, Athapascan, Grande Ronde, Oregon. 

Ute, Shoshonean, in Utah under many names. 

Viard or Weeyot, Wishoskan family, Eel River, California. 

Waiam, Shahaptian family, village rather than tribe, Des Chutes Rivers, Oregon. 

Wailaki, Copehan family, Sacramento Valley, California. 

Walapai or Hualapai, Yuman family, northwestern Arizona. 

Wallawalla, Umatilla Agency, Oregon. 

Wappo, Yukian family, Alexander Valley, California. 

Warm Spring Apaches, Athapascan, Chiricahua, Mexico. 

Wasco, Chinookan family. The Dalles, Oregon. 

Washo, Washoan family, Reno, Carson, and Wadsworth, on central route of the South- 
ern Pacific Company, western Nevada, Genoa, Gardenville, Washoe, Franktown. 

White Mountain Apache, Fort Apache Agency, eastern Arizona. 

Wikchumni, Yokut tribe, Mariposan family. Sierra region, California. 

Wintun, Pit River Indians, Copehan family, Sacramento River, California. 

Wuksatches. See Merriam's list, p. 469. 

Wushqum, Chinookan, Columbia River, Oregon. 

Yakima, Shahaptian family, Washington. 

Yakutat, Koluschan family, Yakutat Bay, southeast Alaska. 

Yamhill, Kalapooian family, Willamette Valley, Oregon. 

Yana or Nozi, Yanan family, near Redding, California. 

Yaqui, Piman, Sonora, Mexico. 

Yoalmani, Yokut tribe, Mariposan family, Tule River Reservation, California. 

Yoerkali, Yokut tribe, Mariposan family, Tule River Reservation, California. 



372 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Yokaia, Kulanapan family, Ukiah Valley, California. 
Yokuts, Mariposan family, mid-California. 
Yuki or Ukie, Yukian family, Eound Valley, California. 
Ynrok, Weitspekan family, Klamath River, California. 
Zuni, Zufiian family, western New Mexico. 

EASTERN NORTH AMERICA 

For thus the tale was told 

By a Penobscot woman 

As she sat weaving a basket, 

A basket or abaznoda 

Of that sweet-scented grass 

Which Indians dearly love. 

—Charles Godfrey Leland. 

Eastern North America will include the tribes east of the Rocky 
Mountains. Many of them are now basket makers, but archeology is 
doing excellent service in helping to complete a map of this area in 
order to determine the distribution of the various technical processes 
that obtained in aboriginal times. The few types of the art that now 
survive must not be taken as covering the ground of ancient weaves. 
The recovery of the latter by the Bureau of American Ethnology, the 
Peabody Museum, and other explorations is one of the most wonder- 
ful contributions of the spade to the ethnologist. Though basketry 
was anciently made of grass, hemp fiber, bark, young stalks, and sap- 
wood, and for that reason is the most perishable of human manufac- 
tures, under favorable conditions salt mines, nitrous caves, the desert's 
aridity, metallic earths, and even fire have kindlj' preserved enough 
of the delicate textures to reveal the processes of weaving in vogue 
many centuries ago. 

Indian women in the Mississippi Valley used to decorate the out- 
sides of clay vessels by pressing string and basketry products on the 
soft material before burning. Thus they preserved the record of 
the art for all time. By applying modeler's clay to these ancient 
fragments the texture is at once revealed. In Popular Science 
Monthly" will be seen account of experiments with these sybilline 
shai'ds, by George E. Sellers. William H. Holmes simultaneously 
made larger investigations and published accounts of experiments by 
him on Mound Builders and other ancient pottery of this area.* He 
carefully washed the fragments of their ware and made casts of the 
outer surface. The result was astonishing. Natural forces had eaten 
away and greatly obscured the marks of textiles on the outside surface 
of the shards, but in the bottom of the cavities, filled for centuries 
with earth, the impressions have been carefully pi'cserved, and "the 
manner in which the fabric in all its details of plaiting, netting, and 
weaving were constructed can be brought out quite as graphicall}^ as 

«Vol. XI, 1877, p. 573. 

6 Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1884, pp. 393-425. 



ABORIGINAL AMERlCAlSf BASKETET. 373 

though one were examining the surface of the original vessels." On 
the surfaces of rocks the paleo-botanist discovers the delicate impres- 
sions of leaves. In these indelible lines he reads the names of species 
of trees that grew millenniums ago. So, through these impressions 
on potsherds the archeologist is able to discover lost arts of whose 
existence all other evidence has perished. (See Plate 107.) 

All along our northern frontier and in manj^ parts of Canada the 
Iroquois and Chippewa now fabricate baskets from the ash, birch, 
linden, and other white woods and the vernal or sweet grass {Savas- 
tana odorata). The method of manufacture is universally the same; 
it is the plainest in-and-out checker and wicker weaving. (See Plates 
117 and 121). The basketrj^ is far from monotonous, however, for the 
greatest variety is secured by difference of form, of color, of the 
relative size of the parts, and of ornamentation. In form the baskets 
run the whole gamut as among the Haida and Makah, guided by the 
maker's fancy and the demands of trade. These Indians all live on the 
border of civilization and derive a large revenue from the sale of their 
wares. The colors are of native manufacture — red, yellow, blue, 
green, alternating with the natural color of the wood. To begin with 
the rudest, let us take a dozen or sixteen strips of paper half an inch 
wide and cross them so as to have one-half perpendicular to the other 
half, woven in checker at the center and extending to form the equal 
arms of a cross. Bend up these arms perpendicular with the woven 
checker and pass a continuous splint similar to the framework round 
and round in a continuous coil from the bottom to the top. Fit a 
hoop of wood to the top, bend down the upright splints over this, and 
sew the whole together with a whipping of splint, and you will have 
the type basket. (See figs, 9 and 10 on Plate 119.) Now, by varjnng 
the width of the splint used to cover the sides a great difference of 
appearance is secured. The complete operation among the Menomi- 
nees was studied out by W. J. Hoffman, « and will be seen in figs. 
110 to 114. In the National Museum are baskets made of uniformly 
cut splints not over one-sixteenth of an inch in width. 

Finally, the Algonkin, as well as the Southern Indians, have learned 
to decorate baskets with a great variety of rolls, looking much like 
the napkins on the table of a hotel. The weaver draws a splint under 
the warp stick, gives it a turn up and down, or two turns in different 
directions, and draws the loose end tightly under the next warp stick 
but one. This operation is repeated, forming around the basket one 
or more rows of projecting ornaments. Morgan bears testimony to 
the skill of the Iroquois women in the art.* 

The basket woman at her work sits upon the ground in front of her 
lodge, or frequently of a little booth or shelter — the first step in the 

« Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, p. 260. 
6 The League of the Iroquois, 1851, pp. vi-55. 



374 REPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902, 

evolution of the artist's studio. The materials which she gathered 
long ago with much pains, and has been hoarding up, are within easy 
reach. Her hands and her teeth are both available in her work, aided 
by only a small suppl}^ of tools. A number of Indian women at work 
will be seen in diti'erent connections throughout this paper. 

Plate 120 shows Caroline Masta, an Abenaki Indian woman from 
Pierreville, Canada, seated in her humble laboratory at Belmar, New 
Jersey. Her materials are of black ash {Fraxinus nigra) and sweet grass 
{Savastana odorata). The former has been worked out by machinery 
in Canada, and is piled up around her; the latter is gathered and 
braided by her relatives, and sent to her all ready for the last step 
in manufacture. This Indian woman conducts a thriving business, 
not being able to make up ware as fast as there is demand for it. 
Specimens of her work are shown in Plate 119, photographed by 
Herbert B. Rowland. 

To illustrate more fully the survival of the old art in the new era, 
Plate 121 represents three Chippewa women near Saginaw, Michigan, 
making splint baskets. They are seated no longer in the midst of 
wretchedness, but in an apple orchard. The clothesline and the recep- 
tacles filled with fruit mark the changed life. It will be noticed, also, 
that the woman on the left is using for her splints a gauge set with 
metal blades. Indeed, the broad strips Ijang on the ground were 
worked out by machinery. Checkerwork and wickerwork are the 
onl}^ forms of technic practiced by these Chippewas. It will not be 
assumed by anyone that the improvement in environment has re-* 
dounded to the benefit of the savage art. The baskets are the com- 
mon frame ware, and often the best of them bear no comparison in 
refinement with the work of their most savage sisters on the west 
coast. Photographed by Harlan I. Smith. 

The acme of the northern Algonkin weaving is in twilled matting. 
The operation, technically, is just on the border between free-hand 
plaiting and loom work. Plate 122 is a mat plaited by a Chippewa 
squaw, about 50 yeai's old, at Grand Marais, Minnesota. It is of cedar 
bast made in strips a quarter of an inch wide, and is in three colors — 
one the natural tinge of the material and the other two dyed. The 
interesting features are, first, that the weaving is done from below 
upward, as in the Haida basketry and in the work carried on by 
Virginia Indians in the days of John Smith. 

A small rod or stiff cord of bark is suspended by means of eight 
loops from a pole resting on two forked sticks. This is to give free 
motion to the woman's hands. Over this the warp strings are sus- 
pended freely. The Chilkat blanket weaver, also, as will be seen, has 
no other machinery. For a few rows the weaving is simple checker- 
work of the plainest kind, and then begins a series of twilled patterns 
over two and under two. But even this simplest technic so lends 



ABORIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 375 

itself to charming effects of light and shade that there is not a monot- 
onous square inch on the surface. Another band of plain weaving is 
followed by zigzag and angular work, inclosing lines and squares, 
giving birth to a very pleasing effect. Some of the oldest pictures 
preserved in the early chronicles of the Algonkin Indians, to whom 
the Chippewa belong, show them weaving in exactly the same fashion. 

The mat described above was made for Capt. R. D. Gaillard, 
U. S. A., in a single day, the work beginning at 9 o'clock in the morn- 
ing and the finished product being delivered 2 miles away at 4 o'clock 
in the afternoon. It is 6 feet 6 inches long and 4 feet 5 inches wide. 

The Menomini Indians of the Algonquian family, living in northern 
Wisconsin, are quite expert in various forms of basket work and hand 
weaving. Mats are woven from the leaves of rushes, flags or cat- 
tails, and cedar bark. They are for I'oofing temporary structures, 
such as medicine lodges, for partitions, floor mats and wrappings, and 
for various purposes in the canoes. The leaves and stems are strung 




Pig. 110. 

ash log for making splints. 

Menomini Indians. 

- After W. J. HoflEmaii. 



together by means of threads made of bass wood fiber. In this they 
imitate a kind of textile well distributed throughout North America 
formerly. 

The mats shown on Plates 21, 22, and 23 of Dr. Walter J. Hoff- 
mann's paper'* on this tribe are made from the inner bark of the cedar, 
cut in strips averaging one-half inch in width, in mixed, twilled, and 
checker weaving, which, combined with the native color of the material 
and dyed strips, produce the greatest variety of diaper patterns. The}' 
do not differ essentially from Captain Gaillard's mat just described. 

The baskets of the Menominees resemble those of the eastern Cana- 
dian Indians. A log of elm wood is beaten until the space between 
the annual layers of growth is destroyed; the thin strips are then 
pulled off, cut to a uniform width, and scraped as smooth as possible. 
At present gauges of steel are used for the purpose. The weaving is 
done in checker, twilled, and wicker work. A section of the beaten 
log, showing the annual layers loosened, the mallet of wood, and the 
modern knife, resembling the "man's knife" throughout all the north- 
ern tribes, are shown in figs, 110 to 114. For the finer kinds of bag- 

« Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, p. 260. 



376 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




ging the inner bark of the young sprouts of basswood is employed. 
It is removed in sheets and boiled in water with a quantity of lye. 
This softens the fiber and prepares for the next process, which con- 
sists in pulling bunches of the boiled bark forward and backward 
through a hole in the shoulder blade of the deer. The 
fiber is twisted into yarn and made into cord or twine 
by winding on the thigh with the palm of the hand. 
This advance in the preparation of the textile elements 
paves the way for twined weaving. 

Fig. 1, Plate 123, is an example of hexagonal weaving 
in a Mackenzie River snowshoe in which 
the vertical elements answering to warps 
are crossed and not interlaced, and the 
fabric is bound together by the weaving 
in and out of a single rawhide thong. Fig. 
2, on the same plate, illustrates the next 
step in this weaving, and is suggestive of 
a feature in the twilled basketry taken from 
graves in a cemetery at Ancon, Peru, 
namely, the method by which a bar of the 
snowshoe frame enters into the weaving and 
widens the meshes. Most beautiful effects 
are produced on the surface of these snow- 
shoes by the difl'erent methods of adminis- 
tering the warp. This has been carefully 
worked out b}^ John Murdoch in his paper upon the 
Eskimo of Point Bari'ow, Alaska," and is referred to 
here simply to show how the methods of weaving in 
basketry are to be seen in other materials for other 
purposes. 

In fig. 3, same plate, the warps at certain points in 
the manipulation are twisted in pairs about each other, a 
technical process in vogue throughout middle America, 
beginning as far north as the Mohave country in south- 
ern Arizona. It might be called the first step in lace 
making. Fig. 4, same plate, introduces another element 
of complexity wherein the warp elements instead of being 
twisted around each other are wrapped once or twice 
about the weft, so that the primitive lace woi'k is effected 
both vertically and horizontally. 

Charles C. Willoughby, of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- 
chusetts, is of the opinion that coiled basketry was used among the 
Ojibwa Indians (Chippewa) on the Great Lakes before contact with the 



Fig. 111. 
wooden mallet 
for loosening 

SPLINTS. 



m 



•rn 



^^■>. 



Fig. 112. 

basket- maker's 
knife op na- 
tive work- 
MANSHIP. 



"Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892, pp. 342-352. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 377 

whites, and mentions very old specimens now in the possession of that 
museum, and others have been seen in private collections. The founda- 
tion coils are of sweet grass and about one-quarter of an inch in diam- 
eter. In some very old specimens the sewing is done with looped 
stitches, being continuous from the edge toward the center of the basket 
and not following the coils, as is usual. He also tinds the following 
references to old basket work of the New England Indians. (See Plate 
12i.) Gookin is quoted, writing in 1674, with the following words: 

Several sorts of baskets, great and small, some of them hold 4 bushels or more, 
and so on downward to a pint. * * * Some of these baskets are made of rushes 
and some of bents (coarse grass), others of maize husks, others of a kind of silk 
grass, others of a kind of wild hemp, and some of bark of trees. Many of these are 
very neat and artificial, with the portraitures of birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers upon 
them in colors. 

The soldiers under Captain Underbill, after destroying the Pequot 
fort in Connecticut in 1637, brought back with them "several delight- 
ful baskets." Brereton (1602) found baskets of twigs " not unlike our 
osier." Champ lain saw corn stored in " great grass sacks." Josseljm 




Fig. 113. 
coil ok basket strips. 



writes, "Baskets, bags, and mats, woven with bark of the lime tree 
and rushes of several kinds, dyed as before, some blac*k, bhie, red, 
yellow." In 1620 the Pilgrims found on a cache at Cape Cod "a 
great new basket, round and narrow at the top and containing 3 or 4 
bushels of shelled corn, with 36 goodl}'' ears unshelled." The New 
England Indians were probably not less expert basket makers than 
other tribes to the west and south. Does not the fact that the three 
distinct forms of weaving — twined, checker, and coiled — still found 
among the Ojibwas seem to indicate a survival of these types" from 
prehistoric times all over the great Algonkin area? A few years back 
this type of coiled work was more in vogue than at present. The 
next specimen described will take the reader a long way from the 
Great Lakes. (C. C. Willoughby.) 

Plate 125 shows the detail of a flat coiled basket of the Eskimo about 
Cumberland Inlet, eastern Canada. The foundation likewise contains 
a bundle of straws, but badly put together and sewed with sinew 
thread, the stitches being wide apart and caught beneath a few straws 
of the preceding coil. The bottom is flat and the walls drawn in so as 



378 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902, 



to give a compressed shape. This interesting specimen has been many 
years in the National Museum and is credited to Capt. C. F. Hall, the 
Arctic explorer. It may be compared with others of the same type 
from the southern Canadian border. Catalogue No. 10203; height, If 
inches. A much later specimen also from the Eskimo is shown in the 
next plate. 

Plate 126 is openwork coiled basketry of the Eskimo of Davis Inlet, 
eastern Canada. The foundation is of straw and the sewing is done 
in the same material, the stitches merely interlocking. The noteworthy 
chai'acteristic of the basket is the slight amount of sewing in certain 
portions. The bottom is not unlike the work of the western Eskimo, 
and, indeed, is a typical illustration. There is a little splitting of 
stitches, but probably not designed. On the sides the openwork is 

produced by wrapping the foundation with 
the straw for one-half an inch and then 
sewing, as in ordinary coiled work, the 
angles to the coil below. This may be 
compared in the wrapping with the open- 
work coiled basketry of the Kern County 
Indians in California. (See fig. 196.) 
Sewing of exactly the same st3de is to 
be found in northern Europe, and the 
suggestion is made that this particular 
method among the eastern Eskimo is an 
acculturation. To come nearer home, 
coiled basketry in rafia that is taught in 
the schools is largely in this wrapped and 
sewed method. The Eskimo of this area 
were for centuries in contact with Norse 
settlers. This specimen is 8i inches 
in length, and was collected b}'^ L. M. 
Turner. 

Plate 127 gives the profile and inside view of a shallow coiled basket 
tray of the Comanche Indians, living on the plains east of the Rocky 
Mountains, used principally in gambling. The foundation is of rods 
and splints, the sewing with leaf of yucca ( Yucca arJcansana). Especial 
attention is invited to the furcate stitches, designedly and symmetric- 
ally split. This technic relegates the basket to the Ute or Shoshonean 
area, west of the Rockies. The Comanches belong to the Shoshonean 
famil3^ Its diameter is 9 inches. 

In the National Museum are four small, dish-shaped, coiled gambling 
baskets, Catalogue Nos. 6312, 8127, and 153932, gathered from the Rees 
or Caddoan Indians, the other one from the Mandans, who are Siouan. 
These baskets are made from willow, on a two-rod foundation, but 
roughl}'^ assembled and sewed with splints of the same material. The 




Pig. 114. 
finished wickek basket. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 879 

borders are all well done in false braid. No more interesting speci- 
mens are to be found in this collection. 

There are four other gambling baskets of the same type, but of 
different material, and are fairl}^ made. The foundation is a single 
stem of, perhaps, willow, the sewing in the leaves of yucca {Y^icca 
arkansana). Catalogue Nos. 152802, 152803, 1652i6, and 165765, and 
gathered from the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Kiowan Indians in Indian 
Territory. 

Finally, modern pedagogy has found in the long leaves of the Geor- 
gia pine a material by means of which poor people may weave a little 
of the sense of beauty into their lives. 

Plate 128 is a covered basket, made near Augusta, Georgia, from 
the leaves of the pine by a native Georgia woman, under the instruc- 
tion and patronage of Mrs. Percy H. Babcock, of Hudson, Ohio. The 
sewing material is tough, brown linen thread. The interesting charac- 
teristic in this specimen is the undesigned resemblance between the 
stitching and that on the Hudson Ba}^ Eskimo specimen, as well as 
the old Chippewa specimen in the Peabod}' Museum, in Cambridge, 
Massachusetts. 

Coiled work, as was shown in the chapter on weaving, changes to 
lace work by omitting the hard foundation. In this Eastern Area two 
witnesses, far apart in time, are here to testify to the widespread 
ancientness of a coiled work now universal in tropical America. 

Figs, a and i6, Plate 129, represent the method of weaving in the 
game bags, or muskemoots, of the Dog Kib and other Athapascan 
Indians in northwestern Canada for domestic purposes. These tribes 
and their relatives in central Alaska use the birch-bark vessels for all 
sorts of domestic purposes. For transportation they do not make 
regular baskets, but buckskin wallets, in which a process of coiled 
weaving now to be described is employed. The sides and borders of 
the game bags are of dressed skin of moose and reindeer. For the 
body of the bag the same material is cut into fine string and rolled. 
This material is called " babiche." It is quite evident that before the 
introduction of the steel knife this material was much coarser, as ma}^ 
be known not only from the game bags, but also from the snowshoes. 
By examining fig. l a small section from one of the nuiskemoots will 
show how the work is done. The border of the bag on its lower edge 
is pierced at equal distances for the reception of the first row of weav- 
ing. Through these holes the babiche is strung by half hitches, or 
what is called "buttonhole stitch." The work proceeds in the same 
manner round and round until it is desirable to make a variation in the 
technical process. In the middle of the drawing it will be seen how 
this is done. The end of the babiche is carried through a stitch in the 
row above and twisted one and a half times about itself. As many 
turns as is desirable can be made, and thus the ornamentation may be 



380 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

varied. This method of coiled work, the iirst described in the table 
of methods (page 248), does not occur again among the Indians until 
the borders of Mexico are reached, where the tribes in their carrying 
nets, and farther south in their wallets and hammocks, employ precisely 
the same method of workmanship. This specimen, Catalogue No. 2023, 
with several others in the U. S. National Museum from the Dog Rib 
Indians of northwestern Canada, was collected by Bernard R. Ross. 

Warren K. Moorehead found examples of the muskemoot weaving 
in the Hopewell mounds, Ohio. There was nothing but an easy por- 
tage here and there to hinder passage by water from the mouth of the 
Mackenzie to the neighborhood of the Hopewell mounds. Examples 
in Peabody Museum, Massachusetts, and in the Field Columbian, 
Chicago, prove the identity of technic. (See figs. 115 and 116.) 




Pig. 115. Fig. 116. 

coiled basketky. coiled basketry. 

Hopewell Mound, Ohio. Hopewell Mound, Ohio. 

After C. C. Willoughby, Feabody Museum. After C. C Willoughby, Peabody Museum. 

There is a general impression that the baskets of the ordinary soft 
character described were used by these eastern peoples in the manu- 
facture of pottery and were ruthlessly destroyed in the burning, 
but Holmes's investigations tend to show that pliable materials had 
been almost exclusivel}^ employed. In the Pueblo region the case was 
quite different, though there is no evidence of the burning of the 
basket. 

The twined wallets or other fabrics used were removed before the 
vessel was burned or even dried. In many cases handles and orna- 
ments were added after these impressions were made, also incised 
designs were executed in the soft clay after the removal of the textile. 

It is quite evident that textile impressions were used to enhance the 
beauty of the vessel, not to support the clay in process of construction. 

In many examples, notably the .salt vessels of Saline River, Illinois, 
the fabric was applied after the vessel was finished, inasmuch as the 
loose threads sag or festoon toward the rim. Simple cord markings 
arranged to form patterns have been employed on manj^ examples. 
And in those cases where basketry textile was pressed on the surface 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 



381 



it was not the common, careless weaving, but the elegant designs, as 
will be seen in the plates. 

The textile markings on pottery, ancient and modern, are of live 
classes: 

1. Impressions on the surface, made by rigid basketry, used in 
molding and modeling. 

2. Impressions of pliable fabrics on the soft clay. 

3. Impressions of woven textures used over the hand or on a 
modeling or malleating implement. 

4. Impressions of cords wrapped about modeling or malleating 
paddles or rocking tools. 

5. Impressions of bits of cords or other textile units, singly or in 
groups, applied for ornament only, and so arranged as to give textile- 
like patterns." 




Fig. 117. 

■wickebwork from cave in kentucky. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



If the reader will turn to the classification of basket-making meth- 
ods (p. li)0), it will be noticed that many of these are to be found in 
the ancient basket ware impressed on pottery by the eastern Indians. 
Referring to Professor Holmes's paper, openwork checker weaving is 
very rare among impressions on clay. Foster illustrates one example 
on pottery from a mound on Great Miami River, Butler County, Ohio. 
Checkerwork of the close type, on the other hand, was practiced in 
nearly all the Atlantic States, upon the testimony of pottery fragments. 

From potsherds found in the State of New York, closely packed 
checkerwork patterns have been copied. Charred fabrics from 
mounds in Ohio reveal the coarsest kinds of oblique checker weaving. 
Holmes illustrates an example in which the oblique work imitates 
mat plaiting without a frame, worked from a corner. The selvage 
and the weft cross the texture obliquely.* " 

« W. H. Holmes, American Anthropologist (N. S.), Ill, 1901, pp. 397-403. 
&See Thirteenth Annual "Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, pi. vii, fig. c. 



382 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, ]902. 



Not only checkerwork, but twilled work in cane and in twine and 
wickerwork in soft material have been brought to light by cave explo- 
rations in the Western and Southern States. In the Third Annual 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology Holmes figures an example of 
wickerwork in soft materials from a cave in Kentucky. (See figs. 117, 
118, and 119.) « 

To show the distribution of this ancient style of weaving, reference 
is here made to — 

1. Coarse oblique checker twilled work from Ohio, made of twine. 

2. In the same volume (tig. 12) is shown a fragment of twilled cane 
matting from Petite Anse Island, Louisiana. It has been preserved 
all these years by salt. (See fig. 126.) 




Fig. 118. 

chabeed pabkic from mound. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



Fig. 119. 

charred fabric prom mound. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



3. Plate 2 in Holmes's report shows a mat of split cane from a rock 
shelter on Clifi' Creek, Morgan Count}?^, Tennessee. It is 6 feet 6 
inches by 3 feet 4 inches. The variety of twilled effects and the 
patterned border leave nothing to be desired. 

4:. In a mound near Augusta, Georgia, a fragment of twilled matting 
was found attached to the surface of a bit of copper, Holmes's fig. 11. 
The interesting feature of this example is that on the side shown the 
warp passes over one and under four, the weft, over four and under 
one. His fig. 15, from Alabama, is similar, only the formula is three 
and one. 

5. Fig. 11: is from an impi'ession of twilled weaving on u fragment 
of pottery found in Polk County, Tennessee. Three characteristics of 
this fragment claim attention. The warp is of fine twine, the weft of 



« Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, pi. vii, figs, c and d. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 



383 



coarse yarn; the work is over two, both in warp and weft; the weav- 
ing is oblique. The effect of this technic is pleasing and unique, the 
components being bands of close work alternating with bands of open- 
work, made up of sloping elements giving great variety to unity. 

It will be seen that the checker and the twilled work in ancient 
eastern North America had about the same distribution as now. 

Twined weaving was common throughout the Middle and Eastern 
States of the Union in prehistoric times. Fabrics of this class were 
employed by the ancient potters in nearly all of the States. Every 
variety of twined weaving known to the modern Indian was practiced 




Fig. 120. 
twined fishtrap. 
Virginia Indians. 
After Thomas Hariot. 



by the old-time people — the mound-builders especially. Holmes 
figures examples from pottery in Tennessee, Georgia, Arkansas, Illi- 
nois, Missouri, and Iowa. Even the intricate and delicate forms of 
twined weaving described on page 234 as zig-zag or divided warp and 
crossed warp wei-e well known. 

The ancient pottery of the Mississippi Valley furnishes many ex- 
amples of this, as will be seen in Holmes's papers.'' 

Traces of wattled work are found in the mounds of the Lower Mis- 

a Prehistoric Textile Fabrics of the United States, Third Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology, 1884; Prehistoric Textile Art of Eastern United States, the 
same, Thirteenth Annual Report, 1896; and, A Study of the Textile Art, etc.. Sixth 
Annual Report, 1888. 



384 REPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

sissippi Valley, where imprints of the interlaced canes occur in the 
baked clay plaster with which the dwellings were finished. In the 
same connection John Smith, Butel-Dumont, Du Pratz, Lafitau, and 
John Lawson are quoted on the use of wattling for houses, inclosure, 
biers, and burial platforms. A fish trap with long wings done in 
twined wattling is figured in Hariot and here reproduced from Holmes. 
(See fig. 120.) 

The illustration shows a warp of stakes driven into the bottom of 
the stream close enough together to let the small fry pass through 
and to offer no impediment to the flow of water. Brush or poles con- 
stitute the warp. The rivers of the Atlantic coast teemed with shad, 
herring, rockfish, sturgeon, and more, in the spring, and it is per- 
mitted to infer that twined fish traps were universal there. 

Plate 130, thanks to the preserving care of potsherds, introduces the 
reader to the old basket makers of no one knows how many centuries 
ago. From three fragments, selected out of myriads and shown in 
the plate on the right hand, the casts on the left being in plaster, one 
might think himself studying specimens from the Aleutian Islands or 
the Great Interior Basin, The figure at the bottom is in plain open- 
work of twined weaving, the material being a soft bast, perhaps of 
native hemp. Hundreds of wallets indistinguishable in texture from 
this are now brought from around Bristol Bay, Alaska. The figure 
in the middle is openwork twined weaving in diagonal pattern. The 
warp strands are in pairs and flexible, making the interstices triangu- 
lar and giving to the weaving the appearance of "fagoting." If 
the weft were forced close together, the texture would be the common 
twilled work of the Pacific slope. The upper figures are also twined, 
but of rarer style, the warp being set diagonallv- This figure is 
worthy of note in two respects. The workmanship in twisting of the 
threads is superb. One would have to look a long time through a col- 
lection of twined weaving of the present day to see threads near so 
fine. Not until the outermost island of the Aleutian chain was reached 
would the specimen appear. The other characteristic is the sloping 
warp, a thing of rare occurrence in twined weaving. 

A further glance at basketry technic preserved in impressions on 
pottery and in caves shows plain twined weave, open or closed, with 
vertical or oblique warp; twilled weaving in twined weft and twined 
weaving with zigzag warp; three-ply twined weaving, and a st34e of 
twined work, which for exhausting possibilities of variety in warp 
treatment will vie with any modern example. The material is good 
twine, the warp is administered in groups of sixes, oblique toward the 
right. The weft is a two-ply twine which in crossing the warp takes 
in a strand at each half turn and is twisted tightly in the open spaces. 
The pattern is varied by bands of close weft in three rows, above and 
below which the groups of six warp strands are split into threes. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



885 




Fig. 121. 

twined weave from ancient pottery. 

Tennessee. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



Attention is called to Plate 8 in the Thirteenth Bureau Report, where 
is shown ancient twined work preserved by being wrapped about 
copper celts." (See figs. 121-122; also Plate 107.) 

Plate 131 represents an open twined wallet of the Ojibwa Indians 
(Algonquian stock), at Angwassag Village, near St. Charles, Saginaw 
County, Michigan. 
The native name is 
Na Moot and it is 
made from the inner 
bark of the slippery 
elm ( Ulmits araeri- 
can a) . Other bags of 
the same technique 
in the U. S. National 
Museum are from the 
elm bark associated 
with red and black 
yarn. Thetechnicof 
these wallets is so in- 
teresting in the sur- 
vival of ancient weaves that the}^ justify a special description. The 
weft is plain twined weaving; all the ornamentation, therefore, iseflfected 
by means of the warp, which is partly vertical, but more of the zigzag 
type seen in many Aleutian Island wallets. In all of the specimens 
examined the warp is made up of twine, partly in the material of the 

weft and partly in colored 3'^arns. 
The diameter of the warp twine, 
especially the yarns, seems to be 
greater than the length of the 
twists in the weft, so that there is 
a crowding which brings one color 
to the front and leaves another 
color inside — that is, the figures 
that are brown on the outside will 
appear in yarn on the inside and 
the reverse. To be more explicit, 
beginning at the lower edge of any 
one of these wallets the warp ma}'^ 
be in pairs, the elements of which 
separate and come together alternately in the rows of weaving. On 
the outside of the bag two elm-bark warp strands will be included 
and appear; in the next half twine two yai'ns will be included and 
show on the inside of the wallet. After this zigzag process goes on 

« Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, figs. 21-26, and 
plates VII and viii. 

NAT MUS 1902 25- 




FlG. 122. 
TWINED WEAVE FROM ANCIENT POTTEKY. 

Tennessee. 
After yf. H. Holmes. 



386 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

for a short distance the weaver changes her plan, omits the bark or 
the yarn warp altogether, but continues the twining process, catching 
the warp in every other half turn of the twine. Again, there will 
be a row or two of ordinary twined weaving with straight warp, when 
she returns to her zigzag method, covering the entire surface there- 
with. At the top of the bag an inch or less of plain twined weaving 
in which the warps are vertical and included in pairs brings her to the 
outer border, where all the warps are twisted together and turned back 
to be fastened off in the texture. In an old example in the National 
Museum long, cut fringes are sewed to the upper margin and to the 
sides of the bag. 

The photographs of the twined bag shown in Plate 131 were taken 
by William Orchard, of the American Museum of Natural Histor}^, and 
presented to the National Museum by Harlan I. Smith. On one side 
a mountain lion and the other an eagle with geometric figures are 
shown in black. The technic of this particular example from left 
to right would be five vertical rows of plain twined weaving; nine 
rows of mixed warp, but plain weaving; a course of braided 
warp in which the four elements of two rows of warp are braided 
together and included in the twine. On the other side is a similar 
administration. The middle portion shows zigzag twined weaving, 
figured. Above this is a row of three-pl}^ twined weaving, as 
among many of the Western tribes; above this three rows of plain 
twined weaving in openwork including all the warps. At the top the 
warps are twisted and fastened into the texture. It must be clearly 
understood that the figures which show black on the outside — that is, 
the eagle and the lion — will be white on the inside, necessai'ily. The 
colors used in the small specimen of the National Museum are the nat- 
ural color of the bark mixed with brown, black, and blue yarns. The 
National Museum is indebted to Andrew John, a Seneca Indian of 
New York, for a number of specimens of modern Iroquoian twined 
ware from corn husks. 

There was a decided lack of coiled basketr}^ in all this vast region. 
Every kind of hand-woven ware was known. Algonquian, Iroquoian, 
Siouan, and Muskhogean tribes of the present, and all the cave-dwell- 
ing, mound-building, ancients, seem, so far as the evidence points, to 
have known little of coiling. 

From this hasty survey of ancient hand weaving in basketr}^ and 
the other receptacles, as well as in matting, webbing, sandals, and 
such products of the textile art as resemble basketrj^, it is now allowed 
to examine their modern representatives in the southern portions of 
the same area. 

In the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, 
Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana are many Indians still living, 
remnants of theCherokees (Iroquoian); Choctaws, Creeks, Chickasaws, 
and Seminoles (Muskhogean), and the almost vanished Attakapas and 



ABOEIGIKAL AMERICAN BASKETKY. 



387 




b 

Fig. 123. 

detail of twilled basketey bordek. 

Choctaw Indians, Louisiana. 

Cat. No. 2414.'?, U.S.N.M. Collected by Father Roquet. 



Chetimachas. Some of them were removed fifty years ago into the 
Indian Territoiy. Through the lowlands of these States grow the 
interminable cane brakes, and from the split cane all these tribes 
make their basketr}^ They 
follow the twilled pattern of 
weaving. Even now there 
may be purchased in Mobile, 
New Orleans, and other 
Southern cities little baskets 
of yellow, red, black, and 
green cane woven in twill, 
crossing with the woof two 
or more warp splints, and 
managing the checks so as to 
produce diamonds and vari- 
ous zigzag patterns on the 
outside. The Choctaws make 
a basket oval at the top and 
pointed below for presents, 
averring that this shape imitated the heart, which always accompanies 
ever}^ gift. The handles of their basketry are very clumsily put on, 
marring greatly the appearance of the otherwise attractive object. 

Often in weaving two thin 
strips are laid together, the soft 
sides inward. The evident mo- 
tive in doubling the thin strips 
is to have both sides of the bas- 
ket or mat glossy and smooth. 
Further on it will be noted that 
in twined weaving, where the 
strands of the weft are from 
split roots, both sides are ren- 
dered smooth by revolving each 
strand half a turn as it passes 
through between the warp 
stems. (See p. 106.) 

Figs. 133 and 134 show the 
detail of twilled basketry among 
the Southern tribes, both in the 
coarser and finer varieties. In 
fig. 123, a and &, will be seen 
the border. Each weft strand crosses four warp strands. In this 
example the warp, however, does not cover each time the same number 
of weft strands; the consequence is a nearly horizontal diagonal effect 
in the pattern. To form the border a few of the warp filaments are 




Fig. 124. 

border of twilled basketry. 

Choctaw Indians, Louisiana. 

Cat. No. 2il4.3, U.S.N.M. Collected by Fathex- Roquet. 



388 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

bent down and inclosed in a wrapping of the same material. Under- 
neath this is a row of twined weaving, which holds in place those 
warp elements that do not enter into the textvire. A much neater 
example of workof this kind is shown in the next figure, where the 
filaments are moi'e carefull}^ prepared and manipulated and the border 
more neatly finished, but the technical process is the same. The artistic 
effect of plain twilled work is shown in this example. 

Fig. 124 exhibits the process of crossing in what might be called 
diaper or figured work. The effect is heightened by dyeing black one 
set of the filaments, either warp or weft. In that case the figures 
stand out most prominently. The entire effect of this sort of weav- 
ing, however, is in the endless combination of rectangles, black and 
white, all having the same width and different lengths. 

The basket shown in this dissected weaving is Choctaw, Catalogue 
No. 2414:3, in the U. 8. National Museum, collected b}^ Father 
Roquet, of New Orleans. 

Plates 132-133 represent the twilled basketry of the Chetimacha 
Indians, Chetimachan family, who have their home on Grande Hiver 
and the lai^ger part in Charenton, St. Marj-s Parish. The name is 
derived from the Choctaw words tcJmti, "cooking vessels," rnasha, 
"they possess." Mr. Gatschet in 1881 found about fifty individuals 
still living. The material of their work is the cane {^Arundinarla 
tecta) and all of their weaving is in the twilled style of technic. 

Compared with the work of the Choctaws (Plate 134) and their 
neighbors, the Attakapa (Plate 135), it is more picturesque and attrac- 
tive, the colors being the original of the cane, red and 3^ellow. Similar 
work is to be seen in the northern part of South America, especially 
in Guiana. The interesting feature of the Attakapa weaving is that 
frequently the specimens have the appearance of being double — that 
is, both the outside and the inside of the receptacle presenting the 
small surface of the cane. At once the work connects itself with mat- 
ting found in ftie caves of Kentucky and Tennessee. 

Plate 133 represents a fine collection of old Chetimachas in the col- 
lection of lyirs. Sidney Bradford, of Avery Parish, Louisiana. They 
should be examined carefully, since they were posed so as to exhibit 
the technic of the various parts. 

Plate 135 shows a small number of twilled basketry made by the 
Attakapa Indians living in Calcasieu Parish, Louisiana. Thej^ are the 
last remnant of an independent linguistic family once spread south- 
ward along the Texan coast. The baskets are made from the stems of 
the cane. The outer tough layer is split off' and dyed if necessary. It 
is then worked into twilled ware, which by the texture and variety of 
colors shows elegant designs. 

These specimens, Catalogue Nos. 105735 to 165Y31) in the IT. S. 
National Museum, were collected in Louisiana 1)3^ Mrs. William Pres- 
ton Johnston. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 



889 



The Cherokee make the handsomest clothes baskets, considering 
their materials. They divide large swamp canes into long, thin, nar- 
row splinters, which they dye for several colors, and manage the 
workmanship so well that both the inside and outside are covered with 
a beautiful ^-ariety of pleasing figures; and though for the space of 2 
inches below the upper edge of each basket it is worked into one, 
through the other parts they are worked asunder, as if the}' were two 
joined atop by some strong cement. A large nest consists of eight or 
ten baskets contained one within another. Their dimensions are dif- 
ferent, but thej^ usuall}' make the outside basket about a foot deep, 
a foot and a half broad, and 
almost a yard long." 

A type collection of this ware 
was made for the National Mu- 
seum by James Moone}'.'' 

Fig. 125 shows one of the 
oldest and most beaiitiful bas- 
kets in the National Museum, 
presented by Drs. Gray and 
Matthews, of the Army. Four 
bent poles constitute the frame- 
work. Those at the sides are 
10 inches apart at the top, ■! at 
the bottom, and are quite con- 
cealed in the structure. The 
end pair cross these at right 
angles and descend 6 inches to 
afford a rest for the load. The 
carrying strap is of rawhide. 
The weaving is in twilled work, 
with diaper patterns made in nar- 
row strips of bark, some having 
their outer, some their inner 
surface exposed. 

The weaving was done by an 
Arikara woman in Dakota. 
Now, these Indians are not Sioux, but belong to the Caddoan family 
spread over Louisiana and Texas. It should not be surprising, there- 
fore, to find baskets similar to those of the Cherokees and the Gulf 
tribes in their hands. 

In close connection with wickerwork and checkerwork is twilled or 
diagonal technic from many localities, especially in the South. An inter- 
esting example is illustrated by Holmes,'' the two elements, the warp 

« James Adair, History of the American Indians, London, 1775, p. 424. 
''Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1900, p. 176. 
«Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1884, p. 416, fig. 98. 




Fig. 125. 

twilled basket. 

Arikara Inclians. 

Cat. No. 84310, U.S.N.M. Collected by Gray and Matthews. 



390 



RBPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



and the weft, are entirely different material, one a finely spun thread, 
the other a loose, coarse filament several times wider than the former, 
and are woven together in the oi'dinary plan of under two and over 
two, and yet the difference in the width and tension of the two elements 
produces a most charming- effect which is not lost, after many thousands 
of years, in the cast taken from the surface of the fragment. (See p. 225. ) 
An example of matting, also illustrated by Holmes, was taken from a 
piece of potter}' found in Alabama. It is worked in the diagonal style, 
but on one side the warp passes over one and under three, and, conse- 
quently, though the matting was destroyed hundreds of years ago it 
is certain that on the other side of the fabric the weft made a similar 
figure, but vertical. (See p. 226.) 




Fig. 12(1. 
ancient twilled matting, 
Petit Anse Island, Louisiana. 



The caves of Kentucky furnish specimens of ancient textiles pre- 
served in nitrous earth, and fig. 117 is an illustration of one of these, 
revealing a wicker type of weaving in soft materials, not found on 
pottery, however.* 

One of the most interesting examples of this ancient work is illus- 
trated by Foster, also taken from a mound on Great Miami River, 
Ohio. It has a warp of twine on which the weft is wrapped round 

« Third Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1884, p. 403, fig. 67. 



ABORIGTlSrAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 391 

and round. (See p. 24:1.) Onl_y one family of Indians on the whole 
Western Hemisphere at present employ this technic, the Yuman, of 
Arizona. (Fig. 13; compare fig. 11 in the chapter on processes.) 

It is an interesting fact that the Andamanese, living halfway round 
the world, employ the same method of workmanship on their open fish 
baskets. 

Fig. 136 is from the photograph of a specimen of ancient twilled 
matting from Petit Anse Island, near Vermilion Bay, coast of Loui- 
siana, presented to the Smithsonian Institution by J. F. Cleu, in May, 
1866. Petit Anse Island is the locality of the remarkable mine of 
rock salt, exploited during the civil war, and from which, for a con- 
siderable time, the Southern States derived a great part of their supply 
of this article. The salt is almost chemically pure and apparently 
inexhaustible in quantity, occurring in everj" part of the island, which 
is about 5,000 acres in extent, at a depth below the surface of the soil 
of 15 or 20 feet. The fragment of matting here photographed was 
found near the surface of the salt. No vast antiquity can be argued 
on this account, but the specimen is without doubt very old and a relic 
of the weavers who lived a long time before the discovery of America. 
The material consists of the outer bark of the common Southern cane 
{Arundinaria tecta) and has been preserved for so long a period both 
by its siliceous character and the strongly saline condition of the soil. 

ALASKA AND THE NORTH PACIFIC 

There is a charm in the name of such Indian materials as spruce root, wild rye, 
and cedar bark, but they would be useless to us without the Indian touch. 

— Mary White. 

For convenience of study a line may be drawn across the map of 
North America from Dixon Entrance northeastward so as to have 
Queen Charlotte Islands and the makers of coiled basketry that are 
inland to the north of it. The tribes included will be Athapascan, 
Eskimauan, Koluschan, and Skittagetan. Among the two first named 
twined and coiled work in manj^ styles of weaving will be found, while 
the two last named and their northern neighbors, the Aleuts, have 
avoided coiled basketry altogether. In Plate 136 are gathered types 
of the peninsula of Alaska, Athapascan, Eskimo, and Aleutian, em- 
bracing hard coil, soft coil, closed twined work, open twined work, 
straight warp, crossed warp, and hemstitch, gathered by E. W. Nelson. 

In studying the basketry of this area the following division, accord- 
ing to tribes and families, will be found convenient: 

1. Athapascan (interior of Alaska). 

2. Eskimo (around shore). 

3. Aleuts (Aleutian Archipelago). 

4. Tlinkits (southeastern Alaska). 

5. Haidas (Queen Charlotte Archipelago). 



392 



EEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902 




ATHAPASCAN COILED BASKETRY 

Perhaps no other famil}^ of American tribes has such a variet}^ of 
contacts with neighbors of different linguistic families and of limita- 
tions in environments having little likeness to one another. This 
northern branch of them, as will be seen in Father Morice's list," is in 
touch along their southern border with Algonquian descendants of 
Mound Builders on the Ohio, with birch-bark workers in northern 
middle Canada, and with Pacific coast tribes here and there. Some of 
these were noted in speaking of Region 1, page 379, with illustrations. 
Further on other contacts will be shown. The distribution of the 
family is given by Powell on liis linguistic map of North America.* 
Here the Athapascans are in touch with Eskimo; indeed, most of. 

the specimens of their ware 
shown were procured from the 
latter in trade. Their techni- 
cal methods will be best under- 
stood through illustrations. 

The northern Tinne practice 
several varieties of technic in 
their coiled work. The tribes 
of the interior of Alaska make 
a very coarse coiled basket now 
becoming common. Some of 
the very old pieces have the 
buttonhole stitch in the sewing. 
In a collection of pieces no two will agree either in shape or composition. 
The best of the wai"e is f r-om near the Mackenzie mouth, where 
dyed feathei's are used for decoration. Some of the oldest specimens 
in the National Museum entered in the first catalogue are coiled basket 
trays of the Athapascan Indian tribes living in Fort Simpson at the 
mouth of the Mackenzie River. Splints of willow and spruce root 
are employed in the work and the ornamentation is meager, consisting 
of stripes on the side, and borders in quilled work dyed in different 
colors. These specimens vary from 6 to 8 inches in diameter, and 
were gathered b};- R. MacFarlane, B. R. Ross and W. L. Hardesty. 

Fig. 127 is a coiled basket jar of the Tinne Indians near Point 
Barrow, Alaska. The specimen belongs to the single-rod t3'pe, in 
which one rod or stem constitutes the foundation. The sewing is done 
with split stems of willow, passing over the rod in progress and under 
the one forming the coil underneath. The illustration here given of 
this specimen is from Murdoch's paper on the Point Barrow Eskimo.'^ 

"Transactions of the Canadian Institute, Toronto, IV, 1894, Pt. 1, No. 7. 

^ Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1891, p. 55. 

« Ninth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1892, pp. 326-327. 



Fig. 127. 

coiled workbasket. 

Tlnn6 Indians, Alaska. 

Cat. No. 89801, U.S.N.M. CoUected by P. H. Ray. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



393 




Fig. 12S. 

COILED WORKBASKET. 

Tinn6 Indians. 
Collected by P. H. Ray. 



It is said to have come from Sidaru. The owner declared that it came 
from the Great Eiver in the South, which Mr. Murdoch interprets to 
mean the Kowak, flowing into Hotham Inlet. The Eskimo are in the 
habit of going to this place in order to trade 
with the Indians, and thus this coiled basket 
found its way into the possession of the Es- 
kimo at Point Barrow. This figure is 336 on 
page 326 in Murdoch's paper. Catalogue No. 
89801. Height, about SyV inches. Collected 
by P. H. Ray, U. S. Army. 

Catalogue No. 89802 in the U. S. National 
Museum is a conical workbasket, with a seal- 
skin top for a di'awing string to keep the con- 
tents from falling out. It is in coiled weav- 
ing over a single rod, from Sidaru, northern 
Alaska, near Point Barrow, collected by Lieut. 
P. H. Ray, U. S. Army. It is similar in tech- 
nic with No. 89801. Its height is 4^ inches, 
and it has been described by Mui^doch. (See 
fig. 128.) 

Catalogue No. 56564 in the U. S. National 
Museum is an Eskimo woman's workbox (Aguma, ama, ipiaru) in 
coiled basketry, from Point Barrow, Alaska, also collected by Lieu- 
tenant Ray. The material is willow and the technic is coiled work of 

the single-rod type. The neck of the bas- 
ket is of black tanned sealskin and is tied 
with a string of the same material. Height, 
If inches. It has been described by Mur- 
doch. (See fig. 129.) 

Take an example from another part of 
Alaska. Fig. 130 is a coiled basket of the 
Tinne Indians who are settled on the Lower 
Yukon River. The foundation is a single 
rod of spruce root and the sewing is done 
with splints of the same material. It be- 
longs to the type of coiled work called a 
single rod (see p. 250) ; the stitches inter- 
lock with those underneath and inclose also 
the rod of that coil. Each stitch, there- 
fore, really -incloses two foundations. In 
the explorations of Dall, Nelson, and Turner, in this long stretch of 
river bottom were collected many specimens showing transition be- 
tween Indian and Eskimo activities. 

On the bottom the basket maker has taken the greatest pains to split 
the stitches of each coil with those of the coil beyond, giving to each 
one, looked atJ rom the center, a bifurcated appearance which is quite 




Fig. 129. 
coiled workbasket. 

Tinne Indians. 
Collected by P. H. Ray. 



394 



EEPOET OP NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



ornamental. The same technic will be observed further on in exam- 
ining the workmanship of the Thompson River Indians in British 
Columbia, and by their neighbors, the Chilcotin, belonging to the 




Fig. 130. 

coiled woekbasket. 

Tinn6 Indians. 

Cat. No. 24342, U.S.N.M. Collected by Lueien Turner. 



same linguistic stock. The Eskimo woman also in making her coiled 

basket work splits the stitches of her coil and sews thi-ough them. 

This process is kept up on the bod}^ of this specimen half the way up. 

Above that it ceases, as shown 
in the square inch enlarged fig. 
131. The coils var}^ considera- 
bly in width; the stitches also 
are not of the same size, so that 
there is b}^ no means the uniform 
regularit}^, either horizontall}^ or 
vertically, that one observes in 
the California area. It will be 
noticed, too, that the top of each 
■stitch is narrowed by reason 
of the crowding. Over the en- 
tire surface of this specimen 
it is quite impossible to see the 
foundation rod because of this 
crowding of stitches. . 
This specimen, like many others from the Athapascan area, is jar 

shaped, and under good conditions would hold water. Catalogue No. 

24342 in the U. S; National Museum. Collected, with manj^ others, 




Fig. 131. 

detail of coiled basket. 

Tinn6 Indians. 

Collected by Lueien Turner. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



395 



on the Lower Yukon River by Lucien M. Turner. Diameter, 8i inches ; 

height, 6f inches. 

It is a long wa}^ from middle Alaska to the Hupa Valley, northern 
California. The basket here shown is No. 126520 in the U. S. National 
Museum, collected by Captain Ray." It is introduced to show a single 
wonderful coincidence between the work of Tinne and Hupa, who speak 
languages of the same family in regions wide apart. It is coiled work, 
(See fig. 132.) 




Fig. 132. 

tobacco basket. 

Hupa Indians, California. 

Collected by P. H. Ray. 



ESKIMO BASKETRY 



Baskets not only have an infinite variety of uses from village to 
village, but among each people they have a multitude of uses. From 
the shore of Norton Sound to the Kuskokwim the women are expert 
in weaving grass mats, baskets, and bags. Grass mats are used on 
the sleeping benches and for wrapping around bedding. They are 
used also as sails for umiaks. The}^ now f requentl_y serve as curtains 
to partition off the corners of a room or sleeping platform. Small 
mats are placed also in the manholes of kaiaks as cushions. The bags 
are used for storing fish, berries, and other food supplies, or for cloth- 
ing. Smaller bags and baskets are made for containing small articles 
used in the house.* 

Two types of basket work are found in close proximity among the 
Eskimo in the neighborhood of Norton Sound and Bristol Bay, north 
and south, the twined and the coiled. In the former (fig. 133) the 

« Smithsonian Eeport, 1886, Pt. 1, pi. xv, fig. 67. 

6 E. W. Nelson, Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1900, pi. 74. 



896 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

treatment is precisel}' the same as in those of Aleutian Islands to be 
described, but the Eskimo wallet is of coarser material and the weav- 
ing- is far more rudely done. Quite as interesting as the wallets is the 
matting. (See Plate 136.) 

At Chuwuk, on the Lower Yukon, Nelson saw a woman making one 
of these mats and watched the process she emplo3'ed. A set of three 
or four straws was twisted and the ends turned in, forming a strand, 
a number of which were arranged side by side with their ends fastened 
along" a stick, the primeval loom, forming one end of the mat and 
hanging down for the warp. Other strands were then used as woof. 
By a deft twist of the fingers it was carried from one side to the other, 
passing- above and below the strands of the warp; then the woof strand 
was passed around the outer strand of the warp and twined to repeat 
the operation. The strands were made continuous b}^ adding straws 
as necessary, and with each motion the strands were twisted a little so 
as to keep them firmly together. By this simple method a variet}' of 
patterns are. produced. 

Grass bags are started from the bottom where the strands of the 
warp, consisting- of two or more grass stems, are fastened together 
and extend vertically downward. The woof is foi'med by a double 
strand of grass, each of which is twisted about itself and both twined 
with the strands of the warp inclosed in the turns; both are continually 
twisted as the weaving progresses. In coarsely made bags the strands 
of the woof are spaced from an inch to two inches apart, and those of 
the warp at intervals of from a quarter to half an inch. These bags 
have a conical bottom, which slopes from the center to the sides. At 
the mouth the ends of the warp are braided to form a continuous 
edge." 

The lower figures in Nelson's group of Alaskan basketry (Plate 136) 
show plainly the matting, the closely woven twined wallet, and the 
openwork. Plates 137 to 145 in this paper are all excellent illustra- 
tions of the ware here described. The specimens are in the U. S. 
National Museum. 

Plate 137 will show better the detail, body and bottom, of one of 
the twined wallets of the Norton Sound Eskimo. The warp and the 
twining of the bottom are of a very coarse, rush-like grass. The 
bottom is in openwork and oval. In this example the warp is radi- 
ating from a median line; in others the strands are laid parallel, so 
that the}' form a rectangle. At the boundary line between the bottom 
and the bod}' of the wallet there is a row of three-strand weaving, the 
rows running in opposite directions, as will be seen in the drawing. 
The body is of rush color; the spotted lines on the cylindrical portion 
are in black, produced by the insertion of rags and bits of hide. This 

a Eighteenth Eeport of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1900, pi. lxxiv. 



ABOEIGIJSTAL AMEBIC AN BASKETRTE. 



397 



effect may be varied by mixing two strands of different color in the 
twine. The fastening- off' at the top is done by working the warp 
strands into a three-strand braid, turning down on the inside of the 
vessel, and cutting oft' an end whenever a new warp thread is taken up 
by the braid. Frequently the last three or four warp straws are not 
cut off, but braided out to their extremities in order to form a handle 
for the basket. 

In order to show how the warp and weft are administered in this 
far north region, a square inch of a wallet is represented much 
enlarged, fig. 133. The openwork producing parallel figures is 
effected by leaving spaces between the different lines of twining. 
The four rows at the top of the drawing are plain, solid, twined weav- 
ing; the fifth row from the top is twined in an opposite direction, giv- 
ing the effect of a three-strand braid between the two rows; the third 
row from the top represents imper- 
fectly the eff'ect produced by the 
three-strand work. It is interesting 
to find this method of basket weav- 
ing so far north. 

The student will notice farther on 
that very much of the elegant use 
of the warp in ornamentation, so 
common with the Aleuts, who 
speak a kindred language and live 
near by, is lost. It will be seen, 
however, that with their rude ma- 
terials and tools the Eskimo have 
still acquired the art of making a 
great variety of basketry, showing 
that they have had a multitude of 
teachers. This specimen, Catalogue No. 38872 in the U. S. National 
Museum, was collected, with many others, at Norton Sound, by E. W. 
Nelson. 

To furnish a means of comparison between the two sides of Bering 
Sea, Plate 138 is a twined wallet of the Chukchi people of Kamchatka. 
The foundation is of straw laid parallel, and the weft is of plain twined 
weaving, the rows one-half an inch apart. The border is finished off 
by gathering the ends of the warp into a braid. The decoration on 
this basket is effected first by coloring warp strands black and group- 
ing them systematically, and also by three narrow bands of black 
twined weaving near the top. Its height is 12 inches. This specimen, 
now in the American Museum of Natural History, New York, was col- 
lected by the Jessup Expedition. 

To pursue the comparison farther into Asiatic territory, Plate 139 
is a wallet in twined weaving from Kamchatka, introduced here for 




Fig. 133. 
detail of eskimo twined wallet. 



Collected by E. W. Nelson. 



398 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



comparison with the Chukchi type just shown. The warp is of coarse 
hemp cord; weft or filling is of grass stems in natural color dj'ed 
black. The bottom is ornamented with bands in two colors; in each 
band there ai'e alternate rows of black and white stitches arranged 
perpendicularly; in the next band they are oblique, and in the next 
perpendicular, forming a interminable mass of changing patterns, 
having a very pleasing effect. The body is covered with alternations 
of plain and variegated bands in which the white and black are admin- 
istered in triangles, rectangles, chevrons, and zigzag patterns. The 
work on this wallet is finely done. The effect of the ornamentation is 




Fig. 134. 

coiled basket. 

Eskimo Indians, Alaska. 

Cat. No. 38i69, U.S.N.M. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 



very attractive— on the top the ends of the warp are bent down and 
held in place by loops of sinew thread. The work nearest like this 
will be found quite common on the eastern side of Bering Sea and on 
the Pacific coast of America. The writer is indebted to Dr. Franz 
Boas for drawing attention to these similarities. 

Its height^ is 13 inches. This specimen, now in the American 
Museum of Natural History, New York, was collected by the Jessup 
Expedition. 

The coiled variety of Eskimo basketry, previously mentioned, con- 
sists of a bunch of grass sewed in a continuous coil by a whip stitch 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 



399 



over the bunch and under a few stems in the coil just beneath, the 
stitch looping under a stitch of the lower coil. When this kind of 
work is carefully done, as among- the Indians of New Mexico, Arizona, 
and California, and in some exquisite examples in bamboo from Siam 
and in palm leaf from Nubia, beautiful results are reached; but the 
Eskimo basket maker does not prepare her foundations even]}^ sews 
carelessly, passing the thread sometimes through the stitches just 
below and sometimes between them, and does not work her stitches 
home (fig. 61). It can not be said that she has no skill with the 
needle, for her embroideries in fur, intestines, and quill are excellent. 




Pig. 135. 
bottom of fig. 134. 

Most of the baskets in the Eskimo collection in the National Museum 
were gathered by E. W. Nelson and have a round bit of leather in the 
bottom to start upon (fig. 135). The shape is either that of the 
uncovered bandbox or of the ginger jar." Especial attention should 
be paid to this form of stitching, as it occurs again in widely distant 
regions in a great variety of material and with modifications produc- 
ing striking effects. (See figs. 134, 135.) 

The Eskimo women employ in basket making a needle made of a 
bird bone ground to a point on a stone (fig. 40). Fine tufts of rein- 

« Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1900, pi. 74. 



400 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




deer hair taken from between the hoofs are modernly used in orna- 
mentation, just as the California women catch the stems of feathei's 
under their stitches as they sew. 

Figs. 135 and 136 will illustrate this rude type of coiled basket of 
the Eskimo about Norton Sound. It is quite certain that the art of 
basket making is not an old one with these people. They have not 
learned how to begin the work from the center of the foundation, and 
always leave a circular space, either vacant or to be filled with some 
other substance. In the example here shown a piece of hide 4 inches 
in diameter and irregular in outline constitutes the starting point. 
Holes are punched around the edge of this, as shown in the detail 
drawing (fig. 135), and the foundation of grass stems and leaves is 
sewed immediately to this with strips of the same material, not with 
any regularity or neatness. The basket has a cover, which is also 
interesting in its leather hinges, fastening, and handle. It must be 
admitted, however, under the stimulus and demands of trade, that the 

art is improving. Specimens are at this 
date brought home that are vastly better 
made than any of the old pieces in the 
National Museum; charming cloud effects 
are produced in sewing by using straws of 
different tints. 

This specimen. Catalogue No. 38469, in 
the U. S. National Museum, was collected 
by E. W. Nelson. 

Catalogue No. 127891, in the U. S. Na- 
tional Museum, is a small jar-shaped coiled 
basket from the Kowak River region, north 
of Bering Strait, Alaska, collected by Lieut. George M. Stoney, U. S. 
Navy. The foundation of the coil is a small number of slender grass 
stems. The sewing is in material of the same kind. The special char- 
acteristic of this specimen is that, in the sewing, the grass filament is 
wrapped once around the foundation and on the next turn is locked in 
the stitch underneath. This is an economical method of working, but 
it weakens the basket. The work on this specimen is slovenly done. 
It has a small piece of leather in the center of the foundation. Height, 
If inches. This example is a waif. It comes from the Arctic Ocean 
area, and most of the pieces in the Museum from near by are Tinne 
and gotten by the Eskimo in trade. More curious still is the extra 
wrap about the foundation every time a stitch is taken. The rafia 
coiled baskets made in some of the schools are similar. 

Catalogue No. 35962, U. S. National Museum, is a basket jar of the 
Eskimo at Kushunuk, Alaska. The flat bottom is in open-twined 
weaving of grass stems. The sides are in coiled work of the same 
material, the outline being rectangular, with rounded corners. The 



Fig. 136. 
detail op eskimo coiled basket. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 401 

notable feature of this piece is the union of two fundamentally different 
methods of manufacture, the twined and the cofled. 

Its height is •m inches, and it was collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Catalogue No. 36190, U. S. National Museum, is a coiled basket jar 
of the Eskimo on the Lower Yukon. The bottom is a piece of seal- 
skin 3 inches in diameter. The coiled work on this specimen is 
unique. A grass foundation is held together by half hitches or button- 
hole stitches in the same close together. There are 16 rows. The 
stitches pass over the foundation, lock with the stitches underneath, 
and in returning make a turn about the standing part. The technic 
is not half hitch, but, if the foundation were pulled out, would resemble 
the twisted coils in the Mackenzie River game bags, nmskemoots 
(Plate 129), or the work on the textile from Hopewell mound, Ohio. 
(See fig. 116). 

Catalogue No. 153686 in the National Museum is a coiled basket jar 
of the tribes on the Lower Yukon, Alaska. The foundation is a flat 
piece of hardwood, varying in width, overlaid by a small splint, which 
gives an uneven line on the outside. The sewing is done with strips 
of willow rods without bark. The stitches pass over both strips of 
the foundation and are caught between the two strips of the foundation 
coil underneath. This is the only specimen of its kind in the Museum 
from Alaska. The use of a broad foundation gives a flat appearance 
to the surface, something like that of the Mescalero basketry in 
Arizona. A handle is attached, the technic being the same as that of 
the basket. It is probably of Indian manufacture. Its height is 
about If inches, and it was collected by J. Henry Turner. 

Catalogue No. 127182 in the National Museum is a coiled basket 
jar of the Eskimo, Togiak River, emptjdng into Bristol Bay, Alaska. 
The foundation is a piece of sealskin. The rows of the basket are 
built up by coiled work, with straw for foundation and sewing. The 
peculiar characteristic" is the neat and regular manner in which the 
stitches, in passing outward, split the underlying stitch of the previous 
coil. On the surface these stitches pass from top to bottom in regular 
vertical lines, resembling feather stitch. The upper margin is orna- 
mented with a row of birds' feet. Its height is 2^ inches, and the 
specimen was collected by I. Applegate. 

Catalogue No. 127183, U. S. National Museum, is a coiled basket jar 
of the Eskimo on Togiak River. A rude ornamentation is attempted 
on the surface near the top by overlaying the foundation with a band 
of brown material underneath the stitches. Much will be said about 
this device of overlaying among Indian tribes farther south. 

a See Report U. S. National Museum, 1884, pi. iv, showing furcated stitches. 
NAT MUS 1902 26 



402 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Its height is 2 inches, and it was collected by Mr. Applegate. 

The upper figure in Plate 140 is a covered basket in coiled work of 
the Chukchi people of Kamchatka. Foundation, a piece of sealskin; 
bottom, coarse coiled work in straw held together by sewing in sinew 
thread, the stitches being one-half inch apart. The body is built up 
of coiled sewing, similar to that of the Eskimo of Alaska. Decora- 
tion, bands of chevron pattern in black. Hinge and fastening of seal- 
skin. Top decorated with six-pointed star. Diameter, 7 inches. 

This specimen, now in the American Museum of Natural History, 
New York, was collected by the Jessup expedition. The students of 
culture will be interested in the results of this exploration, which 
settle the question of unity of industries in the two continents. 

Fig. 2 in Plate 140 is an oblong coiled basket of the Chukchi people 
of Kamchatka. In the foundation, as in the Eskimo baskets, an oblong 
piece of sealskin is inserted. The people of this north region do not 
seem to know how to make the coil beginning which prevails among 
the Indian tribes. 

Around this sealskin the bottom consists of a continuous coil of 
grass stems held together by a wide, open coiled sewing in sinew 
thread. The bodj^ is built up on a grass foundation with sewing in 
the same material, resembling preciselj^ the work done b}^ the Eskimo 
of Port Clarence. Three rows of coiled work at the top are like that 
at the bottom, and over all is a band of sealskin rawhide with holes 
here and there for carrying. Its height is 9 inches. This specimen, 
now in the American Museum of Natural History, New York, was 
collected by the Jessup expedition. 

The bottom figure on Plate 110 is a braided and coiled wallet of the 
Koryak people of Kamchatka. The foundation is a strip of sealskin. 
The body is built up in a continuous coil of six-strand braid, as in 
making hats. The decoration consists of alternating plain with col- 
ored rows of braid. Loops of sealskin on the top serve for fastening 
and carrying. This is a rare type of basketry in America. Its height 
is 13 inches. 

There is a small specimen in the U. S. National Museum, obtained 
by Captain John Rodgers, U. S. Navy, in 1852-6, made in the same 
way. As his expedition was on the Arctic coast of Asia, this piece 
also may have come home from that quarter. 

Plate 111 is a covered coiled basket in the collection of F. Harvey. 
It is from the Lower Yukon River country and represents one of the 
best types of Eskimo work. Especial attention is called to the even- 
ness of the stitches, which interlock and at intervals gather in a few 
of the straws of the foundation. The mottled surface of the basket 
should also be noted in connection with the delightful effects produced 
by simpljr managing the natural colors of the straw with which the 
sewing is done. Attention has been directed to the glorification of 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 408 

this technical method by the Mission Indians in California. This speci- 
men represents the very best coiled work that the J^skimo can make. 

ALEUTIAN BASKETRY 

In 1874, William H. Dall contributed to the U. S. National Museum 
a number of specimens of twined basketry, from Attu and other 
islands far out in the Aleutian chain. (Catalogue Nos. 19476-19480). 
There for the first time this exquisite weaving was brought to light. 
Warp and weft are straws of beach grass " and the workmanship will 
compare favorably with that of^ any other basket makers in the world. 
In the conical wallets, which resemble in outline those of the Eskimo 
and southeastern Alaskan tribes, the warp straws radiate from the 
center of the bottom. On the body the twined weft, always the same 
plain two-strand work, is applied to the warp so as to give rise to sev- 
eral technical varieties, which may be classified as follows: 

1. Plain twined weaving, the weft driven home (Plate 142). 

2. Open twined work, there being open spaces between the rows 
of weaving, but the warp strands are parallel. 

3. Crossed warp, in which there are two sets of warp elements, one 
half inclining to the right, the other half toward the left. The twined 
weaving binds the decussations, making hexagonal meshes. This type 
has an interesting distribution on both sides of the Pacific. 

4. Divided warp. A pretty effect is produced b}^ these Aleut basket 
makers, who split the warp, or divide it, if it consists of straws in pairs, 
and twining the weft straws around two halves of the same straw and 
next around two half straws not of the same but of adjoining stalks. 
If the warp be of straws by twos, the left side member of one pair is 
entwined with the right-hand member of the adjoining pair. On the 
next round there is an alternation, the straws that belong together 
being entwined. The result of this is a series of lozenge-shaped open- 
ings or meshes (figs. 16, 17). The general ?ppearance of the surface 
resembles a form of needlework called hemstitching. The Aleuts in 
doubling the warp do not place one element behind another as do the 
Tlinkits, but alongside. This enables the weaver to convert her tech- 
nic into some other type in the successive rounds. She may have plain 
twining, crossed warp, zigzag warp, or hemstitch at an};' moment. 

5. Diverted warp. By this is meant a form of weaving in which 
certain warp straws are deflected from the perpendicular for a few 
courses and then brought back or changed to the upright position 
again. The result of this is a most pleasing effect (Plate 143) and of 
the greatest variety on the surface. Attention has been previously 

C' Ehjmus mollis, Sitka, Norton Sound, Kotzebue Sound; Elymus arenarius, Norton 
Sound to Point Barrow; Elymus sibiricus, Sitka. Rothrock, Smithsonian Report, 1867. 
For a description of the Eskimo and Aleuts, see W. H. Dall, in the Contributions to 
North American Ethnology, I, 1877, pp. 7-106, 



404 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

invited to the similarity of mound builder's work in the Mississippi 
Valley to the plaj^ing' with the warp of which the Aleuts were so fond. 
Away down among- the mummies of Peru are found relics of weav- 
ing of precisely the same sort. 

Ornamentation is produced by what looks like darning or whipping 
one or more rows of colored grass after the body is formed. It is in 
effect the false embroidery of the Tlinkits farther south. The worsted 
patterns are woven into the texture and do not show at allon the 
inside. (See fig. 10.) Another plan of attaching the ornamentation 
is very ingenious, but not uncommon. Two strands of colored straw 
are twined, and at everj^ half turn one of the strands is hooked under 
a twist on the body of the basket b}^ a kind of "aresene" work or 
false embroidery with twine. This ornament has a bold relief effect 
on the outside and is not seen at all on the inside. 

The making of the beautiful twined ware is not new in these small 
islands. Lisiansky* affirms that the Aleuts made baskets called 
"ishcats," in which they keep all their valuables. 

To begin with the eastern tribes, Catalogue No. 3192, in the 
U. S. National Museum, is a twined wallet of the Aleuts (Eskimaun 
family) on Kadiak Island, Alaska. Native name, Enakhtak. It is 
made entirely of Topkhnaluk or wild rye {Elynms). The lower stalks 
are chosen because thej?^ become yellow through want of light. The 
wallets are woven from the standing grass, generallj^ in July and 
August, by the women, while engaged in curing salmon. In order to 
secure uniformity in texture the broader leaves are split. An ordinary 
knife is used to cut the grass, but no other apparatus than nimble 
fingers has to do with the manufacture. The twining is called agan- 
khak. The Kadiak baskets are used chiefly in gathering berries and 
also in straining a kind of wine made from them. This specimen was 
collected by Lieut. G. T. Emmons, U. S. Navy. 

These wallet baskets are woven without ornamentation, or ma}' be a 
line or so near the mouth, often effected by introducing one or more 
rows of black rags, the warp strands forming a heav}^ plaited rope-like 
border, which permits carriage by means of cords through the open- 
ings. In the Kadiak wallets the Tlinkit border is also imitated where 
the warp ends are bent down and held by twined weaving. 

Catalogue No. 14978 in the U. S. National Museum is a typical old 
A-leut wallet. The cylindrical part is covered with meshes in diamond 
pattern, shown in fig. 9, Plate 136. The ornamentation on the surface 
is produced by false embroidery with strands of red, blue, and black 
worsted. The continuous line between the open stripes is formed by 
false whipping with a single thread of worsted on the outer stitches of 
one of the twines of straw. The border is a complicated braid. 

« Voyage Round the World, 1803-1806, London, 1814, p. 181. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRS". 405 

A square inch of this weave, enlarged (see fig. 17), taken from the 
part of the texture where the rectangular meshes or plain work pass 
into the lozenge-shaped meshes, will show the peculiar method of sepa- 
rating the warp threads and working the halves alternately to the right 
and to the left." In the bottom row the pairs of warp straws are per- 
pendicular and gathered into the twined weaving so as to produce rec- 
tangular spaces. All the rows above this are in the pattern here 
described. From the Attn Island, collected by William H. Dall. 

Plate 142 shows the fine close-twined work done on the extreme 
western islands of the Aleutian chain. The specimen here described 
is Catalogue No. 204588, U. S. National Museum, the gift of Mrs. 
Mary L. D. Putnam, of Davenport, Iowa, Its noteworthy features 
are the crossed warp and the patterns worked in colored worsted on 
the surface. The material is beach grass, some species of Elymus. 
The false embroidery on the surface, there can be no doubt, is bor- 
rowed in its method from the Tlinkit Indians of southeastern Alaska, 
Among the old Aleut wallets, of which there ai'e many in the National 
Museum, the weaving does not begin to be so fine as on this later ware. 
It is the same story of progress. With the possession of better 
knowledge, of superior tools, of gauges for sizing the straws, and, 
above all, of such demands for their products as to stimulate emulation 
to its highest pitch, the Atka and Attu weavers have reached their 
climax. 

Plate 143 is introduced to show the technic of variety No, 5, 
diverted warp combined with variety No, 2, or open work. Fig, 1 
illustrates the general effect of this combination. Attention has 
been called before to the enigmas awakened hj the great variety 
and exquisite taste of these people, our first possession in the East- 
ern Hemisphere. In figs. I> and c the detail will be better under- 
stood. In fig. i the first row has parallel warp. In the next row 
each pair of continuous warp straws are crossed. In the third row 
they proceed vertically, and so do most of them in the fourth row, but 
here and there they are crossed again back to the position they occu- 
pied in the second row. These, too, continue in the oblique direction 
in the fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth rows, crossed in each with a 
straw of that particular row. In the upper course they return to 
the vei'tical position. The twined weaving is precisely the same in 
every case. It does not vary whether in the closed weaving or open 
weaving. No artistic effect is expected therefrom. In this plate, where 
the decorative form is started in the bottom row and begins to widen 
out all of the intersections within the parallelograms are crossed. At 
the tenth row, above the upper border of the drawing, the straws 
return to their vertical position immediately^ over the starting point. 

a See Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1884, pi. i, fig. b. 



406 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

These two are only specimens of the innumerable ways of producing 
effects in Aleutian baskets by changes in the warp. 

It will add to the interest in the Attu weaver to see her at her work. 
Plate 144, taken bj^ Engineer C. Gadsden Porcher, of the United States 
Revenue Marine, shows her at the front door of her barabra or under- 
ground hut. She is essentialh^ a cave dweller. The framework of 
the house may be driftwood, wreckage, or timber deposited bj^ ships. 
Over this moss from the tundra is piled, and nature plants her garden. 

The first thing that demands notice is that she is weaving upward — 
upside down, a careless first thought would sa3^ The bottom of her 
fine wallet is suspended from a pole, most primitive of warping beams, 
stuck into the roof of the barabra. John Smith's Indians used a limb 
of a tree (fig. 148). The Bristol Bay Eskimo now employ a stick sup- 
ported on forked stakes; so do the Chilkats for their highly-prized 
blankets, and the tribes farther south to make cedar-bark garments. 
Indeed, the loom is about to be born. With a lens it will be seen that 
the basket maker is doing the best work, in which ever}^ variety of 
Aleutian technic is engaged. Her costume shows her to be in the 
current of world-embracing commerce and thought. The plants 
about her and the precious work of her fingers, together with the 
ideas in her attentive mind, are survivals from the past. 

TLINKIT BASKETEY 

The basket work of the Tlinkit Indians is superb. Everyone who 
sees it is struck with its delicacy of workmanship, shape, and orna- 
mentation. Most of the specimens in the National Museum collection 
are of the bandbox shape, but they can be doubled up flat like a 
grocer's bag. (Plates 65 and 67.) The material of foundation and 
sewing is the 3"oung and tough root of the spruce, split, and used 
either in the native color or dyed brown or black. The structure 
belongs to the twined type before mentioned and there is such uni- 
formity and fineness in the warp and woof that a water-tight vessel 
is produced with very thin walls. In size the wallets vary from a 
diminutive trinket basket to a capacity of nearly a bushel. All sorts 
of designs in bands, crosses, rhombs, chevrons, triangles, and grecques 
are produced thus: First, the bottom is woven plain in the color of 
the material. In a gi'eat many pieces a row of plain weaving alter- 
nates with the twined weaving for econom}'. Then in the building up 
of the basket bands of plain color, red and black, are woven into the 
structure, having the same color on both sides. " Afterwards little 
squares or other plain figures made into designs are sewed on in 

« See G. T. Emmons in the Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural f lis- 
tory, New York, 1903. This paper is the result of twenty years' work among the 
Tlinkits by a patient observer, and should be studied with special care. 



ABOEIGIKAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 407 

aresene, or what is here called false embroidery, that is, only halfway 
through, giving the most varied effect on the outside, while the inside 
shows only the plain colors and the red and black bands. Wild rye 
straws {Elymus) for coarse work and hair grass {DescJimnpsia) on fine 
work are used in this second operation, in plain rich golden color or 
dyed, being whipped over and over along the outer threads of the 
underlying woof. Other grasses for false embroidery ai*e Panicidaria 
nervata, Galainagrostis langsdorfii, Cinna latifolia, and Broinus sitchen- 
sis. (See Plate li5.) 

No more attractive form and ornamentation are to be seen than 
those produced by the Indians of this Tlinkit stock. 

The Tlinkit I'ecognize five styles of weave, not including the fish- 
trap, the false embroidery in grasses and plant stems, and the plaited 
borders. These are all in twined weaving, the progress of the work 
being from left to right and the outer woof strand sloping downward. 
Lieutenant Emmons gives the native name of each as follows: 

1. Plain close-twined weaving, Wushtookhar-kee ("close together 
work"), which is perfectly water-tight and is the standard weave of 
fully three-quarters of all baskets made. It consists of the simple 
twining of two woof strands arovmd each successive thickness of 
warp splints. The regular weave produces the vertical ridge-like 
appearance in the line of the warp, the polished exterior surface of 
the root forming the outside or ornamental face of the work. 

An openwork work basket in this plain twined weaving is known 
as Khart (" a strainer," literally, " will not hold water"). It is used 
in trying out fish oil and in cooking and straining berries. 

2. Twined and checker weaving, Khark gheesut ("between," "in 
the middle of"), from the introduction of a single woof strand in 
checker or wicker weaving between the lines of the regular twined 
stitch. It gives a broken, irregular effect from the exposure of the 
warp along the line of the single weft, as well as from the dull, fibrous 
surface of both of these strands, which are of the coarsest inner sec- 
tions of the I'oot. This weave is of a later origin; the plain weaving 
has been borrowed from the mainland and from the more southern 
people. It is characteristic of the cedar-bark work from Frederick 
Sound to the Straits of Fuca. It is wanting on the oldest specimens 
of Yakutat baskets. Its use is confined to the coarser work, such as 
the plaque-like berry, sewing, and workbaskets of the woman, the 
bottoms of the baskets and the unexposed tops of the covered basket. 
It is in great favor among the Chilkat, who make many large baskets. 
It is used for economy, both in the quantity and the quality of the 
material, as one woof strand is saved in every three and in the more 
valued exterior root section the saving is one-half. But its disadvan- 
tages are loss of strength, rigidity, and closeness of texture, and it 
does not admit of the embroidery in grasses and plant stems, which is 
the characteristic feature of Tlinkit basketry. (See fig. 140.) 



408 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

3. Diagonal twined weaving, Hiktch hee ha r-see (rough or uneven, 
like the skin of the frog's back, from its mottled character), is formed 
by the simple twining of two woof strands about pairs of warp ele- 
ments. The weave separates the pairs in each superimposed line of 
woof, and breaks joints in the units of weave, just as in m3^riads of Attu 
and Ute baskets. (See Plates 96, l-iS.) It is, in fact, well-known twilled 
weaving. This weave was never extensively used among the Tlinkit, 
except as a skip stitch in conjunction with the ordinary twining (No. 
1), whereby a number of geometric figures are produced which form 
the ornamentation of the Haida hat rim and the Chilkat basket border. 
As a weave it seems to have been confined to the double basket. 

Shuck kuhk (strawberry basket) has erroneously been classed as a 
type of weave, but it is simply a variation of the regular twined weave 
(No. 1), in which the woof strands are of different colors, so that in 
both the vertical and the horizontal lines there is produced a variety 
of effects, supposed to resemble the seed-covered surface of the wild 
strawberr3^ This character of ornamentation is more commonly 
found in bands on the women's workbasket and on mats of basket 
covers. The flecking of the surface of twined ware with dark and 
light spots is not confined to the Tlinkit, but will be observed among 
all Western tribes that have this weave. 

4. Crossed-warp twined weaving, Wark kus-ka rt ("eye holes" 
from the polygonal meshes of the oj^enwork weave), in which the warp 
splints are drawn aside from the perpendicular at a fixed angle, the 
odd numbers trending one way and the even numbers the other. These 
cross each other successively in parallel series, just after which they 
are inclosed and held in place by the ordinary twining of two-woof 
strands. The size of the meshes is regulated by the distance apart of 
the spirals of the weave. This type was used for rather long, flat 
cases or bags, but more particularly for spoon baskets, which are fit- 
ted with a twisted root handle to hang them to hooks or pegs on the 
wall. In later years ornamental baskets are often made in this weave. 

5. Three-strand twined weaving, Uh ta'hk-ka (twisted). This gives 
a longer winding, rope-like appearance to the weave outside, while 
on the inside the regular twining stitch in its ridge-like regularity is 
seen. It is strengthening as well as decorative and is often met with 
in circles at intervals near the bottoms of the larger, older baskets, 
which are required for the heavier work. It is in general use to-day 
as a single line of woof around the outer circumference of the cylin- 
der basket, where the warp splints are bent upward to form the 
sides. Its more important use has been in the construction of the 
crown of the hat as well as of the cylindrical ornaments surmounting 
it, and other ceremonial headdresses among both the Haida and the 
Tlinkit. 

The Tlinkit do not seem to have learned, or were forbidden by 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



409 



economy, in doubling the warp splints, to use strips from the outside 
of the root and to lay the wrong sides together so as to have both sur- 
faces smooth. This is shown in the mixed twine and checker work 
on the bottoms of baskets. 

Plate ltt6 is a collection of Tlinkit twined basketr}^ made from the 
roots of the spruce and decorated in false embroidery with wild rye or 
hair grass, either in the natural color or dj^ed. It will be observed that 
the figures do not appear on the inside of the wallet. Attention is also 
called to the very fine workmanship on these old specimens, especially 
upon the large one in the middle. The ornamentation, in its symbolism, 




' : B^^ffigf ? P' ^ ^^ i gg a tfJfc^*'^ 



Fig. 137. 

twined basket wallet. 

Tlinkit Indians, Alaska. 

Collected by J. B. White. 



has reference to natural features and waterways. The composition of 
the ornament is in triangles and parallelograms. 

Fig. 137, Catalogue No. 21660 U. S. National Museum, is a twined 
basket wallet of the Tlinkit Indians. It is of band-box shape when 
spread out, but here shown as folded for transportation. The bottom, 
warp, and twine is very roughly made of spruce root splints, the 
former radiating from the center. The boundary of the bottom is a 
single row of three-strand twine. This method of ornamenting and 
strengthening their work was used by the Tlinkits, not only at the 
bottom, but along the sides and near the top. The rest of the body is 
in stripes of natural spruce root color, in black and Indian red, done 
in false embroidery. 



410 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Figs. 138 and 139 illustrate the method of making false embroidery 
on the basketry of the Tlinkit Indians. As the woman proceeds with 
her work she wraps the grass stem once around each strand of the 
regular twine when it comes outside. On the inside, therefore, there 
is no appearance of ornament; the figure plainly shows how this work 
is done and it might be called a type of three-strand twined weaving in 

which one of the elements passes inside 
the warp. Ornamentation on this ware is 
also produced b}^ dyeing the filaments of 
which the basket is made. This specimen 
is Catalogue No. 20726 in the U. S. National 
Museum, and was collected by James G. 
Swan. 

Fig. 140, from the Tlinkit tribes about 
Fort Wrangell, in southeastern Alaska, is 
a carrying wallet for general purposes. 
It is an interesting and important speci- 
,men in that it forms the connecting link 
between common plain in and out weaving 
and twined work, both plain and twilled, 
from the tribes immediately north and the Haidas. The specimen 
is made of spruce root and the rows of weaving are alternately 
twined and wicker over the entire surface of the wallet. In examples 
already described this combination of two weaves was seen on the bot- 
toms, for economy, but in this piece the whole surface was thus cov- 
ered. The coarser type is shown in fig. 141 from the Tlinkit Indians 
taken from the bottom of basket work inclosing a bottle. It will be 




Fig. 138. 

false embroidery. 

Tlinkit Indians, Alaska. 

Collected by J. G. Swan. 




Pig. 139. 
detail op false embroidery. 



seen that the first few rounds ax-e plain twined work; after that the 
rows are far enough apart to allow an additional row of wickerwork 
or beading. 

Specimen Catalogue No. 168163 in the U. S. National Museum was 
collected in southeastern Alaska by Herbert G. Ogden, and specimen 
No. 73756 was collected in Neah Bay, Washington, by James G. Swan. 

Plate 147 represents a group of the Tlinkit Indian basket makers. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 411 

They were named Kolosch by the Russians more than a hundred years 
ago, because they wore labrets, or plugs in their lips. The woman 




Fig. 140. 

cakeying wallet. 

Tlinkit Indians, Alaska. 

Collected by Herbert G. Ogdeii. 



on the left side of the picture has a modest one in her lower lip, but 
specimens in the National Museum measure as much as 3 inches in 
diameter. Owing to the broken condition of their island home and 



Fig. 141. 

twined and wickek "weave. 

Tlinkit Indians, Alaska. 

Cat. No. 73765, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. G. Swan. 



the large ownership of personal property they are divided into innu- 
merable villages or Kwans. The best known basket makers are 



412 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Chilkats, Hunahs, Sitkas, Takoos, Tongass, and Yakutats/' It will 
be noted in looking- at the women iu the group that the TlinKits are a 
well-fed, vigorous race. The Russians spoke well of them, not only 
for their physical qualities but for their intelligence. 

The group is a study in more respects than in basketry. They are 
all clad in trade goods. As to jewelry, one wears her rings on her 
fingers, but the chief woman has hers in the septum of her nose. Old 
forms of basketry are mingled with covered bottles and the ubiquitous 
can (Kanastron), formerly a basket both in Greek and Tlinkit, stands 
by the side of the genuine article. Before leaving the group it is 

worth while to recall that 
with thrifty tribes new tricks 
of handicraft are readily 
borrowed and too much 
stress must not be laid on 
the assumption of identity 
of race because, of identity 
of art. It is worth while to 
linger here a moment. The 
Attu woman as well as the 
old time Algonquian tribes 
did suspend warp for bas- 
kets and matting, but here 
among the Chilkat is to be 
seen the pristiije loom. It 
is not surprising when it is 
remembered that here the 
Rocky Mountain goat is at 
home. 

On the main land of the 
northern Pacific slope the 
mountain goat ( Oreamnos 
onontanus) abounds. From the Chilkat Indians about Mount St. Elias 
southward to the Nez Perces of Idaho, blankets are woven from the 
wool. These fabrics are, in their manufacture, the transition from 
basketry to loom work. The}^ are in twined weaving. The only 
shuttles are the skillful fingers of Indian women; the warp hangs down 
loose from a pole or bar, and the work of twine is upward, precisely 
as in Haida basketry. (See Plate 148.) 

Vernon Bailey says of the material that the winter coat of the 
mountain goat is a dense piece of long, soft wool, with strong, coarse 
hairs scattered through it. In spring and early summer, when the 
wool is being shed, and hangs in loose strings on the goat, it catches 
on bushes and rocks and the low branches of timber line trees. On 

a On the Ethnology of the Tribes of the West Coast, see Franz Boas, in the Pro- 
ceedings of the British Association for 1884 and following years. 




Fig. 142. 

WALLET. 

Chilkat Indians, Southeastern Alaska. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 



418 



the slopes above timber line in May and June every bush and 
tall dry weed will be festooned with tufts of wool that could be picked 
off in handf ulls. In a good goat region the Indians might gather wool 
enough for a large part of their 
clothing without the trouble of 
killing one. 

Fig. 11:2 is a section of a wallet 
made by the Chilkat Indians 
(Koluschan family) in southeast 
ern Alaska. The material is the 
young root of spruce. It is here 
introduced to show the effect on 
the surface of several kinds of 
weaving before described. Be- 
ginning at the bottom of the 
drawing there are eight rows of 
alternate plain twined and checker weaving. At the margin of this 
lower portion, and also at the upper margin of the drawing, will be 
found a row of twined work set on the regular twined weaving for 




Fig. 143. 
hat in fine twined weaving. 
Haida Incllan.s, British Columbia. 
J. 89033, U.S.N.M. Collected by James G. Swan. 




Pig. 144. 
detail of fig. 113. 



strength and ornament. The upper portion of the wallet is a mix- 
ture of plain twined work over one warp splint and twilled twine 
weaving over two warp splints, making a diagonal pattern on the 
surface. The rope is made of the same material. 



414 



EBPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

HAIDA BASKETEY 



The Haicla Indians live on Queen Charlotte Archipelago and adjacent 
islands Their basket work is all in twined weaving and differs from 

that of the Tlinkits in 
artistic finish onlj^ owing 
probably to the demands 
of trade. Their wallets 
of spruce are devoid of 
decoration, save here and 
there a band in plain 
black color, as -would be 
the Tlinkit without em- 
broidery; but hats made 
by these I\idians are mas- 
terpieces in execution and 
ornamental weaving. The 
crown is in three strand 
or plain twined weaving 
of the most delicate work- 
manship, and the fabric 
is perfectly water-tight 
when thoroughly wet. 
Ornamentation is intro- 
duced into the brims by 
a series of diamond pat. 
terns in twilled weave 
covering the whole sur- 
face. This decoration is 
produced thus: Beginning 

at a certain point, the weaver includes two warp strands in a half twist 

instead of one; then makes two regular twists around single waip 

strands. The next time she weaves around 

she repeats the process, but her double 

stitch is one warp stem in advance of or 

behind its predecessor. A twilled effect of 

any shape may be thus produced, and 

rhombs, triangulated fillets, and chevrons 

made to appear on either surface. (See 

figs. Ii3 and UL) 

The fastening off of the work is done 
either by bending down the free ends of 
the warp and shoving them out of sight 
under the stitches of the twisted web or a 
braid of four strands forms the last row, set on so that the bi aid 
shows outside and only one strand at a time shows inside. The ends 
of the warp splints are then cropped close to the braid. 




Fig. 145. 

twined openwokk basket. 

Haida Indians. 

Cat. No. 889M, U.S.N.M. Collected by James G. Swan. 




FIG. 146. 
DETAIL OP FIG. 116. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



415 



Special attention should be paid to the fact that the ornamentation 
on these hats is painted and not woven. 
(See fig. 143.) Not far away, on the 
mainland, the same motives appear on 
blankets, woven into the texture. Figs. 
143 and 144 show the head, wings, feet, 
and tail of the duck, laid on in black 
and red in the conventional manner 
of ornamentation in vogue among the 
Haidas and used in the reproduction 
of their various totems on all of their 
houses, wood and slate carvings, and 
the ornamentation of their implements." 
Shells, beads, and feathers are often 
sewed on in profusion. 

Catalogue No. 88964, collected by 
J. G. Swan, is a twined openwork bas- 
ket of spruce root made by the Haida 
Indians. This piece of coarse work- 
manship shows both phases — the open 
and the close weave in rough inner 
splints. The handle is a twine of the 
same material fastened into the weaving 
while it is in progress. The border is 
effected by bending down the warp ele- 
ments at the rim externally and sewing 
them in place with a row of twined 
weaving. 

A sq uare inch of this specimen taken 
near the top, where the open work and 
the close work come together, is shown. 
(See figs. 145,146.) 

Fig. 147 shows an unfinished Haida 
cylindrical basket. In order to explain 
the process of manufacture, the bottom 
is in plain twined weaving; at the border 
where this joins the cylindrical side is a 
row of three strand; and four rows of 
plain twined weaving of the body come 
next, the unfinished portion exhibiting 
the warp as it appears before weaving. 




Fig. 147. 

unfinished basket. 

Haida Indians. 

Collected by James G. Swan. 



« A very interesting instance of survival is to be seen in the rag carpets of these 
Indians. The missionaries have taught the women to save up their rags and to cover 
their floors with pretty mats. They are allowed to weave them in their own way, 
however, and the result is constructed on the ancient twined model, precisely as the 
weaving is done on the mats and hats. 



416. 



BEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



fitim" 



^XiS^"^^^^ 



Especial attention is here called to the sharpened stake which has a 
circular board on top. This is driven into the ground, and the woman 
seated works upward instead of downward, as in most cases. This 
specimen, Catalogue No. 89033 in the U. S. National Museum, was 
procured in Queen Charlotte Archipelago hy James G. Swan. (See 
fig. 148.) It will be remembered that in an ancient drawing showing 
how the Virginia women made basketry the woman is seated in pre- 
cisely the same fashion and is working from below upward. 

Plate 149 represents old twined 
wallets of the Haida Indians, Queen 
Charlotte Island, British Columbia. 
The material is splints of spruce, 
some of which have been dyed sim- 
ply by immersing in dark-colored 
mud. The Haidas used little color 



decoration other than black bands 
in their work, but they have learned 
the art of producing figures by in- 
cluding more than warp element in 
the twining. They also know the 
art of three-strand twined work, as 
will be seen on the upper border 
of the two larger wallets. The 
borders are finished off by false 
embroider}'. 

Plate 150 represents a company of Haida Indian basketmakers, pho- 
tographed by J. G. Swan. They are in modern dress, but wear nose 
ring and labret common to their tribe. 




Fig. 148. 

virginia indian woman weaving a basket. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



THE FEASEE-COLUMBIA EEGION 

Basketry is the most expressive vehicle of the tribe's individualltv. the embodiment of its 
mythology end folklore, tradition, poetry, art, and spiritual aspiration. — Neltje Blanchan. 

The next general area for studj^ will be the drainage region of the 
Fraser River and the Columbia River. The families to be visited will 
be the Chimmeseyan, Wakashan or Aht, Salishan, Shahaptian, and 
Chinookan. Other smaller groups are scattered around and will be 
treated at the proper place in the text. The transition fi'om south- 
eastern Alaska to this area is almost imperceptible in some respects 
and radical in others. The Tlinkit false embroideiy will not disap- 
pear, but it will be remanded to a far humbler place. The roots and 
inner bark of the cedar will occupy the front rank. Coiled and imbri- 
cated work, unknown among the Tlinkits and Haidas, will bloom out 
in British Columbia and Washington. The semiflexible wallet will 
be replaced by the rigid cooking basket and the soft bags of hemp. 
The differentiation from the next area south of it will also be marked. 



ABOBIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 



417 



The small Chimmeseyan family, also called Tsimshian and better 
known as Nass, are the extreme northern of the group. Their bas- 
ketry is of root and runs largely into the mixed twined, checker, and 
twilled. 

Necessarily coming southward from the spruce-root country to the 
cedar area would have the effect to change much of the basketry from 
rigid surfaces to flexible and from twined weaving to checker and 
twilled work. The National Museum possesses no specimens of 
Chimmeseyan ware of striking individuality. 

The Wakashan tribes occupy northern and western Vancouver Island, 
the coast of British Columbia, and a small point of land in the north- 
west corner of Washington. Thej^ are generally known by the name 
Aht or Nootka on Vancouver Island, and include Boas's Kwakiutl 
and the Bella Bella and Haeltzuk on the mainland. In recent years 
they have been studied by Boas, by Tolmie and Dawson, and by Swan. 

A list of authorities will be found 
given by J. W. Powell" and by Boas.^ 

In addition to the matting, both 
checker and twilled, quite common 
throughout this region, the Wakashan 
tribes of Vancouver Island and Wash- 
ington make a type of basketry which 
is called in this paper the bird-cage or 
wrapped twined work, in which one 
element of the weft remains inside 
of the basket, and the other element, 
which is more flexible, is wrapped 
about the decussations of the' warp 
and the rigid element of the weft. It 
might also be called the "fish- trap" style, since without doubt the finer 
basketry is the lineal descendant of the rude wicker fish trap. Imagine 
a number of stakes driven into the ground pretty close together. A 
horizontal pole is laid against them in the rear, and by the wrappings 
of a withe around the pole and each upright stake diagonally on the 
outside and vertically on the inside a spiral fastening is produced. It 
is shown in the openwork basket, Catalogue No. 23480, U. S. National 
Museum, made by a Clallam Indian. This wrapping crosses the two 
fundamentals in front at an angle and the horizontal frame piece in the 
rear at right angles, and the lacing may always run in the same direc- 
tion, or the alternate rows of lacing maj run in opposite directions, 
as in fig. 149. As a matter of fact, in a soft and pliable material this 
operation pushes the uprights forward a little, giving to the fabric an 
appearance of the lathe work on the back of a watch. (See fig. 150.) 

« Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891, p. 128. 
6 Eeports to the British Association, 1889-1891. 

NAT MUS 1902 27 




Fig. 149. 

detail of wrapped basket. 

Clallam Indians. 

Collected by J. G. Swan. 



418 



BEPOKT OF KATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



The Wakashan weaving is not confined to this particular technic, 
but, as will be seen in the illustrations here shown (fig. 161), it is 
checker work on the bottom, three-ply twine between, separating the 




Fig . 150. 

wrapped twined basket. 

Makah Indians, Cape Flattery. 

Collected by James G. Swan. 

checker work from the plain twine which completes the bottom. The 
sides are built up of cedar-bark warp, both vertical and horizontal, and 
a wrapping of golden-colored grass stems. These straws take different 

colored dyes readily, and so the Ma- 
kahs have learned to ornament their 
baskets with geometric patterns in 
black, yellow, drab, red, blue, etc, 
The pattern, therefore, is alike on 
both sides, although the wrappings 
are, as in Clallam, Nez Perce, and 
other specimens, inclined on the out- 
side and vertical on the inside. The 
rows of wrappings run at an angle 
of 15 degrees, which separate the 
elements, having a rhomboid ap- 
pearance. 

This specimen. Catalogue No. 23346 
in the U. S. National Museum, was 
collected, with many others (Nos. 
23343 to 23368), in Neah Bay, Washington, by James G. Swan. (See 
figs. 149-151.) 

In the Peabody Museum of Harvard University are eight old bas 
ket hats, supposed, by C. C. Willoughby, to have originated among 
the Southern Wakashan tribes, probably the Nutkas. Lewis and 




Fig. 151. 
bottom of makah basket. 



ABORIGINAL AMEBIC AN BASKETEY. 



419 



Clark described them as "made of cedar bark and bear grass inter- 
woven in the form of a European hat with small brim. They formed a 
a small article of traffic with the whites, and their manufacture is one 
of the best exertions of Indian industry." They say that "the only 
covering for their head is a hat made of bear grass and the bark of 
cedar interwoven in a cone form with a knob of the same shape at 
the top. The colors are generally biack and white only, and the 
designs are squares, triangles, and rude figures of canoes and seamen 
harpooning whales." Captain Cook found the same form of head 
covering worn by the Indians of Nutka Sound. (See Plate 151.) 

Mr. Willoughby ** describes the hats in tne Peabody Museum (Plate 
151) as follows: 

They are all in twined weaving, and are made principally of cedar bark and grass 
spires. The construction is double, as shown in the cross section (fig. 153). Each 
headpiece consists really of two hats, an inner and an outer one, joined at the rim, the 




Fig. 152. 
detail of ntjtka eat. 

After C. C. Willoughby, Peabody Museum. 



Fig. 153. 

cross section of nutka hat. 

After C. C. "Willoughby, Peabody Musuem. 



last few pairs of twisted woof elements of the outer hat inclosing also the ends of the 
warp of the inner. The inner hat, or lining, is coarsely but neatly woven of cedar 
bark, and only in one specimen is there a knob at the top of the lining correspond- 
ing to that of the outer hat. Upon the underside at about 3 inches from the 
rim each warp element is doubled upon itself, forming a loop about three-fourths of 
an inch long. Through these loops is run a strong double cord of Indian hemp. 
The loops are bound together by twined weaving (fig. 152), and form an inner rim 
edged with the cord of hemp, which fits the head snugly. To this is fastened the 
thong which passes beneath the chin of the wearer. 

The exterior or outer hat is woven principally of grass spires and cedar bark. In 
most of the specimens a narrow strip below the knob is made of fine cedar roots. 
The warp appears to be formed of split roots, and is fine and strong. The grass ot 
the woof was originally an ivory white, the selected cedar bark used in conjunction 
with it being usually stained a dark brown or black. 

Each strand of the twisted pair of woof elements forming the design is composed 
of a grass spire overlaying a strip of cedar bark of the same width, the strand 

a American Naturalist, XXXVII, 1903, pp. 65-68 



420 BEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

thus formed being white upon one side and black upon the other. These double 
strands are used not only where figures appear, but throughout the groundwork 
of the design as well. The figures are principally black upon a white ground. In 
forming them the strands are simply reversed, the black sides which were con- 
cealed beneath the grass spires in the white background being carried outward. 
In some of the specimens the knob at the top is woven separately and afterwards 
joined to the hat. (See figs. 152,15.3.) 

Comparing the descriptions with the technical processes worked out 
in this paper, it is evident that the Nutka tribes understood what 
is called overlaying. It is not the Makah wrapped weaving nor 
like the Nez Perce and other Shahaptian weave, but will be found 
in the Modoc and other California tribes as well as abundantl}'' 
among the Salish. (See Plate 165, fig. 6.) The double hat is sug- 
gestive of the Orient, from which the roj^al Spanish fleet returned 
by way of Vancouver ever}^ year for two centuries (1570-1770). 

The National Museum has an example of twilled weaving from Van- 
couver Island, which should be compared with Clallam ware. It is a 
large fish basket made from the split root of a cedar. Attempts at 
ornamentation are, first, in using alternately the smooth, natural 
wood and the inner, coarse surface of the splint, also by introducing 
strips in cedar root with the bark adherent, and finally, by laying on 
the outside certain strips the leaves of bear grass. With this variety 
of material, although the basket is as coarse as it can be, the effect is 
^excellent. The finishing off' is in three rows of twined weaving, in 
which black j^arn and bear grass are laid on the fiber to give variety 
and color. The upright elements in the weaving are bent down on 
the inside and held together by a continuous row of buttonhole stitches. 
On the border is a scallop formed by a two-strand rope which passes 
underneath the border, back and through itself. Dimensions: height, 
18 inches; width, 21 inches. Collected by G. T. Emmons. (See 
Plate 162.) 

Plate 153 is a delightful mixture of two extremes in culture. Two 
Makah or Nutka women are clad in calico, woolen blanket, piano cover, 
bandana handkerchiefs, etc., not neglecting the latest patent in safety 
pins. They are seated on a mat of cattail {Ttjpha latifolia) stems, 
sewed together in genuine aboriginal fashion, known before Columbus. 
And their fingers are following their conservative thoughts as though 
these cunning weavers had been born centui'ies ago. The}^ are making 
from filaments of cedar bark and leaves of squaw grass the kind of 
twined weaving called wrapped in this paper (figs. 13, 11). The warp 
is plain, twisted from cedar bark. One element of the weft is of 
the same material and laid horizontally inside the warp; the other 
weft element, of squaw grass {Xeroj>hyllum tenax), is wrapped in a 
continuous coil about the intersections of the other two elements. 
The photograph is from Capt. D. F. Tozier. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 421 

One of the largest families and most diversified, so far as industries 
are concerned, are the Salishan tribes, east and south of the Wakashan 
A small and detached body of them are to be found on Bentinck Arms, 
northern British Columbia, hemmed in on the east by Athapascan 
tribes and on the west by Wakashan tribes. The rest of the family are 
spread out in British Columbia and Washington, extending from 
Puget Sound northward, southward, and eastward across Idaho and 
even into Montana. A small body of the same family are on the 
Oregon coast, about the forty-fifth parallel. 

Situated as these tribes are, in the midst of so many other linguistic 
families, it is not surprising to find a great variety in the types of 
their basketry. In the plates here shown (Plates 154 and 15.5) fig. 1 
represents plain checker weaving; fig. 2, twilled weaving, in which 
both warp and weft pass over two; fig. 3, another form of twilled 
work, in which warp and weft pass alternately over two and under one. 
Figs. 4 and 5 show the methods of coiled and imbricated sewing 
in the bottom and on the body of a Thompson Piver or a so-called 
Klikitat basket. Especial attention will be called later to these 
types. Fig. 6 is plain twined weaving in openwork. Fig. 7 is an 
example of plain twined weaving in openwork over crossed warp 
of a special character in which every alternate one is vertical and 
the other inclined.- It can be easily seen by looking at the figure 
that warps arranged vertically and parallel, every other one turns 
to the left and is caught, not in the twist just. above it, but in the 
first one beyond. Figs. 8 and 9 show the outside and inside of lat- 
ticed or bird-cage work; fig. 10, a form of twined work in which 
the tough fiber is overlaid by grass leaves or other colored fiber, 
adding to the ornamentation but not to the strength; fig. 11, false 
embroidery, in which the outer element of the twine is wrapped 
with an additional filament. Myron Eells, who has spent many 
years among them, and to whom Plates 154 and 155 are to be 
credited, asserts that styles of weaving peculiar to the stocks near by 
are practiced by a few women of Salishan tribes. This can be accounted 
for in two ways — women from these outside stocks may have married 
into the tribes under consideration, or, as is frequently the case, the 
Salish women, in order to learn something new, have taken up the 
methods of their neighbors. 

Immediately south of the Haidas and Tlinkits, the bark of the 
white cedar {Thuja plicata) becoming common, the inner portion is 
quite tenacious, and since filaments of almost any required width and 
length may be obtained, checkerwork weaving is in demand for mats, 
sails, receptacles for all sorts of objects, parts of house furniture, 
and even of clothing. The figure here shown is a typical example 
of many hundreds of such baskets to be found in collections. The 



422 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



bottom and sides are in the same type of weaving. By an endless 
variety of real and proportional width of warp and weft and by col- 
oring some of the strips an indefinite number of patterns may be 
produced. (See fig. 164.) 

In many cedar-bark receptacles of this region the two sets of fila- 
ments — warp and weft — run diagonally; that is, the}^ are not woven 
as in a loom, but the maker begins at the corner. Looked at verti- 
cally^, the surface has a diamond rather than a checker appearance, but 
from the point of view of the maker the intersections are square. 
Again, but much more rarely, three sets of filaments are involved, 
two belonging to the warp and the other one to the weft. The warp 
elements cross at right angles or less, and the weft element runs 
across through the intersections, making a series of rhombs. This 
same technic is almost universal in Japan. 




Fig. 154. 

checkerwoek basket. 

Bilhula Indians, British Columbia. 

Collected by James G. Swan. 



In addition to the oblique method of weaving the checker patterns 
in cedar bark, occasional diagonally or twilled weaving is to be seen 
in the same area. 

A large collection of these were gathered by James G. Swan along 
the coast of British Columbia, and are now for examination in the 
U. S. National Museum. 

Ornamentation in bark work is effected both by introducing different 
colored strands and by varying the width of the warp and the woof 
threads. In many examples the bottom of the basket is bordered and 
outlined with one or more rows of the twined or plaited style of weav- 
ing to give greater stability and definition to the form. Cedar mats of 
large size and made with the greatest care enter as extensively into 
the daily life of the Indians of this vicinity as do the buffalo robes into 
that of the Dakota Indians. 

The Bilhulas made very neat baskets, called "Zeibusqna" as well 
as bats and water-tight vessels, all of fine cedar roots. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 423 

They boil the cedar root until it becomes pliable to be worked by the hand and 
beaten with sticks, when they pick the fibers apart into threads. . The warp is of a 
different material — sinews of the whale, or dried kelp thread. 

They also are expert in weaving the inner bark of the cedar. 

It is not astonishing that a material so easily woven should have 
found its way so extensively in the industries of this stock of Indians. 
Neither should we wonder that the checker pattern in weaving should 
first appear on the west coast among the only people possessing a 
material eminently adapted to this form of manipulation. It is only 
another example of that beautiful harmony between man and nature 
which delights the anthropologist at every step of his journey. 

Farther south in British Columbia a Sahsh people demanding care- 
ful attention are those formerly called Couteau or Knife Indians by 
the Hudson Bay Company's people. Their home is the southern 
interior of British Columbia, mostly east of the Coast Range, and is 
about 100 miles long and 90 miles wide. Their basketry is described 
by James Teit of Spences Bridge, British Columbia.'* The basket 
work above Lytton is of birch bark, spruce bark, and willow twigs, 
and the rims ornamented with stitches made from the bark of Primus 
demiasa. The Indians on the lower division of the Thompson River 
and on the Upper Fraser make beautiful coiled and imbricated baskets 
of cedar roots {Thuja jpliGatd) This type of basketry is also made by 
the Chilcotin and Lillooet, and Shushwap, who are said to employ 
spruce root. 

William Arnott, of North Bend, gives the following Thompson River 
Indian names for baskets: Tsai, ordinary oblong style; spanach, 
small oblong and square; spa panach, very small; uikwoeten, round; 
spanikwoeten, small round; sklokw, very large. 

Wallets are made of a twined weaving, the character of which is 
shown in Teit's fig. 132. Designs on these fabrics are in embroidery 
or by weaving colored grasses or bark twine into the fabric, as 
shown in the same figure. This style of weaving seems to have been 
acquired recently through intercourse with the Sahaptin. 

The Lower Thompson Indians weave mats of strips of cedar bark of 
the same style as those used by the coast Indians (Teifs fig. 133). 

At the present day rag mats or rugs are often made from scraps of 
cloth, calico, etc. The patterns on these are mostly the same as those 
on basketry. 

The Thompson Indians also practice twined weaving m coarse bag- 
ging and in matting from tule {Scirpus), bulrush {Tyjpha latifolia), and 
the twined weft of the bark of Apocynum cannahinum. These Indians 
also knew how to make mats by stringing them. The reed or stick is 
perforated at two or more places and a cord passed through the holes. 

It is interesting to find among them also blankets made from twisted 

"Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, II, 1900, pp. 163-392. 



424 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

strips of rabbit skin used as weft and laid together by twined weaving. 
Attention is especially called to a method of ornamental overlaying 
among the Thompson River Indians that has not a wide distribution. 
An ordinai^y wallet is made of twined work from the fiber of Apocynum 
cannahhimn and Asclepias speciosa. In the fabric these do not differ 
from the world-wide twined weaving, but in the ornamentation a strip 
of grass or other colored material — maybe corn husk — is wrapped 
around the twined work as it proceeds. Comparing this with the 
Makah wrapped work the twined weft takes the place of the strip laid 
behind the vertical warps, the wrapping is precisely the same, but in 
the Thompson River work the patterns are quite similar on both 
sides, only the elements are oblique on the outside and vertical on the 
inside. 

The weaving of blankets by basketry processes was formerly an 
important industr}^ among them. The coast Indians utilized both dog 
hair and goat hair in their manufacture, but the Thompson Indians 
seemed to have used the latter only. Sometimes the wool was made 
whiter or cleaned by mixing a quantity of baked white diatomaceous 
earth with it and beating the whole with a flat stick. The manner of 
making the thread is exactly the same as that described by Dr. Boas 
for the process employed by the Songish. The loom and spindle are 
also the same, excepting that both disk and shaft of the latter are of 
wood. The whole process of blanket making and the implements used 
are said to be exactly the same as those found among the Lower Eraser 
Indians. Most blankets had a fringe of tassels, 6 to 9 inches in length, 
along one end. Black bear's hair made into threads, and spun threads 
of goat's hair dyed either yellow with lichens or red with alder bark, 
were woven into the blankets in patterns similar to those used in bas- 
ketry. The Indians of Spuzzum continue to make these blankets at 
the present day. 

For making nets, threads of the bark of Apocynum canm,ahi7iuin were 
used. A wooden netting stick (Teit's fig. ISi) served for making the 
meshes of equal size. The meshes were tied with a square knot. 

The Rev. Myi'on Eells states that the imbricated basketry is made 
by the Puyallups, Twanas, Snohomish, Clallam, Skagit, Cowlitz, Che- 
halis, Nisqually, Spokan, and Squakson who are Salish, as well as 
by the Yakima and Klikitat Indians of middle and western Wash- 
ington who are Shahaptian. Only women and girls are basket 
makers; they use in securing material the ordinar}^ i-oot digger. 
Pieces of the desired length and about the thickness of a finger are 
buried in the ground to keep them fresh. When required they are 
taken out and peeled with a sharp stone or knife and hung up to 
dry. When needed they are split into long strips by means of the 
bone awl. The pieces of the desired width and thickness throughout 
are used for stitching; the others form the foundation of the coil, 



ABOKIQINAL AMERICAN BA8KETEY. 425 

which in the weaving is kept of uniform thickness by adding fresh 
material. Foundations are also in narrow strips of wood. Mr. Teit 
makes the important assertion that the stitches of the preceding coil 
are intentionally split by the awl. Examples of this kind of work are 
common in collections. On the bottom and back as well as ends of the 
baskets ornamental strips are often overlaid or decorated by a proc- 
ess here called beading. In many examples strips of cedar and other 
woods are used as foundations. The method of ornamentation employed 
is imbrication, described on page 310, the material for the overlaying 
being a glossy yellow-white grass. 

As soon as enough is known about the geographic distribution of 
this imbricated type of weaving a better classification can be made. 
The following characteristics will sufiice as a general guide: 

1. Foundation. — Either a bundle of splints, somewhat cylindrical in 
form, or narrow flat strips of wood usually laid in pairs. 

2. Sewing. — All done in splints of root; in some baskets the stitch 
is carefull}^ and systematically bifurcated on the outside, in others 
whole. 

3. Bottom. — Either a flat spiral circular or ellipticfl in outline, as 
in most of the Washington varieties and in some of the farthest 
removed of the British Columbia specimens, or a series of straight 
rows of sewing. The bottoms of many of the baskets of this last type 
arc receding, and even a border is built up outside of the structure of 
the basket. (Compare Plate 157 with Plate 163.) 

1. General shape. — Either conical, rectangular, pyramidal, or 
fanciful. 

5. Decoration. — Designs covering the whole surface; designs on the 
upper part of the surface only; and designs around the middle, leaving 
the top and bottom plain or separately figured. In some beading is 
mixed with the imbricated ornament. It may not amount to tribal 
dift'erences, but some baskets are decorated in front with imbrications, 
and plain or beaded on the back and ends. It is impossible with the 
knowledge at present in hand to make a perfect ethnic chart of this 
wonderfull}" varied type of workmanship. 

Plate 156 is a covered basket box in imbricated coiled work, from 
Douglas Harbor, British Columbia, now in the collection of Fred 
Harvey, Albuquerque, New Mexico. The foundation and sewing are 
of cedar or spruce root, and the imbrications ai'e in squaw grass and 
cedar bark. The noticeable feature in this specimen is the coiled 
work. In order to diminish the amount of sewing, the basket maker 
has thought of the expedient used hy the Mescalero Apache Indians 
of the south, and seen on specimens from other localities, of widening 
the foundation of the coil. In the Douglas Harbor examples, strips 
of wood take the place of two or more stems arranged one above 
another. 

Plate 157 represents Thompson River and Fraser River coiled 



426 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



baskets, showing both imbrication and overlaying with grass. The 
specimens shown in this plate are in the collection of Miss A. M. Lang, 
The Dalles, Oregon. They should be examined carefully with respect 
to the characteristics of foundation, stitch, shape, design, and quality 
mentioned above. 

Fig. 156 is a precious old coiled and imbricated basket. The bot- 
tom is made up of fifteen foundation rods laid parallel. Each one of 
these is overlaid by a strip of bright yellow squaw grass. Thus pre- 
pared, these rods are sewed together by coil stitching, which are split 
or bifurcated, and some trif urcated in the operation. Again, while 
the stitching is solid on the inside, those in sight are from one-eighth 
to one-fourth of an inch apart on the . outside, showing that every 
other stitch is under the straw. On the outside of this rectangular 




FlQ. 155. 

COILED AND IMBRICATED BASKET. 
Cat. No. 60235, "D.S.N.M. Collected by J. J. Maeleau. 



bottom the regular coiled woi'k begins and the body is built up, the 
stitches all being concealed by what in this treatise is called imbricated 
ornament or knife plaiting, carefully described and illustrated else- 
where. In this example the ornamentation is in squaw grass, cherry 
bark, and cedar bark, dyed black. (See figs. 52-55.) 

The foundation of the coiled work is not a single rod, but a bunch 
of splints made from the cedar root. Catalogue No. 60235 in the 
U. S. National Museum was procured fi'om Sitka, Alaska, Indians by 
J. J. McLean, to which place it had doubtless drifted in trade from 
the Eraser River region. Its length is 8i inches and height 3f inches. 

Mr. Hill-Tout reports that for boiling their food the N'tlaka pamuq 
tribe (Salishan family), on the Eraser and the Thompson River, always 
used basket kettles made like their other basketry from the split roots 
of the cedar. These roots are sometimes red and black, and very 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 427 

beautif 111 patterns are made from the three different colors. The red 
dye was obtained from the bark of the alder tree, and the dark stain 
was obtained by soaking the roots" in black slime or mud, or from the 
root of a fern (Franz Boas). 

Dr. Gr. M. Dawson, in his " Notes on the Shuswap people of British 
Columbia," tells us that these baskets were made from roots of the 
spruce, and Dr. Boas, in his report on the Shuswaps, informs us that 
the basketry of the Shuswaps and N'tlaka pamuq always used the 
root of the cedar. As the N'tlaka pamuq were preeminent in basket 
making, it is possible that the information gained by Mr. Hill-Tout 
may be accepted as correct, although the cedar {Thuja) is not abun- 
dant in the Thompson River country.* So skillfully did the women 
make these baskets that they would hold liquids without trouble. In 
preparing food two kettles were used, one containing water for wash- 
ing off any dirt that might adhere to the heated stones, and the other 
for holding the food. In boiling salmon for eating, the fish were tied 
up in birch bark to prevent breaking and falling to pieces. 

The Washington or southern imbricated ware is far more true to 
the old type than the northern, as examples will show. It may be 
divided roughly between Salishan and Shahaptian. (See Plate 158.) 

The Klikitat or Shahaptian basket (Plate 158, fig. 2) is thus made: 
The foundation consists of the roots of young spruce and cedar trees. 
The}^ are macerated and split or torn into shreds and soaked for a long 
time. The materials for the ornamentation are thus prepared. Most 
of it is of squaw grass {Xerophyllwrn tenax). It grows on the east side 
of the Cascade Mountains and can be gathered only during the late 
summer, when the snow has melted and the grass has matured. The 
broad leaves are split into the requisite width and if they are to retain 
their natural color are soaked in water only. To be dyed they are 
soaked in mud and charcoal for black, in a dye from willow bark for 
brown, and a long time in water for yellow. In some cases cedar bast is 
dyed black instead of the grass, but it is not so durable, or willow bark 
takes the place of the grass, but the surface shrivels. With the three 
elements of structure around her, the Klikitat basket maker makes up a 
roll of root splints for the beginning of her foundation, which she wraps 
at one end for an inch with sewing splint. Doubling this she begins 
her over and over sewing, splitting, sometimes with exquisite taste and 
care, the wood of the stitch underneath. The ornamentation covering 
more or less the surface of every Klikitat basket, called imbricated 
work, is laid on in the process of manufacture. The woman (1) catches 
the end of a strip of grass or bark under a stitch, (2) bends the strip 
forward to cover the stitch, (3) bends it back on itself, leaving about 

o- According to Dr. Boas the black dye was obtained from the fern root. It is pos- 
sible it was gotten in both ways. 

6 Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1899, p. 511. 



428 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

one-eighth of an inch for the next stitch to rest on, (4) makes her 
stitch, draws it home, and bends the grass strip over and cov^ers it. 
It is a Icind of knife plaiting held doyyn by coiled sewing and is an 
invention of this region." 

Plate 158, fig. 1, is an example of the Salishan or older type on the 
coast of Washington. It is specimen No. 2612, U. S. National Museum, 
collected by Capt. Charles Wilkes. 

.The imbricated basketry of Washington is divided by Mrs. Molson 
into two classes, by districts. The eastern slope of the Cascade or 
Yakima district belongs to the arid plateau of eastern Washington 
and the basket technic is heavy, staunch, and of good workmanship, 
but it shows the effect of climate. But the western or Cowlitz River 
district produced the perfect imbricated basket, with more coils to 
the inch, more stitches in the same space and also more beautiful 
designs. 

I am indebted to Mrs. Harriet K. McArthur for copies of the old 
records relating to the southern imbricated baskets. The most abso- 
lutely beautiful and perfect baskets of this type were made on Cowlitz 
and Lewis rivers in Washington. These places are but a short dis- 
tance from Portland, over in Washington. No imbricated baskets 
were ever made south of the Columbia, the finest and best are from 
west of the Cascade Mountains. The shaping is more graceful, being 
woven much finer, and the designs are far more intricate. They 
rarely have the openings around the top for lacing strings. Beautiful 
ones come from the Skokomish Reservation and from the coast, but 
they may have reached these remote places through the medium of 
trade. 

Immersion in water, charcoal, and bark dyes is practiced. Cherry 
bark is emploj^ed much in British Columbia, and sometimes by the 
Klikitats who occasionally put in willow bark which shrinks and 
leaves an ugly stitch. The rare ones with colors — not the fine old 
brown, yellow, and black, but old rose and purple, are valuable because 
they are rare. The old rose is a berry stain and the purple is from a 
root; but they will never rival the old brown in beauty. 

The typical coiled and imbricated baskets from west Washington, 
therefore, may be called the Cowlitz type. According to Dr. Boas 
most of them are made on the Cowlitz River and north to Fraser 
River. He also bears witness that the split sewing and the interlocking 
of stitches are both practiced. The Athapascans seem to have dwelt 
originally in this area, and it is just possible that they carried the 
coiling everywhere. 

The so-called Klikitat baskets are now found on the Yakima Reser- 
vation, in Klikitat and Cowlitz counties, along the Columbia River, in 
the vicinity of The Dalles. 

oMrs. W. M. Molson, Basketry of the Pacific Coast, Portland, Oregon, 1896. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETET. 429 

Plate 159 represents old Klikitat baskets, coiled and little imbri- 
cated, in the collection of Miss Anne M. Lang, The Dalles, Oregon. 
At once the difference will be seen between these conical and quite 
aboriginal forms and those of rectangular shapes farther north in the 
Eraser and Thompson River countries. The method of ornamenta- 
tion is the same, but the borders are finished off with considerable 
skill and taste in braided work. In the National Museum are photo- 
graphs of excellent old pieces in the Harvey collection in Albuquerque. 
For the sake of comparison, Plate 160 is inserted to show later and 
more highly embellished forms. 

The baskets made in imitation of a trunk are used for a similar pur- 
pose and not for berries. The Hudson Bay and other people brought 
camphor trunks from the Hawaiian Islands, taken there from China. 
The work is wonderfully good in this as well as in others. The inter- 
esting part is that the weavers before this time had made baskets with 
rounded bottoms, and began, of course, with the coil in the center; 
but the oblong shape with corners was another matter, so a thin board 
was covered with cloth to form the bottom, and on the edge of this 
the bone awl was used to make perforations to fasten the first row on 
this bottom. Later baskets had an ingeniously woven bottom over a 
number of narrow slats, and the patient weaver subsequently mastered 
an oblong coil. 

From a report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Governor 
Isaac L. Stevens, 1854, the following statements are taken in order to 
comprehend the migrations of the tribe after whom imbricated ware 
has been popularly named: 

The tribes of the Klikitat and Yakima inhabit properly the valley lying between 
Mounts St. Helena and Adams, but they have spread over the districts belonging to 
other tribes and a band of them is now located as far south as Umpqua. 

The Klikitats and Yakimas in all essential peculiarities of character are identical 
and their intercourse is constant, but the former, though a mountain tribe, are more 
unsettled in their habits than their brethren. The fact is probably due in the first 
place to their having been driven from their homes many years ago by the Cayuses, 
with whom they were at war. They then became acquainted with other parts of the 
country, as well as with the advantages derived from trade. It was not, however, 
until about 1839 that they crossed the Columbia, when they overran the Willamette 
Valley, attracted by the game with which it abounded and which they destroyed in 
defiance of the weak and indolent Callapooyas. They still boast that they taught the 
latter tribe to ride and hunt. They manifest a peculiar aptitude for trading. 

Under the term Walla Walla (p. 233) are embraced a number of 
bands, living usuallj^ on the south side of the Columbia and on the 
Snake River, to a little east of the Palouse. 

The Tai-tin-a-pam, a band of the Klikitats already mentioned,, liv- 
ing near the head of the Cowlitz, were called by their eastern brethren 
wild or wood Indian. 



430 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

From the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1868 
(p. 226), Puget Sound Agency, T. Simmon, agent, is quoted: 

There is a portion of the Indians of my district whose homes are high up on the 
river, principally on the JSTisqually, Puyallup, and Snoqualmie. They are nearly 
related to the Yakimas and Klikitats by blood, and are sometimes called Klikitats. 

R. S. Landsdale, agent. White Salmon Agency (p. 276), writes: 

Many of the Klikitats were removed during the late war from their former homes, 
west of the Cascade Mountains, to this agency. 

The home of the Klikitat Indians, says Mrs. Molson," was along the 
waters of the Columbia and its tributaries, from the Cascade Mountains 
on the west to the Bitter Root Range on the east, and from 46 degrees 
44 minutes north, to what is now eastern Washington and northern 
Idaho. They were not only rovers and marauders, but the}^ went on 
annual expeditions to trade, carrying dried buffalo meat and robes, 
but also wild hemp, dried and twisted, to exchange for dried salmon 
and dentalia. They held the gateway between the East and the West, 
for the river was the only route of communication. South of the 
Columbia, along the ocean, is an old path known as the "Klikitat 
trail." They journeyed south by this route and returned north by 
the Klamath trail on the eastern side of the Cascades. There are no 
indications of their being basket makers. Their kindred, still in the 
old home, make no imbricated ware. 

Plate 161 is a typical coiled and imbricated berry basket of the Kli- 
kitat Indians, from the collection of Mrs. R. S. Shackelford, from whom 
the following information is received: The inside walls, both founda- 
tion and sewing, are from splints of the root of the giant cedar 
{Thuja plicata)^ collected on the sides of Mount Hood. The orna- 
mentation is the imbricated work described in detail on page 427, the 
materials being of the white Tooksi or squaw grass. Cedar and cherry 
bark are also used, and for color the yellow dye is procured from 
the Oregon grape {Berberis nervosa), the brown dye from alder bark, 
and the black from acorns soaked in mud. The meaning of the 
artistic terraced design is not known. Six months were consumed in 
making it. Catalogue No., 207756, U. S. National Museum. The 
following story was gathered from a basket maker by Mrs. Shackelford: 

The Spirit told the first weaver to make a basket (tooksi). So she repaired to the 
forest and pondered over her mission. Gathering the plant yi, squaw grass, elk 
grass, pine grass, and the red cedar roots, noo wi ash ( Thuja pKcata), she began to 
weave, and after many toilsome days a basket was produced. She carried it to the 
lake and dipped it full of water, but it leaked, and the Spirit said to her: " It will 
not do. Weave again a tight basket with a pattern on it." She sat by the water- 
side, and as she looked into the clear depths of the lake the pattern (chato timus) 
was revealed to her in the refracted lines, and with new courage she repaired to the 
depths of the forest and worked until she wrought a basket on which the ripples of 

« Basketry of the Pacific Coast, Portland, Oregon, 1896. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEIOAlf BASKETRY. 431 

the lake were shown. Other women have learned the pattern all down the ages, but 
only very few are now left who can weave a faultless basket and a perfect imitation 
of chato timus. 

. The locality where the story was learned is Lummi Island, Belling- 
ham Bay, Washington. The pattern referred to is similar to that 
shown in fig. 389, of the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology. 

Fig. 156 represents a fine old piece of Yakima coiled and imbricated 
basket, Catalogue No. 23872 in the U. S. National Museum, collected 
by James H. Wilbur. The foundation and sewing are in split root, 
probably cedar. The sewing is entirely overlaid and concealed by 
strips of squaw grass laid on in the manner explained on page 427. 
The border is especially interesting, connected structurally with 




Fig. 156. 

imbricated basket. 

Yakima Indians, Washington. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



examples from California and Peru (See Plate 248). It is in open 
coiled work, the foundation being wrapped, bent in a regular sinuous 
pattern and sewed down here and there. The design, according to 
Mrs. Judge Burke, represents a flock of geese migrating. Its height 
is 7i inches. (See fig. 159 and Plate 35). 

Fig. 167 is an old example of imbricated basketry from Washington, 
collected by Dr. J. L. Fox, U. S. Navy, of the Wilkes Exploring 
Expedition, Catalogue No. 2137. Such work is now generally called 
Klikitat, and the Indians of that stock are expert in the use of it; but 
the exploring expedition did not come in contact with tribes so far in 
the interior. The Salish Indians on Puget Sound make the same type of 
work, and it is known that the very best come from the Cowlitz coun- 
try, so that this is probably a very old piece of Cowlitz basketry in 



432 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



this kind of weaving. The whole surface of it is covered with the 
imbrication or a knife plaiting, explained on p. 42Y, and illustrated in 
figs. 52-54. 

Catalogue No. 2614, U. S. National Museum, shown in Plate 45, is 
an imbricated basket made by an Indian of Salishan family, in Wash- 
ington. It is one of the oldest specimens in the National Museum, 
having been brought home by Captain Charles Wilkes more than sixty 
years ago. The material of the foundation and sewing is of cedar 
root. The surface is covered entirely with imbricated ornamentation, 
the body color being produced by strips of squaw grass. The figures 
are in cedar bark in natural color and dyed black by means of charcoal 
and mud. The golden color in the straw filaments is produced by 
longer immersion in water. The most interesting feature in this 
basket is the bottom, which is formed upon a strip of wood three- 
fourths of an inch wide and 6 
inches in length. It is very closely 
wrapped or served with a splint of 
root. Upon the margin of this 
the coiled work begins, one round 
being made in plain stitches. Af- 
terwards the patterns are attached 
immediatel}^ to this and extend out- 
ward to a black line on the margin, 
the body of the basket being com- 
pletely covered with other figures, 
the ends difi'erent from the sides. 
The border is neatly finished off in 
false braid. There are about eight 
rows of coiled work and from 
twelve to sixteen stitches to the 
inch. On the outside the stitches are regularly split or furcated. 
Length, 8 inches; depth, 4i inches. 

Fig. 158 represents a specimen of twilled work by the (31allam 
Indians and should be compared with Nutka example, Plate 162. It 
is made of flat splints of white wood, resembling birch. The bottom 
was woven first and all of the splints by being bent upward become 
the warp of the sides. Twilled effect is produced by passing each 
weft splint over two and under two warp splints. The fastening off 
of the upper border is done by bending down the warp splints and 
holding them in place by a whipping of the same material. The 
scallop on the upper border is formed by looping the middle of two 
splints under the rim, twisting both pairs of ends into a twine, passing 
one twine through the other, and doubling down to repeat the process 
until the whole is finished. 
Illustrations of this method of making twilled work are shown in 




Fig. 157. 

imbkicated basket. 

Cowlitz Indians. 

Collected by Dr. J. L. Fox, U. S. Navy. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAJS" BA8KETEY. 



433 



figs. 94-96, but, as will be seen, innumerable pleasing effects are pro- 
duced by varying the color, the number, the width, and the direction 
of the splints that are overlapped in the weaving. Catalogue No. 
23509, in the U. S. National Museum, was procured in Washington 
b}'' James G. Swan. It is 15 inches in height. 

Myron Eells, long a resident among the Sound tribes of Salish, has 
collected for the U. S. National Museum at different times many speci- 
mens of their basketry. It was he that first noticed the great diver- 
sity that exists in such small tribes as the Twana, or Towanhoosh. 




Fig. 158. 

twilled basket work. 

Clallam Indians, Washington. 

Collected by .7. G. Swan. 

They use in their work a knife for splitting material, a common awl, 
formerly of bone, in sewing their coiled ware. He has seen the 
woman using a small bone for pressing home her weft. This is rare, 
for the fingers are usually employed for this purpose. 

Fig. 159 is a water-tight basket for cooking, marked Clallam. The 
foundation is the single flat strip type. Attention is called to the 
ornamental effect produced in this work by the splitting of the under 
stitch by the one above it. The noteworthy featui*e of this type of 
basket, however, is in the occasional overlaying of a filament of squaw 
NAT MUS 1902 28 



434 



EEPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



grass or other Biaterial, which seems to be the first step toward imbri- 
cation. The grass lies over two stitches and is caught under the next 
stitch, passing under and over as in "beading." In other examples 
the straw is covered and revealed in the alternate stitches. It can be 
seen that a great variety of effects is possible in this manipulation. 

A square inch from the surface of this specimen enlarged (fig. 160) 
will show more clearly what has been hitherto described — the inter- 
locking stitches', the furcation of the stitches, and the overla3dng with 
ornamental filaments. 

Catalogue No. 23612, in the Q. S. National Museum, was procured 
in Washington by James G. Swan. 




Fig. 159. 

water-tight basket. 

Clallam Indians, Washington. 

Collected by J. G. Swan. 



Charles C. Willoughb}^, who was agent among the Quinaielt or 
Quinault Indians in northwestern Washington, makes the following 
report of their basketry: 

Thej have the cedar bark for the foundation of basketr}^ and strips 
of the pine root for rigid work, hemp, rushes, and grass for the weft 
and ornamentation. The grass used in strengthening the borders of 
mats, rain cloaks, etc., grows on flat places. It is prepared like flax 
by soaking in water until the outer portion decays, when it is beaten 
with sticks until only the fiber remains. The yellow fiber of squaw 
gx'ass used by Indians for the outside of baskets is a great source of 
trafiic, as it is only found in this locality. The basket grass is 
gathered carefully, one blade at a time, to secure that part of the 
stalk that reaches about 6 inches under the ground before it meets 



ABORIGIKAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 



435 



the root. To prepare the grass for drying it is woven together 
at the ends with fibers of cedar bark. It is then spread upon the 
ground or upon roofs in the sun. When to be used it is moistened 
with water and split with two small knife blades, set in a stick in 
such a manner as to make the strips of the same width, the smaller 
portion being thrown away. The grass is kept moist with water 
while being made into baskets. The colored grasses are prepared by 
using aniline dyes. They were formerly colored by steeping the 
roots of plants that 3aelded a j^ellow coloring. A red dye was made 
from the bark of alder, and a paint was made of blue clay. " 

Plate 162 shows a number of Quinaielt baskets in twined and over- 
laid weave in the collection of Miss Anne M. Lang. 

Plate 163, top figure, is a wallet made from grass stems by the 
Quinaielt Indians. It is worthy of especial study, because the warp 
is horizontal and the weft vertical. 
Openwork figures are produced on 
the surface in a series of chevroned 
patterns by an ingenious but very 
simple process. At the point where 
the open effect is to be produced 
the two strands constituting the 
twine do not make a half turn, but 
pass above and below the warp, as 
in ordinary plain weaving, across 
one warp strand. In the next 
round the adjoining pair are simi- 
larly treated, and thus figures are 
produced. At the upper and lower 
margin two rows of horizontal 
twined weaving fasten off the ends, 
which are braided down. On the sides the warp strands are sewed 
into and concealed in a coarse braid of rushes. Width, 18i inches; 
height, 11 inches. 

Catalogue No. 151462, in the U. S. National Museum, was collected 
in Washington by Dr. Franz Boas. 

Plate 163, bottom figure, is a Thompson River basket in the collec- 
tion of J. W. Benham. It is introduced here for the purpose of show- 
ing how the Indian woman's mind struggled with the problem of 
starting the bottom of a rectangular coiled basket. It has been said 
that the Thompson River Indians do not understand this process, but 
many old Thompsons have coiled bottoms and this technic is older 
than the other. The work begins by wrapping a foundation of splints 
with the split root of spruce or cedar for 6 or more inches. This is 




Fig. 160. 
detail of fig. 159. 



« Smithsonian Eeport, 1886, Pt. 1, pp. 267-282. 



486 REPOET OF ISTATIOKAL MUSEUM, 1902, 

then doubled upon itself and the sewing begins and proceeds back- 
ward and forward, as in plowing, until fifteen rows are made; the 
coiling then actually begins, the sewing extending not onl}- along the 
sides but across the ends, making a parallelogram, which is extended 
for ten rows farther outward, at which place the additional ornament 
begins. So far it is plain coiled work with split stitches; afterwards 
it becomes a mixture of plain coiled work with upright bands of 
imbrication. Its height is 13 inches, and its width at bottom is 9^ 
inches. 

The twined baskets of Washington, with little animals around the 
margin, belong to the Skokomish and other Salishan tribes about 
Puget Sound. When the tails turn up they are dogs or wolves; when 
they turn down they are horses. Especial attention has been called 
to the varied and tasteful effects produced by the use of the rectangu- 
lar element. 

Plate 164 represents two carrying wallets of the Skokomish Indians 
living in Washington. The examples shown are done in the style of 
weaving called here "wrapped twine" (figs. 21 and 22). 

Plate 165 shows specimens of carrying baskets made by Salish tribes 
in Washington; the one in the center is Tillamuk, Catalogue No. 
151149 in the U. S. National Museum, collected by Dr. Franz Boas. 
The others, Nos. 2709 and 23511, are very old specimens in the 
National Museum collection and are acci'edited to the Clallams. The 
upper one on the plate is credited to the Wilkes Exploring Expedi- 
tion, secured more than sixty years ago. All of these are in plain, 
twined weaving with splint of root, probably spruce, made browner 
by soaking in mud. The ornamentation is false embroidery in squaw 
grass. The three methods of forming the' border are noteworthy. In 
the upper specimen stout cable is formed by "sewing" a small bundle 
of root splints with the same material. This is sewed here and there 
to the upper margin of the wallet. The other figures show the margin 
finished by braiding down ; the loops of root were twisted in subse- 
quently. The animals on the margin are horses. 

The specimen, Catalogue No. 23511, which is the lower one on the 
plate, was collected in Washington by James G. Swan. 

Plate 166, upper figure, is an open twined wallet of the Tillamuk 
Indians, Salishan family, the remnant of which is living at Grande 
Ronde Agency, Oregon. The bottom of this basket is rather ingenious. 
The warp splints of the sides pass across the bottom also and are held 
together there by courses of twined weaving. At the edges of the end 
portions of the bottom the splints of the weft or twined work become 
the warp for the body. At the upper border two rows of squaw grass 
are beaded in. The braided border around the top is formed by the 
ends of the warp splints plaited together in a double row, additional 
material being used if necessary. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEBICAN BASKETRY. 437 

The lower figure is an open wallet of the Chinook Indians, Chinookan 
family, occupying formerly both sides of the Columbia • River from 
the mouth to The Dalles, a distance of 200 miles. According to Lewis 
and Clark most of their villages were on the northern bank. To this 
family also belong the Clatsops and Wascos, to be mentioned later. 
The wallet illustrated in the plate is made of root in twined weaving 
with crossed warp. The bottom or foundation is a rectangular struc- 
ture, about 4 inches square, made of double splints of root, securely 
lashed together backward and forward. From this central portion the 
splints spread out and the twined weaving begins. Additional warp 
elements are added from time to time as the structure widens. A 
coarse form of ornamentation is produced by overlaying some of the 
warp elements with squaw grass. The fastening off of the upper border 
is peculiar and on the outside imitates precisely a three-ply braid, but 
on the inside the structure is at once revealed. A strip of root is laid 
along the top of the warp elements and these are brought over in 
buttonhole stitch and tucked behind the strip, then cut off', making a 
a very rough appearance. It will be noticed that in the weaving of 
this wallet the half turns of the twine do not go around the crossings 
of the warp elements, but just below the crossings, so as to include 
each warp separately. On the outside of the warp splints here and 
there a strip of grass is regularly overlaid. 

Catalogue Nos. 161M7 and 151448 in the U. S. National Museum 
were collected by Dr. Franz Boas. 

The Nez Perce Indians of the Shahaptian family, prior to the advent 
of the whites on the Pacific coast, made heavy and beautiful blankets 
of the wool of the Rocky Mountain sheep and of the hair of animals 
killed in the chase, dyed in different colors. The patterns are all 
geometric, and are, in fact, woven mosaics, each figure being inserted 
separately by twisting two woof threads backward and forward around 
the warp strands. Scarcely ever does the twine extend in stripes all 
the way across the blanket in a direct line. 

The same Indians at present weave bags from the bast of the Indian 
hemp (Apocynum, cannahinum) and from grass stems shredded. The 
figures are produced by overlaying the regular warp strands with 
corn husks or colored grass in false embroidery. In some examples 
(see fig. 161) the entire surface is covered with geometric figures; in 
others they are only partially covered. The Nez Perce are in the 
same family as the Klikitat and Yakima, but they make no imbricated 
baskets. 

Fig. 161 is a twined wallet of the Nez Perces. The body weaving, 
both warp and weft, is of Indian hemp. In the process of manufac- 
ture a sufficient number of warp strands were joined together in the 
middle by a row of twined weaving and probably suspended, the ends 
hanging down. The weaver filled this warp with the ordinary twisted 



438 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



work, proceeding from the bottom to the border. The ornamenta- 
tion, in corn husk or other weak material, in the natural color or dyed, 
is laid on externally b}^ what is here called false embroidery. The 
process was fully described and illustrated in speaking of Tlinkit weav- 
ing (fig. 139, p. 410). This specimen should be compared with the 
making of soft wallets among the Fraser River tribes, illustrated in 
Teit's monograph, where the corn husk, instead of being wrapped 
merely around the outer element of the twine, passes around both 

strands and the figure ap- 
pears on the inside of the 
receptacle, which is not true 
of the Nez Perce example. 
Fig. 162 will show a square 
inch of this wallet, the espe- 
cial feature of which is that 
while the rows of plain twin- 
ing seem to be vertical in 
the false embroidery, they 
are inclined to the right. 

This specimen, Catalogue 
No. 9026 in the U. S. .National 
Museum, was collected in 
Idaho by Dr. Storrer. 

Plate 167 is an interesting 
collection of women's hats. 
Figs. 1 and 2 are Modoc 
twined baskets from the Ben- 
jamin collection. Catalogue 
Nos. 201258 and 204259; 
height, 5f inches. The foun- 
dation is of rush. The weav- 
ing is in the same material, 
the designs being formed by 
regular overlaying in step 
patterns, formed by piling 
rhomboidal figures upon one 
another. Strips of bird quill are introduced into these patterns, 
having been dyed a bright yellow, which gives life to the figures. It 
may be repeated that both of these specimens are in plain-twined 
Tyeaving overlaid. All the other figures on the plate are in wrapped- 
twined weaving, as among the Makahs and other tribes of the Fraser- 
Columbia region. 

Figs. 3 and 1 are women's hats of the Nez Perce and Walla- Walla 
Indians, Shahaptian family, Washington, Catalogue Nos. 23857 and 
129680. The foundation is of hemp. The weft consists of strands 
of hemp on the inside wrapped around with a filament of squaw grass. 




Fig. 161. 

twined wallet. 

Nez Perce Indians, Idalio. 

Collected by George Ainslee. Museum Textile 8025. 



ABOEIGIlSrAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 439 

The process of this weaving- is explained in figs. 21 and 22. Cata- 
logue No. 23857, collected by J. B. Monteith, height 5 inches; 129680, 
collected by Mrs. Anna McBean, height 5| inches. 

Fig. 5, Catalogue No. 9040, U. S. National Museum, is a woman's hat, 
called a wedding hat, and assigned to the Cascade Indians. It is doubt- 
less Shahaptian. In every respect it is made like the Nez Perce exam- 
ples described, being in wrapped-twined weaving similar to that of the 
Makah Indians. Height, 6i inches; collected by Dr. James F. Ghiselin. 

Figs. 6 and 7 are women's hats of the Nez Perce Indians, Shahaptian 
family, collected by F. W. Clark, 6 inches in height, and No. 23587, 
5 inches in height, collected by J. B. Monteith. 

The Cayuse (Waiilatpuan) and Umatilla (Shahaptian) make soft 
baskets in twined weaving. They are horse Indians and use their 
wallets for saddle bags. The material is rushes, wild hemp, corn 
husks, and worsted. The bottoms and undecorated portions are plain- 
twined work. In the figured parts the 
husks, split into narrow sti'ips, are admin- 
istered in four ways — by overlaying, not 
showing on the inside; by ov^erlaying and 
twining so as to show on the inside; by 
false embi'oidery, wrapped about the weft 
twine elements on the outside, and by 
frapping the twined weft as in the 
Thompson River work (Mrs. McArthur). 

The soft wallets illustrated in Plate 168, 
often called ''Sally bags," were made fig. i62. 

by Wasco Indians, who belong to the detail of fig. m. 

Chinookan family. At present they are on the Warm Springs Reser- 
vation in Oregon, and the Yakima Reservation in Washington, The 
wallet in the middle of the plate No. 9041 was presented to the U. S. 
National Museum by Dr. James T. Ghiselin in 1869; the others were 
collected by Mrs. R. S. Shackelford and Miss E. T. Houtz. They are 
all made in plain twined weaving over warp of rushes, the patterns 
being effected by overlaying the twine of hemp with strips of fiber 
that in structure resemble corn husks. On the newer specimens the 
designs are clearly shown, representing man (tillacum), elk(mowitch), 
sturgeon (pish), ducl<: (culla-culla). By observing the men's faces in 
the newer specimens, it will be easy to detect the idealized faces on 
the fine, old wallet in the middle. 

Prof. O. M. Dalton figures in "Man" (London), I, note 17, an old 
Wasco basket wallet with the image of a man in knee breeches on the 
surface. In the National Museum are a number of new waUets bear- 
ing this same figure, but the Dalton specimens show that it has been 
;a motive in Wasco weaving for a long period. 

Plate 169 represents twined wallets of the Wasco Indians, Oregon, in 
the Fred Harvey collection. The foundations are in native hemp 




440 BEPORt OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

in plain-twined weaving. On the body of the wallets birds, beasts, and 
men are wrought in grass or husks of corn in corners. 

Clatsops make flat mats and wallets of cat-tail rush. The latter, 
with strap of grass and woolen to wear across the shoulders, are excel- 
lent for carrying fish. They also construct a sack in open-twined work 
in roots. The fine-twined small baskets in three colors are equal to any 
in Oregon (Mrs. Mc Arthur). 

THE CALIFOENIA-OREGON EEGION 

The human hand is so beautifully formed, it has so fine a sensibility, that sensibility governs its 
motions so correctly, every effort of the will is answered so instantly, as if the hand were the seat 
of that will. — Sir Charles Bell. 

The California-Oregon basketry region has only one definite bound- 
ary, the hard coast of the Pacific; on other sides there is no sharp 
ethnic limit. North, east, and south, it is full of turnstiles that 
move in one direction only. Tribes from far away pushed through 
them into this region, but if they had desired to turn their backs on 
abundant game, fish, and vegetal foods, the}^ would have been pre- 
vented by the column in the rear. 

The ancient basket makers of this area knew nearly every type and 
technical process of the art, both in weaving and coiling. They added 
at least one new technical process, the tee weave. In ornamentation, 
imbrication is wanting as well as false embroidery, but there is quite 
enough else to make up the deficiency. Within the California-Oregon 
area there are subareas, and the following list of linguistic families 
will help to unravel the tangle: 

NORTHERN GROUP 

Athapascan family: Hupa, lower Trinity River and Wailaki, western slopes of the 
Shasta Mountains. 

Chimarikan family: Trinity River. 

Copehan family: Wintun under many names, western drainage Sacramento River. 

Kalapooian family: The Willamette Plains, western Oregon. 

Kulanapan family: Pomo, under many names, in Mendocino and Lake counties. 

Kusan family: Coos River and Bay, western Oregon. 

Lutuamian family: Klamath and Modoc, Upper Klamath River or Klamath Lake. 

Palaihnihan family: Pit Rivers; on Pit River to eastern boundary of the State. 

Pujunan family: Concow (Konkau), Maidu, Nockum (Nakum), western drainage 
of the Sacramento River, south of Palaihnihan. 

Quoratean family: Ehnek, Karok, middle Klamath River. 

Sastean family: Shastas; middle northern boundary of State. 

Takilman family: Lower Rogue River, Oregon. 

Weitspekan family: Yurok, Weitspek, Lower Klamath River. 

Wishoskan family: Wishosk, Eel River, and Humboldt Bay. 

Yanan family: Nozis, north of Pujunan. 

Yukian family ; Ashochimi, Chumaya, Napa, Tatu or Potter Valley, Yuki or Round 
Valley, in Potter and Round valleys.'* 

«For classification of these northern tribes on the concept of basketry, consult 
Roland B. Dixon, Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California. Bulletin 
of the American Museum of Natural History, XVII, pp. 1-32. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 441 



SOUTHERN GROUP 

Chumashan family; Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, San Luis Obispo, in Santa Barbara 
County. 

Costanoan family; Mutsun; Pacific slope, west and south of San Francisco. 

Esselenian family; Soledad, Eslen, and other missions close by on Monterey Bay. 

Mariposan family; Yokut and many smaller tribes, Fresno E.iver. 

Moquelumnan family; Tulare, Upper Tulare River. 

Salinan family; San Antonio, San Miguel, Monterey County. 

Shoshonean family; Chemehuevi, Panamint and others intruded along the eastern 
border, more and more, from north to south, reaching the Pacific Ocean at the Santa 
Barbara Islands. 

Yuman family; including Cochimi, Cocopas, Cuchan, Diegueiios, Havasupai, Mari- 
copa, Mohave, Waicuru, Walapai, and several missions. « 

The location of the linguistic families in California is shown on the 
map. (See fig. 163.) A glance at the map will show how, in a general 
way, the State is divided into northern and southern portions b}" a line 
running from San Francisco Bay to the angle of Nevada, and also in 
the same manner the subdivision of the northern poi'tion of the State 
into three vertical sections. A little difference exists between the 
nomenclature of this map and that of Powell. For instance, the 
Wintun are Copehan; the Maidu are Pujunan; the Yokut on this map 
correspond to the Powell Mariposen, but in Powell's subdivision of 
tribes the Yokuts are placed in the Moquelumnan famil}-. With these 
slight amendments the map will be easil}' understood and of great 
importance in locating California basketiy. It is interesting to note 
that, while the Powell map was made long ago from vocabularies only, 
the Dixon-Kroeber map is based on grammar, and 3'et the agreements 
are nearly complete. Especial attention is called to the vast area 
occupied by the intruding Shoshonean family from the interior basin.* 

The western division of the north California area, including the 
coast of Oregon as well, may be divided into three locations, contain- 
ing each different tribes. The most northern would be Athapascan 
and adjoining families; the middle division, those tribes associated in 
Round Valle}^; and the most southern of all, the Pomo. 

The following list of plants carefully prepared by V. K. Chesnut, 
of the Department of Agriculture,*^ will apply to the Hupa, the Round 
Valley, and Pomo basketr}^: 

Acer macrophyllum, Pal gun sche (Yuki), maple. The Yukis of California use the 
bark for their basketry. The Puget Sound Indians employ it in their textiles, and 
Eothrock says that from the inner bark the tribes of the Pacific slope weave baskets, 
mats, and hats waterproof. 

"Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891, pp. 1-142. 

^ See Roland B. Dixon and Albert L. Kroeber, The Native Languages of California, 
American Anthropologist, V, 1903, pp. 1-26. 

'■ Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California. Contributions from 
the National Herbarium, VII, pp. 295-408, Washington, 1902. 



442 



BEPORT OE" NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902, 



I 



Adiantum pedatum. The stems of maidenhair fern attain a length of 1 to 2 feet in 
the redwood belt of northern California, near the coast. They form the black strands 
in baskets and especially basket hats. 

Alnus rliombifolia, mountain alder, Un se (Yuki); Juskiat' and Kus (Wailaki); 
Gashet^i (Porno) . The fresh bark is used by the Yukis, as M'ell as the Hupa and 
Klamath Indians of California, to color their basket material. 



L £G£/V D 

\ "1 
J^orC/we^tern -or VuroA Tyfie I ^. ! 

Centra( or AfaicCu Type I - I 

'ShasCQrAchomcu^i Su/>~7ype V?/J'//A 

Mo^ueCumnan SiUi-Type. _ _ . 1 1 1 I H I 
iVasAo Sa6-7/fie^. 

SouCAjyesCern, orCAama^A Type llllllllllll 

Vana. HHI 

yti/na/l . : , I I 




i/aA/L S. 7er6erC. 



Fig. 163. 

linguistic map of california. 

After Dixon and Kroeber. 



Apocynum cannabinum, in Mendocino County, California, Indian hemp; Ma (Yuki) ; 
Po, in Concow; Masha (Little Lake); and Silimma (Yokaia) yields the common 
Indian fiber. The inner bark, collected in the fall, is soft and strong for thread, 
twine, ropes, and nets. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 443 

Asclepias eriocarpa, Go to la (Little Lakes); Bo ko (Concow); Machal and Chaak 
(Yuki), poisonous milkweed. The inner bark is used by the Eel River, Concow, 
Potter Valley, and Little Lake Indians for strings, nets, and other textiles. 

Butneria occidentalis, Sai ka le (Porno), spice bush or calycanthus. Both the wood 
and the bark from fresh shoots are used in basket work. 

Carex, Tsu wish (Pomo), blackroot sedge. Used by the Pomo in their coiled 
basketry for decorating in black. 

Carex sp. The long, tough rootstocks of several and perhaps most of the sedges 
(saw grass) in Mendocino County, California, are used by the basket makers. Great 
patience is exercised in tracing these from 2 to 5 feet through sand and mud and in 
preparing the splints. The baskets made from them are called "root baskets." 
Sedge rootstocks are the most important underground material, and the baskets 
made from them are the strongest, most durable, and most costly. Special char- 
acteristics belong to the different species. 

Carex harbarae, Dewey, Kahum, (Pomo for water-tight baskets). The rootstocks 
furnish the splints for the white or creamy groundwork of most Pomo baskets. They 
are dug out with clam shells and sticks aiding the hands and feet." One end of the 
stock is grasped by the first and second toes, the clam shell serves for scraping away 
the soil, and the stick for prying out stones and loosening the ground. A woman 
will secure 15 to 20 strands a day. They are placed in water over night to preserve 
the flexibility and to soften the scaly bark, which is removed in the morning by the 
women. The end of the stick is chewed until the bark is separated. The wood is 
then held by the teeth, the other end of the stock is held taut by the first and second 
toes, and the bark is scraped away, leaving a tough white or tan-colored strand about 
one-half the original thickness. These are done up in small coils and carried by the 
women to the camp. Mr. Coville draws attention to a bit of primitive agriculture in 
this connection. The Pomo women insist that the toughest and finest roots can be 
obtained only at certain spots. Unconsciously they have been making this true by 
means of their digging sticks and clam shells, during all the years loosening the 
ground and removing weeds. 

Carex sp., Ta tet el (Wailaki), sea grass or sedge. The roots and leaves used in 
basketry, especially for hats and cheap semiflexible baskets. 

Ceanothus integerrimus. The Concow squaws gather the young and flexible shoots 
of the California lilac, Hibi, for the warp of their baskets. 

Cercis occidentalis. The bark and the wood from sprouts of the redbud, Cha-ba, in 
Yuki; Mula, in Little Lake; Kala-a-kala, in Yokaia; and Dop or Talk, in Concow, 
are used in finer baskets as foundation, as weft in twined ware, and as sewing 
material in coiled work. The Indians produce a variety of results in Cercis. The 
stems are sometimes cut in winter and early spring to insure material for the next 
fall. The color of the bark is then slightly red, which may be darkened by exposure 
to smoke and blackened by soaking in dirty water, in water and ashes, or in a decoc- 
tion of oak bark to which scraps of iron have been added. The bark to be used in 
sewing coiled baskets is separated by steaming. In twined basketry some of the 
white wood is left adhering to the bark, in which case designs in two colors are pro- 
duced, since the willow and carex are both much darker. 

Corylus calif ornica. The slender stems of the Hazelnut, Olmam, in Yuki; Gom he 
ni, in Concow; Ch' ki, in Wailaki; Cha-ba, in Little Lake, are commonly used in 
place of willows in Round Valley for coarse sieves and fish traps and as warp in saw- 
grass baskets. A baby-carrying basket at Ukiah was made from the same material. 
The Calapooias make the finest openwork twined basketry of hazel sticks. 
The Coos and Roque river ware resembles the Shasta, the latter produce excellent 
work in hazel stems (Mrs. McArthur). 

a J. W. Hudson, Overland Monthly, XXI, 1893, pp. 561-578. 



444 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Covillea irideniatu, Tah sun up (Paiutes), creosote wood. It is one of the common- 
est industrial plants in southern California, Arizona, and southern Utah. The gum 
is used by the xVpaches for cement. It is also used to produce a greenish-yellow dye. 
Owing to the odor emitted when heated, the plant is called creosote wood. 

Gyninogramma triangularis, Gold-back fern. Common on open brushy hillsides 
throughout Mendocino County. As in the case of the five-fingered fern, this plant 
grows much more thriftily near the coast. The stems are also used there in the mak- 
ing of baskets. 

Juncus effusus Linnaeus. The stalks of wire grass. Lolum, in Yuki; Cha-ba, by 
the Potter Valley, Little Lake, and Yokaia Pomos; and Sito by the Wailaki, are 
used in Mendocino County for making temporary baskets. With them also children 
are initiated into the art of basket making, and rackets used in gathering pinole 
seed as well as fish traps are wovea. 

Lonicera interrupta, Hai wat (Yuki), honeysuckle. The Yukis employ the 
flexible stems slightly for hoops in basket borders. 

Philadelphus gordonianus, Ka kuss (Wailaki); Shon a hi (Little Lakes); Hawn li 
(Yukis), arrowwood. A species of syringa or mock orange. The pithy stems are 
valued on account of their lightness for the manufacture of baskets used by women 
for carrying babies. 

Pinus sabiniana, Pol cum ol ( Yuki) nut or digger pine. Used for basketry. The 
more pliable wood from the root is the chief source of material used in making large 
V-shaped baskets, which Little Lake Indians use for carrying acorns. The root is 
warmed in hot, damp ashes, and strands are split off before cooling. They are brit- 
tle when dry, but after being soaked in water they are easily manipulated in the 
more simply woven baskets, which are made by passing the strands out and in 
through the numerous vertical withes that make up the skeleton. They are not 
sufficiently pliable, as sedge roots are, to be used like thread in wrapping round and 
round a horizontal withe. 

Pseudotsuga mucronata. The smaller roots of the Douglas spruce, Nu, in Yuki lan- 
guage, are used in fine Pomo baskets. They are found in sections 8 to 10 feet long, 
uniform in thickness, and about the diameter of a lead pencil (quoting Hudson). 

Pteridium aguilinum, Bis (Calpella Pomo); Bebi (Little Lakes); Sulala (Con- 
cows); Dos (Nomelakkis); Ma orda-git (Yokaias), the bracken fern. The hard 
wood is easily split into flat bands, which are sometimes used by the coast Indians 
for the black strands of their cheaper baskets. They are much less frequently used 
for this purpose by the Indians of Round Valley and Ukiah. Because susceptible 
of a fine polish, they are far weaker and more brittle than the saw-grass roots which 
compose the weft of their choicest baskets. The black color is imparted by burying 
in mud. 

Quercus lobata, Ky am (Yuki) , white oak, acorn. The bark is used to a very 
slight extent by the Concows to blacken strands of the redbud for use in basketry. 
Eusty iron is added to the water extract of the bark to produce a black solution in 
which the strands are allowed to remain for some time. 

Rhus diversiloba. For dyeing the splints with which somo Pomo baskets are sewed. 
Dr. Hudson is quoted as saying that an intense black is produced by applying to 
them the fresh juice of poison oak in Pomo, Matuyaho; in Wailaki, Kots ta. The 
slender stems are also worked into the foundation of coiled basketry. Rhus aromatica, 
says Purdy, was formerly used by tribes eastward from Dkiah, as redbud is used by 
Pomos. 

Salix argyrophylla. The white-leaved willow. Bam Kal 6, in Pomo; Kalalno, in 
Yokaia, is considered the best for coarse baskets. It is common along Russian River, 
in California. It is not found at Round Valley, so these Indians would carry back 
small supplies of the slender stems when they returned from hop picking near Ukiah. 
The roots are also highly valued in making certain baskets. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. ^ 445 

Scirpus sp. The most valuable of the sedges for basket splints in Mendocino 
County is an unidentified species of the bulrush, Scirpus sp., Tsuwish, in Porno. It 
is an article of commerce. Being rare near Ukiah, it is purchased at a cent a root 
from plants collected by Clear Lake Indians and in parts of Sonoma County or along 
the seacoast. The rootstocks, about one-fourth of an inch in diameter, consist of 
three distinct tissues — the outer, brown, like parchment; the middle; and the heart, 
a tough, woody structure. The outer surface of this woody tissue, which makes up 
the great bulk of the black fiber in the finest Pomo baskets, is slightly ribbed and 
varies from light brown to nearly jet-black. The interior is more or less white. 
Some of the dark splints are used just as they are, while others are blackened with 
the juice of poison oak, Rhus dwersiloba, or by burying them with charcoal, ashes, 
and earth for about eighty hours. 

A detailed account of the manipulation of these rootstocks at Round Valley is 
given. « 

Smilax californica Gray, the only species of smilax in California, does not occur in 
Mendocino County, but is common along the headwaters of the Upper Sacramento. 
The fine, long trailing limbs are exceedingly strong and are used to some extent in 
Round Valley and perhaps at Ukiah for basket making. The Indians say that the 
strands have a brownish-black color. 

Tumion cal.i/ornicum. Splints from the roots of the California nutmeg, Kahe in 
the Yokaia language and Ko'-bi in Pomo, are said to be used by the Pomo in some 
of their fine baskets. 

Vitis californica. She in (Pomo); Mot mo mam (Yuki); Kop (Nuinlaki) ; wild 
grape. The native wild grape of the region climbs over trees in canyons and in 
damp places to a height of 30 feet or more. The smaller, woody parts of the vine 
are extremely flexible and are very considerably used by the tribes for the rims of 
their large, cone-carrying baskets. It is gathered at almost any time, soaked in 
water and hot ashes, after which the bark is removed and the wood split into a 
couple of strands, which, although very coarse, are used substantially as thread. 
The tribes of California make ropes and various household articles from the vine. 

As a connecting link between the Salish and other basketry north of 
the Klamath River and the true California types there is here shown 
the figure of an old piece of basketry brought from Oregon more than 
sixt}'^ years ago (fig. 164). It is the ordinary coiled weave of the 
West Coast, covered with red and white feathers. The feathers are 
caught b}^ their stems under the stitches as the work progresses, just 
as in the Pomo and other California tribes of to-da}'. It is interesting 
to find this type of work so far north. It points to the fact that 
many of the gaps which occur in this stud}^ could have been easily 
filled when the Indians were in their native situations. Holmes has 
other figures in the same type of basketry, only the feather work is 
combined with the ornamentation in the weaving on the surface. 
Attention is called again to the fact that the imbricated ware stopped 
short at the Columbia River. The plaits of grass or bark overlie one 
another just as feathers do in the feather work, and the stem of the 
feather is doubled under the stitches in the same way. To be espe- 
cially noted are the groups of vertical stripes on the margin and the 
chevroned design at the bottom. Whether there was genetic relation- 

« Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino, California, p. 317. 



446 



EEPORT OF ISTATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



ship between the two remains to be studied out. The specimen Cata- 
logue No. 2138 in the IT. S. National Museum, was collected by 
Dr. J. L. Fox, U. S. Navy, of the Wilkes Exploring Expedition. 

The Pacific slope branch of the Athapascan family is found in the 
northwestern corner of California and far northward into Oregon. 
On the Hupa Reservation were placed, in 1864, a number of bands 
scattered around Trinity River, the names of which may be found in 
the Smithsonian Report for 1886, Part 1. As late as 1860 the Hupa 
are said to have lived in pristine simplicity. Autumn supplied the 
all-important acorn, large quantities of which were collected and kept 
in store for use during the winter and spring. The vegetable food is 
gathered chiefly by the women. The outfit of the primitive gleaner, 
miller, and cook was chiefly in basket work. While no edible root or 
food was despised, the oak furnished the chief breadstuff. The acorns 
were gathered in an osier hamper about 16 inches high and 20 inches 




Fig. 164. 
old feathered baskets prom oregon. 

Collected by Dr. J. L. Fox, U. S. Navy. 



in diameter, made in twined weaving. It was used by the women in 
carrying loads, supported by a band across the forehead. Filled with 
acorns, this hamper was placed on the back and held in position by 
means of a carrying pad consisting of a disk of mat 5 by 4 inches. 
About the middle of October the Indians beat the acorns from the 
trees with long poles and carry them home in these baskets. The 
squaws remove the hull by giving it a slight tap with a pestle. The 
nuts were then dried and beaten to powder in a mill with a basket 
hopper. The flour was soaked in a hollow scooped in the sand and 
cooked into a kind of mush in baskets by means of hot stones and 
were baked into bread in an underground oven. 

If the harvest were of seeds instead of acorns, they were winnowed 
in another basket of close-twined weaving which the good woman 
had not failed to decorate with graceful patterns, following that 
unconquerable artistic instinct which is the heritage of all the peoples 
who breathe the air of the Pacific Ocean. Under the heading of 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 447 

u^es a multitude of functions for the Hupa basket will be described in 
detail. « 

Dr. W. L. Jepson has determined for Dr. P. E. Goddard the mate- 
rials used by Hupa in baskets. The burden basket, the baby basket, 
and the salmon plate are made entirely of the shoots of Corylus ros- 
trata var. californica. Hupa name is muk-kai-kit-loi. These shoots 
form foundation or warp of all other baskets except the finest hats and 
the covered bottles. For these shoots of willow are used, of which 
Salix sessilifolia and S. Jluviatilis var. argyrophylla are indicated. 
These willows are not common in Hupa Valley. The warp stems 
while slimmer than those from the hazel, are said not to be so durable. 
They are fastened at the origin of the basket and at the beginning of 
the body by rounds twined with the root of certain deciduous trees. 
This material is called indiscriminately "kut." The roots of the more 
common willow as well as the two mentioned are used besides the root 
of Alnus 07'egana, Yitis californica and Populus trichocarpa. The 
principal weft of all close-woven baskets is composed of the root of 
Conifer se,. Of the trees growing in or near Hupa the roots of Pimis 
ponderosa, P. sahiniana^ and P. lambertiana are used. The selection 
of the species and of the individual trees depends on their readiness to 
split properly. These roots are roasted in the ground. Besides these 
the Hupa import from the coast, material from Sequoia sempervirens 
and Picea sitchensis. These root materials are called "xai." The 
root of the wild grape, Yitis californica^ is used in place of the con- 
iferee roots in fine hats for the woof. For decorative work the leaves 
of Xerophyllwn tenax serve for white, and the bark of the stems of 
Adiantum pedatum for black. A reddish brown is obtained by dye- 
ing the inner part of the stem of Woodivordia radicans with the bark 
of Alnus oregana. The primitive method of dyeing was to chew the 
bark and draw the splint through the mouth just before introducing 
it into the woof. The alder dye is now sometimes applied by steeping 
in a dish but the results are said to be not so certain. Yellow is 
obtained by dipping the leaves of Xerophyllwn tenax into a decoction 
of JEvernia vulpina. The setting of this dye is difficult and many 
women do not use the yellow in basket making. Porcupine quills are 
dyed with this lichen giving a brighter effect. Their use is not com- 
mon. A few women are now employing the "Oregon grape" for 
dyeing the xerophyllum leaves. Baskets are sometimes collected for 
Hupa work which are made by the Tolowa in Del Norte County. 
These have a steel-gray color obtained by dyeing the root of the tide- 
land spruce with rusty iron. The root and iron are buried in the 
damp ground for some time.* 

a The Ray Collection from Hupa Valley, Smithsonian Report, 1886, pp. 205-239. 
''P. E. Goddard, The Life and Culture of the Hupas. Publications of the Uni- 
versity of California, I, 1903. Anthropology. 



448 REPOET OF IfATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Plate 170 represents three granary baskets of the Hupa Indians in 
the Harvey collection. The figure shown on the right is used as a 
cover for the granary. These baskets furnish excellent examples of 
form and decollation, as well as technical processes, among this Atha- 
pascan group. It has been mentioned before that we have here an 
example of acculturation through women of an art created by the 
conservative sex. If a number of Hupa men of Athapascan stock 
broke into this area and took to themselves wives of the country the 
weaving processes would not be changed, so that in any one of these 
baskets will be found, beginning at the bottom, three-strand twined 
weaving; above that two-strand plain-twined weaving, and over the 
surface decoration in overlaying. On the granar}^ baskets the trian- 
gular and rectangular elementar}^ forms are worked into vertical 
stripes, the basis of which is the bent line, or zigzag, forming the 
ornamentation, the leaves of grass alternate with the foundation color 
by lajdng a strip of the former on the latter and exposing it or turn- 
ing it under at will. Dr. Goddard, in his paper published by the 
University of California, gives the following symbolism: 

The isosceles triangle the Hupa calls "rattlesnake's nose" (Luwminchwuw); 
right-angled triangles made with a horizontal line meeting a vertical line are called 
"sharp and slanting" (chesLinalwiltchwel). Oblique-angled parallelograms are 
very frequently used. The name given them is "set on top of one another" (niLkut- 
dasaan). Another design, which lacks beauty on account of its jagged appearance, 
is called "grizzly bear his hand" (mlkyowe mila). Another figure is called "frog 
his hand" (tewal mila). A third design has angles projecting upward with the 
vertical lines on the outside of the figure and the oblique lines sloping inward and 
downward. This pattern is called "swallow's tail" (teschechmikye) or "points 
sticking up" (chaxcheuiieL). 

When the isosceles triangles (called Luwminchwuw) are grouped one above 
another they are called Luwminchwuw nikutdasaan ("snake's nose piled up"). 
When these figures come back to back so as to form diamonds alternating with the 
background they are called Lokyomenkonte ( ' ' sturgeon' s back " ) . When the figure 
apex is superimposed on a trapezoid the name cha is given to the design. These 
figures are nearly always so connected as to encircle the basket, when the name 
LenaLdauw is given to it, signifying "it encircles." A design which seems to be 
the trapezoids superimposed is called LekyuwineL ("they come together"). The 
conception of the design seems to be that of the second variety of triangles back to 
back. A series of rectangular parallelograms superimposed so that each higher 
one projects to the right of the one below it, the whole being bordered by a double 
line conforming to the outline, is called kowitselminat ("worm goes round" or 
"worm's stairway"). The oblique-angled parallelograms in pairs, with the upper 
one at the right, are the designs most frequently found on the hats. They are found 
in series on the storage baskets (djelo). Usually even numbers are employed, pre- 
serving the symmetry of the zone. Designs in red often have horizontal lines in 
black. Oblique lines in white often run across the design. When such lines run 
through the oblique-angled parallelogram they are called niLkutdasaan mikiteweso 
( ' ' one-on-the-other its scratches " ) . 

' Plate 171 represents a basketmakef from the Hupa Reservation in 
northern California, wearing one of the beautiful twined basket hats, 



ABOBIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 449 

SO called among this tribe. She also has about her, as a garment, a 
deerskin decorated with long fringes of false braided work in straw, 
the work done in a single strand. This photograph was taken by 
Governor John Daggett, of Black Bear, California. 

Plate 172 is a portrait of Mary or Sheretta, a Klamath Indian 
woman, using different forms of basketry in the milling and cooking 
industry. Acorns are picked in a gathering basket, brought home in a 
carrying basket, ground in a mill with a basket hopper, the bitterness 
leeched out of the acorn mill fixed in a bed of sand, dipped with a 
basket ladle into a basket where it is cooked by means of hot stones, 
and afterwards served in dishes of basketry. This was also photo- 
graphed by Governor Daggett. 

The lower figure is a Wintim woman on McCloud River, in northern 
California, making a basket. The utter wretchedness and lack of 
inspiration from the environment could not possibly be worse. The 
Wintuns belong to the Copehan family. 

Fi'om Governor Daggett comes the information that the California 
Indians about him make the frame of the coiled baskets of hazel twigs 
skinned. The weaving is done with split pine root. The ornamental 
patterns are produced by sour grass and maidenhair fern. The white 
splint is dyed by being chewed in the woman's mouth together with 
alder bark, making a kind of animated vat of herself. For the conical 
carrying basket, the Hupa Indian name is As tim num. Papoose bas- 
ket, locks too; soup cooking basket, sal am poki; soup eating basket, 
pas tarrum; large storehouse, sip nook; cover to same, ash roos; 
mortar basket with hole in bottom, kraam num; acorn sifter, a flat 
disk, ten na bra; acorn bowl, moo roch. 

South of the Hupa Indians is the Hound Valley Reservation with 
the following- named tribes: Concow (Pujunan); Little Lakes (Kula- 
napan); Redwoods and Yukies (Yukian); Wailakis (Athapascan); Pit 
Rivers (Palaihnahan), and the Nomelakis (Copehan or Win tun fam- 
ily). A moment's thought will show why it is that varieties in basket 
types come from this reservation. The Indian tribes of the neighbox'- 
hood are mixed with those of the Sacramento Valley and Maidu or 
Pujunan people east of the Sierras. With biological mixture there 
has been corresponding fertilization of ideas. 

N. J. Pui'cell, for a long time agent among the Round Valley 
Indians, describes the gathering basket as coarse meshed and roughly 
constructed. He has sent to the National Museum an example made by 
the Little Lake tribe. It is woven of sticks with the bark on, and is 
very quickly made. It has a buckskin string attached about the center, 
by which it is carried. It is used for gathering acorns, nuts, grain, 
etc. When filled, this basket is emptied into a large carrying basket, 
this being repeated until the larger basket is filled. 

The large carrying basket is always put in some convenient place 
NAT MUS 1902^ 29 ' 



450 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

and a smaller one is used for picking of nuts or grain. Several of the 
other tribes there use the same basket, though it seems to have orig- 
inated among the Little Lake Indians. The willow of which it is com- 
posed is of the ordinary kind which is seen along nearl}- all the creeks 
in the East and is equally as plentiful here. 

The sticks are generally used while green, though the}'' are fre- 
quently gathered in quantities, allowed to dry, then soaked in water 
as they are required for use. 

The carrying sack is made like an ordinar}^ hunting bag and about 
the size. It is manufactured by the Concow Indians op\j. The buck- 
skin string attached is thrown across the shoulder, allowing the sack 
to swing by the side, as we carry the hunting bag. The material of 
which it is made is from a weed-like plant that grows from 3 to 5 
feet high, found in but one place in this country. At the foot of the 
Black Butte, about 7,000 feet above sea level, it grows in great quan- 
tities. This plant, bo-coak, bears a large white flower, which is tilled 
with seed and has quite an agreeable odor. The leaves are large and 
long, tapering at the points. In winter the stalks die and become 
hard and dry, and are gathered in great quantities by the Indians. 
The bark is carefully taken off and the material from which the twine 
is made is stripped from the inside of the bark. This flax-like material 
is as white as cotton and seems much superior in strength. In mak- 
ing his twine the Indian seats himself, after flrst removing his trousers, 
takes enough of this flax to twist into about the size of No. 10 cotton 
in his left hand, lays it across the fleshj^^ part of his right leg, licks the 
palm of his right hand, places it upon the flax and twists it. In this 
way they make twine of all sizes, from that of the coarse sewing 
thread to that of a half -inch rope. 

In early times all the sewing they did was with this thread, using a 
sharpened bone for a needle. The larger size twine was for making 
fish nets, bird nets, carrying sacks, snaring deer, etc. 

The mortar basket is used for pounding acorns, grain, all kinds of 
nuts and seeds. It is made of tough roots of the fir, which are usually 
gathered in spring or winter, when the ground is soft. Koots of the 
small saplings are preferred, being tougher than those of the old tree. 
The size of the roots gathered varies from one-half to 1^ inches. 
These are now buried under hot ashes and are allowed to remain thus 
for an hour. They are then taken out, not burned, but verj'^ hot. 
This steaming process toughens them and makes them split more 
easily, besides seasoning them to some extent. The squaw now takes 
this hot root in both hands, seizes it near the end with her front teeth, 
throws her head back and her hands forward, and the root is split 
exactly in the center in less than half a minute. 

The two halves are again split in like manner and so on until the 
pieces become about twice as large as required. The craftswoman is 



ABORIGINAL AMERIOAK BASKETKY. 451 

now more careful, and the last piece is sometimes started with a 
sharp rock or knife, but usually with the teeth. One end of the splint 
is caught in the i-ig-ht hand, the other being- kept between the teeth. 
The thumb and forefinger of the left hand are clinched tightly on the 
stick below the mouth. The head and right hand are now pulled 
slowly from each other. As the operation proceeds the finger and 
thumb of the left hand are slowly slipped down in front of the split 
part. Thus this last piece is divided accurately in the middle. The 
splints are not used at once, but are tied up in large circular coils and 
allowed to season, which, however, does not take long, as they are 
thin and the heating process aids in seasoning them yery quickly. 
Being now prepared to make a basket, the woman uncoils the splints 
and throws them into a pan or basket of water, which renders them 
pliable and easy to be worked. The ribs of the basket are willow 
switches with the bark scraped off. In beginning the basket two of 
the splints are taken from the water and attached to one of the ribs 
with a kind of wrapped knot, so fastened as to allow one splint to 
stand toward the weaver and one directly from her. Another rib is 
now set close to the first one, and the splints are reversed; that is, the 
outside is pulled toward the weaver and the inside one is put from 
her; this forms a half turn around each side of a rib, the splints 
crossing or twining between the ribs. The same weave is used in the 
construction of the whole basket. Around the extreme top of this 
basket is a half -inch stick usual 1}^ wrapped or stitched on with small 
vines split in the center. The dark red material used occasionally in 
this basket {Cercis occidentalis) is found in the mountains and is an 
undergrowth never attaining a size larger than one's ankle. The 
Indians call it "mo-lay." It beai's a red blossom and small slender 
switches grow up at the bottom of the larger bush which are of a 
dark red color. These are split open in the middle in the same way 
as the fir root, save that thej^ are not heated. The stitches represent 
half the size of the stick, as it is split onl}^ once. The wood with 
bark ofi' is snow white. 

Mr. Purcell, in describing a pretty little basket of grass root covered 
with red feathers, made by the Little Lake Indians, says every mother 
in this tribe presents one of these baskets to her child when it is about 
7 years of age with the admonition to take care of the gift. They 
have a superstition that if the basket is lost some evil will befall the 
child. It is impossible to obtain one of these from the Little Lakes, 
the specimen described having been secured in the Concow tribe. 

Under the name of Pomo are included a great number of tribes or 
little bands, thirty, according to Hudson, Furdy, and Wilcomb — 
sometimes one in a valley, sometimes more — clustered in the region 
where the headwaters of the Eel and Russian rivers interlace, along 
the latter and around the estuaries of the coast. In disposition the 



452 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Porno are quite different from the Yuki and their congeners, being 
simple, friendly, peaceable, and inoffensive. They are also much less 
cunning and avaricious and less quickly imitative of the whites than 
the lively tribes on the Klamath, to whom they are inferior in intel- 
lect. As to their physique, there prevails on the Russian River 
essentially the same types as that seen in the Sacramento Valley. 
When first occupied by the European, the valleys inhabited by the 
Porno teemed with wild grasses and the streams were hedged in with 
carex and willow. The native grasses have almost disappeared, while 
the carices have given place in the lowlands to hops and alfalfa. 
Many ranchers forbid an Indian to dig on their lands, thus limiting 
the weaving-material supply to outlying canyons or compelling a sub- 
stitution of inferior material. Sometimes an indifferent worker will 
use but one character of material in a basket; for instance, the redbud 
shoots for warp and the two contrasting sides of the cortex for pat-^ 
tern. This method, called bi-to'-i, effects looseness of weft and warp, 
incongruity of colors, and instability of the vessel, and is strongly 
condemned by an expert. Some weavers will conscientiously refuse 
to work rather than substitute hai (woody material) for ma-yem' 
(roots). The following notes by J. W. Hudson accompanied his col- 
lection to the National Museum: 



Vegetal materials for Porno hasketry 



Indian name. 


Scientific name. 


Common name. 


Parts used. 








Prepared root. 






Black-rooted sedge 


Shi-kO' 




Prepared root. 
Prepared stems. 


Bam . . .. 


Salix sessifolia 


Hinds's willow 








Prepared inner bark. 
Split root 


Ka-ll'-she 


Piniis sdhiivio/iid 


Nut pine 


Ka-wa' 


Pseudotsuga taxifolia 

Pieridium aquilinum 

Ccvcis occidcutoXis . 


Douglas spruce 


Root. 


Bis 


Brake or bracken 


Prepared root. 


Mu-16 


Redbud 


Bark of shoots. 


PshCl-M' 


Covylus coXifoYuicd 


Beaked hazel 


Stems. 


Bam-tu 


Viiis colifOTTiicd 


Grape 


Vine. 


Ma-sha' 


Lw.uTti cdl'tfoTnicum 


California flax 


Prepared stems. 











Wilcomb finds black designs sewed in tule root and fern roots also. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 

Animal materials for Pomo basketry 



453 



Indian name. 


Scientific name. 


Common name. 


Parts used. 


Kd-ya 


Sdxidomtis orcLcilis 




Prepared shell. 


Ka-ya 


Cdvdiiivi covbls 




Prepared shell. 
Prepared .shell. 


T6m 


Haliotis 




Ka-tate' 


Melancrpes formicivorus 




Throat and scalp feathers 


Ju-shll' 




Breast feathers. 


Chi-kA-ka 


Lophortyx californicus 




Crest. 


Ka-yan' 

Tsd,-wa-lfl.. .. 


Mallard 


Scalp feathers. 
Neck feathers. 


Cyanura stelleri 


California jav 


Ba-chl-a 


Colaptes cafcr . 


Mexican woodpecker 

Golden eagle 


Quill splittings. 


Shai-i 


Aqiiila chrysaetos 


Tail and pinions. 


Tsu-ll-a 

Kai-y6-yo 


Agelaius guhernador 

IctCTU^ hullockii . 


Tricolored blackbird 

Bullock's oriole 

Magnetic iron ore 


Elbow feathers. 
Neck and breast. 


Magnetite 


Burned, prepared cylin- 
ders. 









"Mineral. 



Ka-hum' is split into strings or flat splints and kept wet dux'ing the 
process of construction. Color, light tan or white. Used in sewing 
coiled basketry. 

Tsu-wish' is buried with ashes for about eighty hours, thias d3reing 
to shades of black; then split into splints like Ka-hum'. 

Shi-ko, split into splints. Whole stems are used for fish weirs; 
color, cream. 

Bam. 1. Young shoots decorticated and polished for foundation of 
coiled basketry ; color, straw. 

2. Splittings from bark of young shoots. 

3. Splittings of young shoots. 
Ma-lo-ma-lo. Inner bark strips; color, dark tan 
Ka-li-she. Split root; color, buflf. 

Ka-wa. Split root, trimmed limbs; color, gray. 

Bis. Chewed and cleansed root, split; black. 

Mu-le. Bark of shoots, split into tape with a bit of wood adhering; 
burnt-sienna color. Used in sewing coiled basketry. 

Pshu-ba. Trimmed stems. 

Bam-tu. Vine, used rough or decorticated. 

Ma-sha. Crushed, hackled, and combed. 

Ka-ya. Manufactured from clam shells; current among the Indians 
as "Indian silver." Monetic base. 

Po. Magnetite, mined in Lake County, California. Heated dull 
red, then tempered in hot water. Knapped and scoured into cylindei's. 

Bored. Current as Indian gold. Monetic base. 

All prepared vegetals turn dark with age, and especially by the 
smoke from the open fires in Indian huts. 

Tsu-wish ranks first in value; a bunch equals 100 Ka-ya. A bunch 
of Ka-hum equals 65 Ka-3'a; Mu-le, 20 Ka-ya. 



454 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Plate 173 illustrates a coiled basket of the Porno Indians left unfin- 
ished to show the workmanship. The foundation is in the style called 
Tee weaving, twined work, described and illustrated on page 239 and 
in fig. 27. These structural features are clearly set forth in the plate. 
In the foreground the vertical and the horizontal warp, as well as the 
twined weft, appear in their true association. The bodj^ sewing is 
done with white splints of mu le or redbud {Cercis occidentalis); the 
figures, representing mountains, are wrought with brown splints of 
cercis. It is 10 inches in diameter, collected by Dr. J. W. Hudson, 
and is Catalogue No. 200013 in the U. S. National Museum. 

In feather work, each feather is plucked from the prepared skin of 
the bird and neatly caught under a stitch, which is then drawn tight. 
They are used either to heighten the color without aiding the design 
or the design is in the feathers and not in the stitches. For the former 
quail plumes and the red feathers from the woodpecker's head are 
employed. The red feathers are placed regularly but thinly on the 
stitches of the upper half of the basket and the quail plumes scattered, 
or below three rows of shell disks (kaia) on the upper edge of the 
basket. In the feather basket proper there are two varieties called 
"tapica" and "epica." The tapica is the so-called sun basket; but 
Purdy insists that the word means "red basket." The oldest speci- 
mens are saucer-shaped baskets, covered with red feathers, decorated 
with pendants of kaia and abalone, with circles of shell mone}^ The 
use of other feathers than red is a charming innovation. The Ballo 
kai Porno name for feather baskets in any other shape is "epica."' 
When the Pomo use shell disks (kaia) to decorate coiled basketr}'^, a 
thread is carried along under the stitches and the disks threaded on as 
needed. Beads are usually applied in the same way, but in some 
examples they are threaded on the sewing filaments. (Carl Purd3\) 

There is no more interesting group of Indians in America than the 
Pomo with respect to the variety of technical processes in basketry. 
They not only understand many of the processes common among 
other tribes, but have introduced one or two types of manipulation 
peculiar to themselves. The following classification, prepared by 
J. W. Hudson and Carl Purdy, shows the variety of basket work 
made by them: 

TWINED WORK (tSHAMA) 

1. Pshukan (Shakan, Purdy), coarse twined work of shuba or hazel. 

2. Pshutsin, wrapped weft, happily called backstitching hy Hudson. 

3. Bamtush, plain twined weaving. 

4. Shuset, twine over two warp rods, diagonal. 

5. Sheetsin, three-strand braid or twine. 

6. Lit, Makah style, wrapped weft twined (figs. 20, 21). 

7. Tee, twined weaving over lattice foundation. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 455 

COILED WORK (SHIBU) 

8. Shailo, foundation of splints (Sliailo, Purdy). 

9. Tsai, foundation of one rod. 

10. Baumko, two-stem foundation laid vertically. 

11. Bamshibu, foundation of 3 rods. 

12. Bamteck, four-stem foundation. 

13. Tsawara, the half -hitch work on cradles. 

Purdy adds ringed and sewed; each circle of foundation complete. 
These names are from Yokaia, Upper Yokaia, Calpella, and Potter 
Valle3^ The word for basket in Potter is Pika; at Upper Lake, Sitol; 
at Lower Lake, Kolob; at Cache Creek, Kawah. 

1. Pshu-kan' (fish weir) in its simplest form is the binding- of a row 
of upright warp rods b}^ means of pairs of hazel or willow shoots pass- 
ing them horizontally with a half twist in each space. Undressed 
material is the rule, but in more delicate household vessels the willow 
is decorticated, even polished. Hazel (Shu ba, the fisherman) was the 
original material. It is nothing more than a very coarse open twined 
work, passing now and then into three-strand twine. (See fig. 20.) 

2. Pshutsin, a very substantial means of framing a large, heavy 
structure, such as granaries, sheathing for thatch, game fences, etc. 
It is in effect wrapped twined weaving, seen also in Mohave carrying 
frames. From the periphery a strand of grapevine loosely encircles 
two ribs, passing to the left over four ribs, then backward, catching 
two or more and repeating gradually, back two, forward four, inward 
to the center or apex. A second vine catches a rib at the bottom of 
the roof passing to the left over four ribs, encircling two, thence zig- 
zags parallel with No. 1 to the top. This is repeated till s]:)aces are 
covered. Pshutsin effects in house building a coarse mesh at the 
foundation, but gradually closed in at the apex, where most needed. 
In granaries the conditions are reversed, but the effect is the same. 
Fences require an additional top vine. (See fig. 13.) 

3. Bamtush (Bamtu, grapevine) plain twined weaving. Pattern 
and aesthetic art were here born, the brown bark of the vine contrast- 
ing with pale yellow of the inner vine splittings. The grape has long 
since been discarded for stronger and more polished material. Bam- 
tush is the strongest weave and is used in carrying baskets, acorn bas- 
kets, and ver}^ large, heavy mush baskets. There is a warp of willow 
or other stems radiating from the bottom. On this the warp is laid 
in pairs, the two splints being twisted a half time in passing a warp 
stem. The effect is that of ribbed cloth or corduroy. The ornamen- 
tation is usually in bands. (See fig. 15.) 

4. Shuset is twining over two warps and alternating from round to 
round and affords the amplest opportunity for artistic display. It is 
called diagonal or twilled-twined work, as its surface is the smoothest 



456 REPORT OF NATIOl!fAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

of Porno weaves; the patterns are bold and clear and cover the whole 
area. It is the only weave whose pattern is not woven through. 
It has also the mode of delicate structure. It is used in large acorn 
baskets, also in mush baskets, being strong, smooth, and moderately 
close. Some fine gift baskets are also in this weave, and it seems to 
be susceptible of much more elaborate ornamentation than the plain 
twined work. The word Shuset, says Hudson, is understood only as 
far south as Ukiah City, the Yokaia term for diagonal twine being 
Bam tsai. (See fig. 20.) 

5. Sheetsin is a style of three-strand twined weaving in which at 
each third of a turn one weft filament is carried behind a warp stem. 
It will be seen at once that when the bundle of weft filaments has 
made a whole revolution, each one of them will have been carried 
behind the warp. On the inside this basketry does not differ in 
appearance from common twined weaving, but on the outside each 
weft element passes over three warp stems and under one. 

There is a peculiar type of Sheetsin used chiefly to start the foun- 
dations of twined baskets. It is a three-strand weft in which a braid 
is formed instead of a twine, one of its elements passing over each 
warp, the other two remaining outside. On the inside the effect is of 
plain twined weaving, while on the outside the effect is diagonal. 
(See fig. 28.) 

6. Lit is a style of twined weaving in which one of the elements 
remains on the inside of the basket and the other is wrapped around 
the checks formed by the crossing of this horizontal element with the 
vertical warps. The Makah Indians, of Cape Flattery, employ this 
technic almost exclusively, but Hudson says the Kulanapan tribes used 
it only to give variety to a surface in which plain twine and Shuset 
are used. On the same authorit}', this word Lit is known among all 
the Pomo tribes, even among the Tsawalu Porno, near Guernerville. 
(See figs. 21, 22.) 

7. Tee (intricate) is a double structure, a Bamtush reinforced by 
horizontal warp across the outside of the vertical. On the inside this 
ware is undistinguishable from plain twined work. Its characteristics 
are great strength, the closest mesh, and a pattern dim and impres- 
sional. It is the most difficult and highest priced of the Tshama 
weaves. The openwork basket trays in tee weave are called by Dr. 
Hudson psher kom, or fish plate. (See fig. 27.) 

The name Shi bu, or Tschibu, applies, says Purdy, in reality to 
only the three-stick coiled baskets. The full name is Bam shi bu, or 
Bamsibu, sticks three. No branch of the Pomo use it except for three- 
stick baskets and only the Calpella, Kalshe, and Ballo bai Pomo use it 
at all as a basket name. One-stick baskets in Calpella, Kalshe, and 
Ballo bai Pomo are bam cha, stick one, or tishais. The filaments of 
Pomo Shibu coiled basketry are shaved down to uniform width and 
thickness with the greatest care. 



ABOKIGIIfAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 457 

8. Shailo, suggested by the spiral rib of Tee, was constructed, of a 
spiral coil of fir-root fibers bound to its adjacent coil below by a single 
strand of the same material catching in the lower coil fibers or the 
tops of its lacings. This method, the Protean Shibu, developed and 
considered b}^ other California Indians, notably Yokut, as the acme 
of art, has long since been discarded by the Porno as inadequate to the 
demands of even close weaving and pattern. However, it pi'oved the 
coil to be practicable and from it evolved Tsai. 

9. In the Tsai (bam-cha, one rib) or single-rod coiled basketry the 
foundation is a single willow shoot of uniform thickness throughout, 
seasoned and smoothed, spiraling from base to rim and sewed down 
with narrow splints of various materials. Two rods are inclosed in 
each stitch which passes beneath the rib of the previous turn, the 
stitches interlocking. This structure is quite light and elegant, per- 
mitting the most delicate treatment, both in stitch and pattern. Speci- 
mens frequently average 60 stitches to the linear inch. (See fig. 46.) 

10. Baumko is the Pomo name for coiled basketry on a foundation 
of two stems, one above the other. It is an economical method of 
work, for it widens the coil and to that extent diminishes the amount 
of sewing. (See fig. 47.) 

11. Bamshibu or bamtsuwu (tsu-ba, thi'ee) consists of a three-rod 
warp or coil bound down by its lacings, catching in the lacings and 
one stem of the next lower coil. This is justly regarded by the Pomo 
as the highest type of basket art. Its materials require the most care- 
ful tests of evenness, pliability, and color. The legitimate function of 
treble ribs besides solidity is its adaptability for retaining the bulbs 
of feathers, and was doubtless created by an incentive for this rich 
ornamentation. Comparison with other styles of work reveals the 
fact that by reason of fine material and pressing together of the stitches 
the sewing conceals the foundation, while in the varieties before 
mentioned the latter is visible between the stitches. (See fig. 50.) 

12. Bamteck is scarcely to be looked upon as a separate style of 
weaving. It is simply a variety of No. 11. The manipulation of the 
stitches is precisely the same in both. 

13. Tsawam. This is an application of the backward and forward 
braiding or false braiding found on the margins of many baskets and 
described in the proper place in this work. The rods of the cradle 
are held together by a coarse cotton string obtained from the traders, 
formerly, no doubt, made of splint. Carried across the warp rods the 
weft material passes forward four, backward two, right; forward 
four, backward two, left — and so, alternately backward to the right 
or left, forms a very neat braid on one side of the basket, and what 
looks like two rows of twined weaving on the other. 

The making of a fine coiled basket requires an infinite amount of 
patience. The rootstocks carefully gathered during the summer and 



458 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



early autumn are split into fine strands for direct use. At Round 
Valley the process is as follows: The rootstocks, denuded of their outer 
coverings, are thoroughl}^ soaked in warm water, and one end of a root 
is divided through the center, by means of the finger nails, into three 
parts. One of these parts is held firmly between the teeth, while, by 
means of the fingers, the whole root is carefully and very evenlj^ split 
into three sections. Each of these sections is again separated into 
three parts in the same manner, and the same process is carried out 
until the strands are as fine as ma}'^ be desired, the value of the basket 



j<:<f^^Z^> 






Fig. 165. 

tiny coiled basket. 

Porno Indians. 

Collected by C. P. Wilcomb. 



depending in great measure upon the fineness of the strands used as 
well as the general beauty of the finished fabric. These strands are 
used not like those from the pine root in twined work, but for thread 
for sewing coiled ware. In beginning the basket, three very pliant 
stems are so selected that when placed together their combined cross 
sections will be nearly circular. The use of three "sticks" instead of 
one, as is sometimes the case in less costly baskets, gives much more 
elasticity and greater strength to the basket. The strand is wrapped 
tightly about one end of the compound withe, and as the wrapping 






Fig. 166. 

tiny coiled basket. 

Porno Indians. 

Collected by C. P. Wilcomb. 



progresses, the wand is bent into a minute circle; the central hole is 
filled in by stitching over and over again, and with this as a basis the 
little plaque is gradually built up by coiling. The general shape and 
plan of the basket must necessarily be carried in mind, for there is no 
skeleton to serve as a guide. Infinite care must therefore be exer- 
cised, not only in preserving the symmetry of shape, but also the 
symmetry of the designs which are worked in with the black and white 
strands. It requires many months, sometimes years, of leisure work 
to complete a first-class basket. Some of the very best are more or 
less individual in their shape and pattern. (Chesnut.) 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



459 



Fig. 165 is a coiled basket of the Porno Indians (Kulanapan family) 
in a style of sewing called Bamshibu. The foundation consists of 
three stems or rods. The stitches pass over the foundation and inter- 
lock with those underneath, giving a ribbed appearance to the fabric. 
This tiny object is a little over one-half an inch in diameter and passes 
easily through a lady's finger ring. In the foundation, the uniform 
width of the coil and of the stitches, and the neatness of the sewing, 
it would be difiicult to find a more charming piece of Indian handi- 
work. 

Fig. 166 is a coiled basket of the Pomo Indians in a style of weaving 
called tsai, in which a single rod is used for the foundation, the 




Fig. 167. 

coiled basket. 

Hoochnom Indians, California. 

Cat. No. 21371, U.S.N.M, Collected by Stephen Powers, 



stitches passing both over the rod of the course in progress and under 
the rod of the foundation of the course beneath. These small pieces 
represent fairly the best Pomo workmanship. 

These two baskets are in the collection of C. P. Wilcomb, curator 
of the Golden Gate Park Museum, San Francisco, California, and were 
made under his supervision. 

Fig. 167 is a coiled basket of the Hoochnom Indians, Yukian fam- 
ily. It is made in a style of coiled weaving called rod and welt. In 
this method one or two small rods or stems of uniform thickness con^ 
stitute the body or foundation of the coil. Over this is laid a thin 
filament or strip of material, and the stitches of each coil pass over 
the foundation, under the splint, and interlock. The work of the 
Hoochnom Indians is of excellent character, the coils about the same 
width of the number of stitches to the inch, uniform. In the example 




460 BEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

here shown the coils are one-eighth of an inch in diameter, and there 
are twenty stitches to the inch. The ornamentation appears to be the 
usual California combination of mountain and coil plume. The use of 
light and dark filaments and the alternation of triangles and rectangles 
on the two sides of the open space form a very attractive ornament. 
The use of shell disks improves the appearance of the object. Feathers 

are also employed on some speci- 
mens from this locality. 

A square inch shown in fig. 168 
illustrates more definitely the de- 
scription here given. 

This specimen, Catalogue No. 
21371 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was procured in Eel River, Califor- 
nia, by Stephen Powers. 

Leaving the west coast peoples, 
the next group of basket makers 
will be found in the Oregon tribes 
belonging to the Lutuamian family, 
Fig. 168. namel}^, the Klamath and Modocs, 

DETAIL OF FIG. 167. ^ud the Sfaastas, also various bands 

of Wintun belonging to the Copehan family. The basket work of 
this middle region is largely twined work with overlaying. The 
designs have been studied by Koland B. Dixon and will be found 
illustrated in Plates 18 to Si in his paper on the basket designs of 
northern California.'' In the work here mentioned it is interesting 
to find that the movement has been eastward, for quite a number of 
these specimens figured as Maidu are very surely made under the 
influence of tribes here mentioned. 

The Klamath Indians have their home upon the Little and Upper 
Klamath Lake, Klamath Marsh, and Sprague River, Oregon. Their 
name in their own language is E-ukshikni (Klamath Lake people). 
The Modoc are termed by the Klamath Modokni (southern people).* 

Fig. 169 is a twined flexible basket of the Klamath Indians. The 
body is in plain twined weaving; the three elevated bands on the out- 
side are in three-ply twined weaving, the effect being that of hoops 
placed on wooden vessels for the purpose of strengthening them and 
is very pleasing. Bj^ choosing straws or stems of different plants for 
these three-ply bands the artistic impression is heightened. By twin- 
ing dark and light colored straws in the texture and by varying the 
number of monochrome or dichrome twines, charming effects in endless 
variety may be produced. 

"Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, XVII, pp. 1-32. 
* J. W. Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, Washington, 1891, pp. ]-142. 



ABOEIGITSTAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



461 



A square inch shown in fig. 170 makes clear the manner in which 
the plain twined and three-ply twine may be combined and also that 
of using different colored materials. The rows in both cases, however, 
are monochrome. If the alternate meshes were dark and light, the 
beauty would be enhanced. The using of dichrome twine is rather 
limited to this particular area — northern California and southern Oregon. 

This specimen, Catalogue No. 24124 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was procured in Oregon by L. S. Dyar. 




,...;„„..^jgi 

Fig. 169. 
twined basket bowl. 

1 

Klamath Inrlians, Oregon. 
Cat. No. 24124, U.S.N.M. Collected by L. S. Dyar. 

The following names for baskets were collected from the Hot 
Spi'ing Valley Indians, Modoc County, California: 

Indian name Basket work 

Doch iain''ii ,Papoose basket. 

Po lu^ lu Boat shaped, used to hold trinkets and small articles. 

Ba po^ ka. - Storage basket, also used for cooking, also applied to any basket 

where the top curves in toward the center. 

Shute' pa Soft plaque used for gambling and winnowing. 

Ta wi y'a Hard plaque used for gambling and winnowing. 

Clowa' Coarse basket with hole in bottom for grinding meal. 

De le'' ma che Cone-shaped burden basket. 

Shu' wa Squaw's cap. 

Da lu' ti a Coil weave. A coiled weave storage basket is called dalutia 

bapoka and is greatly prized, also the plaques in dalutia weave. 



462 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




Fig. 170. 
detail op fig. 169. 



Plate 174 represents two Klamath Indian baskets in the collection 
of Dr. C. Hart Merriam. The interesting feature in them is that the 
entire structure is in three-strand twined work. The border resembles 
clo.sely one of the simplest among the Tlinkits, namely, the warp 
strands are turned down and held in place by a row of twined weaving. 
All the Indians of this area practice the three-strand work, but do 

not cover the whole basket with it. 
This weave is reserved for strength- 
ening weak places and for ornament. 
It has the disadvantage of being 
wasteful of material. 

South of the Klamath and Modoc 
tribes and closely associated with 
. them live the Shasta Indians (Sastean 
family, formerly on the Klamath 
River from Bogus Creek to Scott 
River; on the Shasta River, Little 
Shasta and Yuka Creek; and in Scott 
Valley, to which has been added the 
Upper Salmon and a part of Rogue 
River in Oregon). Stephen Powers 
commends the strength and beauty of the Shasta women. With their 
basket hats fitting tight on their round heads and walking with a 
grenadier stride, they present quite an Amazonian appearance." The 
specimens of Shasta Indian baskets in the U. S. National Museum are 
not to be distinguished fundamentally from those just described. 
They are in twined weaving with overlajdng in straw. Their special 
marks are in the designs or symbols.* 

Plate 175, top figure, represents a twined basket of the Pit River 
Indians, Copehan family, in Shasta County, California. In Dixon's 
paper precisely the same symbols are seen on a basket labeled Yanan 
(Plate 25). The warp and weft on the bottom are of some kind of rush. 
The weft on the body is in stems of the squaw grass. There are 
twelve twists and twenty rows of twined weaving to the inch. The 
color of the body is a beautiful old gold produced by age. The orna- 
mentation is in three sets of three rhombs, each done in black material, 
perhaps fern stems. Crosses and diamond patterns are employed to 

« Powers, Contributions to North American Ethnology, III, Chap. XXVI. 

^Shastas, Rogue Rivers, and Calapooya tribes on Grand Ronde and Siletz Res- 
ervations, Oregon, make excellent openwork twined baskets from hazel [Corylus 
calif ornica) sticks cut in May, peeled. Those cut in autumn are toasted, tlien soaked 
and peeled. Charming effects are produced in the seasoning of the wood. Rarely 
stems dyed black by soaking them in mud are used in weaving. Besides the old- 
time plaques, baby frames, and conical burden baskets, the latest willow ware is 
being freely imitated in hazel for all domestic and industrial uses. — Mks. Harriet 
McArthuk, 



ABOEIGIKAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 463 

decorate the centers. The margin is formed by braiding down the 
unused warp stems. Height is 3i inches; diameter 5^ inches. Cata- 
logue No. 19283. Collected by Livingston Stone. 

The middle figure is said to have been made by the Pit River Indians, 
the warp and bottom being in soft rushes. The weft of the bod}^ is 
in strips of rushes over which thin filaments of squaw grass have been 
wound. The delicate figures are in black fern stems. Design, lizard's 
feet, three in number, with festoons of short lines between. The 
border is formed by braiding down the ends of the warp and holding 
them in place by a row of twined weaving. This is a very common 
method of treatment throughout this country. Its height is 3 inches 
and diameter 5i inches. Catalogue No. 204910, U. S. National Museum. 
Collected by Harry F. Liston. 

The lower figure represents a basket from the McCloud River 
Indians, Copehan family. The warp is in small rods, perhaps of hazel. 
The weft in twisted root of dark brown color. The first few rows of 
twining, and here and there another row around the bottom, are in 
three-strand, the rest in double twining. The body is in the same brown 
material wrapped with squaw grass, the figures showing on both sides. 
The ornamentation consists of four rows of double rhombs in black 
fern and one single row. Around the bottom is a double row in two 
colors. The border is finished in one i"ow of three-strand twine weav- 
ing, the ends of the warp showing. Its height is 1|- inches and its 
diameter 5 inches. Catalogue No. 1931:9, U. S. National Museum. 
Collected by Livingston Stone. 

Fig. 171 is a carrying basket of the McCloud River Indians, Copehan 
family. The tribes of this family are described by Powers under the 
general name of AVintun. Those living on the McCloud Fork are 
named Winnimin, the meaning of which term is North River. The 
similarity of the McCloud River basketry with that of the Pit River 
people will be apparent. The technic, poorl}'^ shown, is in twined 
weaving with a foundation of stems. The noticeable feature is the 
overlaying of the filaments with grass stems or fern stems to produce 
the ornamentation. The strength of the basket is in the weaving. 
The bottom is cup-shaped, and for 3 or 1 inches is in three-strand 
twined weaving. The rest of the workmanship is in the ordinary 
two-strand twine. In order to strengthen the basket a coil of rods is 
sewed around the bottom for about a foot. The border is a strong 
hoop attached to the warp stems' by bending down the latter and 
sewing them in place with splints, forming a single row of coiled 
work. The overlaying passes to the inside, so that the figures are 
the same without and within the basket. On the body the rhomboid 
figures forming triangular ornaments are named in Mr. Dixon's paper 
"leaves strung along." 

Plate 176, Catalogue Nos. 19297 and 19281 in the U. S. National 



464 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



Museum are labeled McCloud River Indian baskets. They were col- 
lected by the superintendent of the United States fish-hatching estab- 
lishment in northern California many years ago and doubtless were 
procured from the McCloud River Indians. 

The upper figure is an example of two-colored design in plain twined 
weaving by simply hiding every alternate twist of the weft strands. 
The lower figure is made in the same fashion with broken bands in two 
colors, brown and yellow, but the border is finished off bj- bending 
down the warp stems and sewing with thread. 

Plates 177-178, show the work of the Hat Creek Indians, Pakamalli, 
who live on Hat Creek, a branch of Pit River in northeastern Cali- 




FiG. 171. 

CAKKYING BASKET. 

McCloud River Indians, California. 
Cat. No. 19390, U.S.N.M. Collected by Livingston Stone. 



fornia. They belong to the Palaihnihan family, which Mr. Gatschet 
believes to be related to the Sastean or Shasta tribes. Dixon (1902) 
places the basketry of these tribes in his northeastern group of Cali- 
fornia tribes associated with the Klamath and Modoc (Lutuamian), 
Shastas (Sastean, but probably Palaihnihan), Pit Rivers (Palaihnihan), 
Yana (Yanan), Wintun (Copehan), and Maidu (Pujunan). Powers'* 
characterizes the Hat Creek Indians as the most warlike in all the Pit 
River Basin, and the one most dreaded by the timid aborigines of the 
Sacramento Valley. These specimens are in the collection of H. E. 
Williams. 

a Contributions to North American Ethnology, III, 1877, p. 274. 



ABOBIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 465 

The eastern portion of northern California, as before mentioned, is 
largely divided between the Palaihnihan, Yanan, and Pujunan linguistic 
families. It might be easily supposed by one who had no knowledge 
on the subject whatever, that the coiled basketry of the interior basin 
would obtrude itself here and either push backward the tribes making 
twined work, or at least the latter would be forced to a very subordi- 
nate position. Dr. Roland B. Dixon has published in the American 
Anthropologist, but more extensively in the Bulletin of the American 
Museum of Natural History," the result of accurate studies in the 
basketry of the eastern tribes. The most extensive researches of Dr. 
Dixon are on the basketry of the Maidu Indians described by Powers. 
On Powell's linguistic map these Indians are assigned to the Pujunan 
family. Their country lies east of the Sacramento River and extends 
as far as the Nevada line,, stretching north and south from the southern 
line of Lassen and Tehama counties to the Consumne River. A number 
of examples of Maidu basketry have already been described, and illus- 
trated in Plates 56 and 57. The specimens are in the U. S. National 
Museum. 

The body is either in splints of willow or other wood and a species 
of root. At the time of this wi'iting Mr. Coville was not quite sure as 
to the species employed. The designs on the body of the basket are 
in the splints of Gercis occidentalism the bark and young shoots remain- 
ing in place. An inspection of a number of Maidu baskets together 
leaves the impression of distinct individuality. They belong to the 
three-rod variety of coiled weaving and the sewing passes over the 
foundation, under one of the rods of the foundation beneath, the stitches 
interlocking. Frequently on the inside they split, which enables the 
sewer to give each stitch on the outer surface a vertical position. The 
material used in the sewing is hard and is not driven tight home, each 
stitch being wide below and narrow above. After a study of one of 
these specimens, its colors and patterns, the investigator will have no 
trouble afterwards in identifying a Maidu basket. 

Dr. Dixon, who has given most attention to the lore in Maidu bas- 
kets, divides the symbols into three classes, namely: Natural designs, 
plant designs, and those representing natural or artificial objects. His 
plates 1 to 17 are devoted exclusively to Maidu basketry. Among 
them will.be seen a few in twined weaving, principally conical burden 
baskets. A comparison of these among themselves and also those of 
the Pit River Indians and tribes living in the Sacramento Valley indi- 
cate acculturation of some kind, borrowing ideas, or may be women, 
ideas and all. A number of Maidu baskets in the U. S. National 
Museum were collected by W. H. Holmes. 

A suggestion might be made in this connection that the so-called 

"Vol. XVII, pp. 1-32. 
NAT MUS 1902 30 



466 KEPOET or NATIONAL MUSETTM, 1902. 

feather design on the Dixon baskets " msij be those on arrows, which 
in some California tribes are notched. This is only a suggestion. One 
of Dixon's most intricate feather patterns has narrow lines between, 
resembling the letter H, which might be either the rib of the feathers 
or the owner's mark on the shaftment of the arrow. The association 
of this notched half feather design with the symbol for arrow points 
would be in harmon}?^ with this view. No other artificial object enters 
so profoundly into Indian art, gaming, lore, and ceremony. 

On the map of California, covering a small spot at the angle of the 
eastern border, are the Washoe Indians (Washoan family). They 
extend into the parts of Nevada adjoining, occup3dng the mountain 
region in the extreme western portion of the State about Washoe and 
Tahoe lakes and the towns of Carson and Virginia City. They for- 
merly extended farther east and south, but were driven back by the 
Paiute, who conquered them and reduced them to complete subjec- 
tion. Their basketry is the same general type as the Maidu, just 
north, but in execution it is far above. The material is willow, 
Datill-yah-wee; the brown or reddish tint is that of the bark of moun- 
tain birch {Oercis OGcidentalis), Et-ba-sha, and the black is from the 
root of a mountain brake {Pteridium aquilinum)^ mes-a-weg-a"see, all of 
lasting qualit}^ and they acquire with age a richness that makes them 
incomparable. The sewing is faultless. Stitch after stitch, over and 
over, increases in width and length with the swelling and shrinking of 
the basket like a harmony in music. The form of the specimen is 
charming, and the ornamentation ideal. The recognition of worth in 
the Washoe basketmaker is encouraging, for the price of a few pieces 
reaches into the thousands of dollars. The author heartily acknowl- 
edges the aid of Mrs. A. Cohn, of Carson City, Nevada, for information 
about the Washoes and for photographs. 

The tiny Washoe oilering or gift basket (Sing-aru-mi), when used 
to propitiate the harvest spirit, is filled with choicest grain or seeds 
or acorns from the last crop to insure a future good harvest. One or 
two of the large storing or household baskets (Da-gee-coop) will hold 
the winter supply of grain or nuts. The flat cradles (Bicose-modi- 
mi-odi) are for the papooses (now-gung). If the child's father is a 
famous brave or chief, the basket is covered with buckskin and gaily 
decorated with beads, trinkets, tasseled fringes, or feathers. The 
ornamentation of the little sheltering cover for the head tells the sex 
of the occupant.* 

Plate 179 represents three basket bowls in the U. S. National 
Museum labeled Washoe. They all show the characteristics of uni- 
formity and plain ornamentation referred to. The lowest in the series 
has also a margin of feather work which allies it with the type of the 

« American Anthropologist, April-June, 1900, pp. 266-276. 
& Clara MacNaughton, Out West, XVIII, 1903, p. 438. 



ABORIGINAX AMERICAN BASKETRY. 467 

tribes farther west. Catalogue Nos. 204846, 36244, 35436, U. S. 
National Museum. 

Plate 180 is one of the best specimens in Mrs. A. Cohn's collection 
in Carson City, Nevada. The symbol on the surface is a collection of 
points meaning "clear skies, good weather." Mrs. Cohn finds varia- 
tions in these, the number of points ranging from three to seven. In 
some examples they are contiguous; in others separated by narrow 
spaces. 

Plate 181 is a picture of Datsolallee, the maker of the finest 
specimens of Washoe basketry. She is holding in her left hand the 
bowed stick in shape of a racquet, with which hot stones are taken 
from the fire to be placed in the basket of mush in order to cook 
it. The symbols shown on the various baskets at her feet represent 
men, women, snakes, ari'ows, wind, weather symptoms, morning, and 
migrating. 

Plate 182, upper figure, shows a basket bowl of the Washoe Indians, 
collected by Eugene Mead. The foundation is the three-rod style in 
willow. The sewing is done in splints of the same material. The 
ornamentation on the bottom is a many pointed star in brown cercis. 
On the body there are three circles made up of isosceles triangles in 
the same. Two of the rows on the body of the basket are so arranged 
as to have a narrow belt of white between them, the points of one 
being downward and the other upward. This form of ornamentation 
is suggestive of the patterns on the sewed coils of the Navaho basket 
bowls. The border is plain coiled sewing. Its diameter is 8f inches, 
and height 3^ inches. 

Plate 182, lower figure, is a basket bowl, Catalogue No. 204852, 
U. S. National Museum, coiled work from Inyo County, California, 
tribe not positively known. There are four sets of ornamentation on 
the side in step pattern in threes, done in sewing splints dj^ed black. 
The most interesting feature of the basket is the border, which is in 
false braid, made of a single splint wrapped over the upper founda- 
tion, forward, under, and back, over again and down beneath the two 
foundation rows, making a figure 8. 

The southern portion of the Oregon-California basket area is 
bounded on the west by the Pacific Ocean and there was little encour- 
agement to venture beyond the shore line except in San Francisco Bay 
and around the Santa Barbara Islands. On the north of it are the 
Maidu, Copehan, and the Yukian families. On the south and forming 
a part of the subarea itself are the Missions, some of which belong to 
the Yuman family, the southern boundary of the area. The great 
Shoshonean family has pushed across the drainage of the interior 
basin to the coast at Santa Barbara. This southern region is a long 
rectangle inclined toward the west. Its axis would be a meridian 
through diagonal corners. The eastern portion is Shoshonean terri- 



468 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

tory. The western portion belongs to the following linguistic families: 
Moquelumnan, Costanoan, Mariposan, Esselenan, Salinan, and Chu- 
mashan. Along the median line of this subarea are Mono, Fresno, 
Inj'o, Tulare, and Kern counties — another basketry Caucasus or Babel. 
(See fig. 163.) 

Those who have made collections from this part of California will 
bear witness that the exchanging of baskets and of women who make 
baskets from stock to stock has rendered it almost impossible to 
identify forms ethnicall}^ Here blood and speech and industry are 
apt to be confounded. At least, it is too early in the investigation to 
be positive on the subject. 

Another difficulty arises in this stud}^ from the fact that language 
groups, tribal names, and county names are also mixed up. For in- 
stance, a basket may be called Tulare because it was purchased in that 
county of California, having no reference to the Indian tribe. A 
specimen made by the same woman will bear the name of the tribe of 
which she is a member. Still another one of her productions might 
be called from the group of languages to which her own belongs. At 
present the confusion extends beyond form and design to the sub- 
stances and technical processes. The author acknowledges his obliga- 
tions to E. L. McLeod, of Bakersfield; C. P. Wilcomb, of Golden 
Gate Park Museum, and Dr. C. Hart Merriam, of Washington, for 
the information here given. Each of these has given most careful 
study to this cosmopolitan basket region. Dr. Merriam has devoted 
special attention to the plants used." 

Of this ware Dr. Merriam says that most of the coiled baskets made 
by the Indians inhabiting the lower slopes of the Sierra from Fresno 
River south to the Kern are celebrated for excellence of workmanship, 
beauty of form, elegance of design, and richness of material, which 
differs in tone and texture from that used by the tribes north and 
south of the region indicated. When fresh, its color is brownish buff; 
with age it becomes darker and richer. By careful selection a hand- 
some dappled effect is produced. It is made from the root of a marsh 
plant which the Indians traveled long distances to procure, identified 
by Miss Alice Eastwood, botanist of the Califoi'nia Academy of Sci- 
ences, as Cladium mariscus. The foundation consists of a bundle of 
stems of a yellow grass, JEpicampes rigens. The black in the design 
is the root of the "bracken" or "brake fern," Ptet'ldmm aquilinum. 
The red is usually split branches of the redbud, Cercis occidentalism 
with the bark on, gathered after the fall rains, when the bark is red. 
The tribes making the Cladium baskets are the Nims, Chukchancys, 
Cocahebas, Wuksaches, Wiktchumnes, Tulares, and perhaps one or 

a It is too early to complete a plant synonymy for the Inyo-Kern and Tulare bas- 
ketry. The list of Coville (pp. 199-214 of this paper) and the following paragraphs 
from Merriam will be helpful. 



ABOKIGINAL AMERICAN" BASKETRY. 469 

two others. Besides these, the root is sometimes used by certain 
squaws of the Mewah tribe living north of the Fresno and by the 
Pakanepull and Newooah tribes living south of the Kern; but among 
these its use is exceptional. 

Another material which has proved a stumbling-block to collectors 
is the red of the design in the handsome baskets made by the Kern 
Valley, Newooah, and Panamint Shoshone Indians. This material is 
often called cactus root. It is the unpeeled root of the tree yucca 
{Yucca ai'horescens), which grows in the higher parts of the Mohave 
Desert, pushes over Walker Pass, and reaches down into the upper 
part of the valley of South Fork of Kern. The so-called Tejon Indians 
obtain it in Antelope Valle}'', at the extreme west end of the Mohave 
Desert. The yucca root varies considerably in depth of color, so that 
by careful selection some of the Indian women produce beautiful 
shaded effects and definite pattern contrasts. 

Some of the Panamint Shoshones inhabiting the desolate desert 
region between Owens Lake and Death Valley use, either in combina- 
tion with the yucca root or independently, the bright-red shafts of the 
wing and tail feathers of a woodpecker — the red-shafted flicker, 
Colaptes cafer collaris. These same Indians use two widely different 
materials for their black designs — the split seed pods of the devil's 
horn, Martynia, and the root of a marsh bulrush, Scirpus. The Mar- 
tynia is a relatively coarse material, and when properly selected yields 
a dead black. The Scirpiis root is a fine, delicate material, which, by 
burying in wet ashes, is made to assume several shades Or tones, from 
blackish brown to purplish black, or even lustrous black. 

In parts of the Colorado Desert in southeastern California the Coah- 
uilla Indians use split strands from the leaf of the desert palm (JVeo- 
wasMngtonia filamentosd) as a surface material for their coiled baskets. 
The design is usually black or orange-brown, and is a rush {Juncus)."' 

The following list gives the families of the tribes in Tulare, Kern, 
and Inyo counties, using the plants named in the first part of this 
description: 1. Chukchan cys Chukchan si (Mariposan) ; 2. Cocahebas; 
3. Mewah (Moquelumnan); 4. Newooah; 5. Mms; 6. Pakanepull; 
Y. Tulares (part of Olamentke div., Moquelumnan); 8. Wiktchumnes, 
Wikchumni (Mariposan) ; 9. Wuksaches, Wiksachi (Mariposan). 

The elements of ornamentation are lines direct and crooked, in 
shapes as varied as the margins of leaves, and they might without 
affectation receive the same names — dentate, serrate, sinuous, etc. 
These simple lines are combined in parallels, herring-bone, chevrons, 
crenellations, and many more patterns. The triangle, the rectangle, 
the rhomb, and the polj^gon are used in great variety. Out of these 
elements the designs on this basketry are separate, concentric, or 
radiate. 

«C. Hart Merriam, Science, May 23, 1903. 



470 REPORT OF KATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The sepai-ate designs are, after all, subservient to the others. Very 
little of this ware shows entirely free and scattered patterns. The 
plume or L-shaped, the white and colored rectangles associated, the 
gi"oups of marks on the border, and chiefly the rectangles in two colors 
with hourglass middle are most common. 

Concentric designs are nari-ow or wide bands, whose middle portion 
is decorated with crooked lines and geometric figures in endless variety 
of combinations. Most of the bands have entire margins, but project- 
ing margins are not unknown. The most noteworth}" is Merriam's 
"butterfly flight design." (See Plate 194.) 

The radial designs are straight or spiral. The composition of each 
ray is a study in itself. But a glance at a large number of baskets 
from this central region shows the predominance of the cuneate 
motive. These truncated wedges spring out of a central, circular 
pattern and widen toward the margin. Their surfaces and their mar- 
gins are seldom entire. The spiral designs are also frequently wedge- 
shaped, but the manner of their composition is of the greatest interest. 
Lurking in them all is the stepped motive in which herringbone or 
jagged lines and simple geometric figures follow one another by echelon. 
This on a roundish surface gives spirals of any amount of curvature. 
By widening and lengthening the rectangular elements the wedge- 
shaped interspaces are filled with the spiral pattern and the whole 
surface is covered with a single design. This charming decoration 
is peculiar to the Santa Barbara baskets. (See Plate 49.) In outward 
form the baskets of the area here considered vary from round, flat 
gambling mats, through trays and bowls of various depths, and hats 
of conical shape, to narrow-mouthed vases, or "bottle-necks" as they 
are called. Some of these ai'e low and broad and closely resemble 
the best of ancient Arizona pottery. 

The basketry of the Panamint Indians (Shoshonean) living in Dea£h 
Valley, Inyo Countj'', says Coville, is made by the squaws at the cost 
of a great deal of time, care, and skill. The materials are very simple. 
They consist of the year-old shoots of some species of tough willow, 
splints from Salix lasiancka^ the year-old shoots of the aromatic 
sumac, Hhus trilohata^ the long, black, slender, flexible horns on the 
mature pods of the unicorn plant, Martynia lotdsimia, locally known as 
devil horns, and the long, red roots of the tree yucca. Yucca arborescens. 
These materials give three types of color — that of the willow and the 
sumac, the black of the devil horns, and the red of the yucca roots. 
This last material, although it has a strong fiber and a pretty red color, 
is rarely used, for it is too thick to pack closel}^ and the resulting 
fabric is full of interstices. 

Sumac and willow are prepared for use in the same way by the 
Panamint Indians. The bark is removed from the fresh shoots by 
biting it loose at the end and tearing it off. The woody portion is 



ABOBIGINAL AMERICAN BA8KETEY. 471 

scraped to remove bud protuberances and other inequalities of the 
surface and is then allowed to dry. These slender stems serve as 
foundation. The sewing material is prepared from the same plants. 
A squaw selects a fresh shoot, breaks off the too slender upper por- 
tion and bites one end so that it starts to split into three nearly equal 
parts. Holding one of these parts in her teeth and one in either hand, 
she pulls them apart, guiding the splitting with her fingers so dexter- 
ously that the whole shoot is divided into three equal even portions. 
Taking one of these, by a similar process she splits off the pith and 
the adjacent less flexible tissue from the inner face, and the bark from 
the outer, leaving a pliant, strong, flat strip of young willow or sumac 
wood. Both stems and splints may be dried and kept for months and 
probably even for several years, but before being used they are always 
soaked in water. 

The pack baskets and some, at least, of the water baskets are made 
of these splints and rods in twined work. The women begin at the 
bottom with two layers of rods superimposed and fastened by their 
middles at right angles. The free ends are bent upward, and in and 
out between them the strands are woven, new warp rods being inserted 
as the basket widens. An attempt at ornamentation is frequently 
made by retaining the bark on some of the strands or by staining 
them and by slightly varying the weave. A squaw commonly occu- 
pies an entire month constructing one such basket. 

Starting from a central point to make a coiled basket, a bundle of 
two or three grass stems and one very slender rod is wrapped with a 
willow splint. At the proper point the foundation is drawn more 
tightly, so that the remainder of the spiral forms the sides of the 
basket. The wall has the thickness, therefore, of one of these bun- 
dles, and is composed of a continuous ascending spiral. The willow 
rod furnishes a strong hold for the stitches, and the punctui'es are made 
with an iron awl. When such an instrument can not be obtained an 
admii-able equivalent is substituted in the form of a stout, horny 
cactus spine from the devil's pincushion, Echinocactus j>olycephalus, 
set in a head of hard pitch. The grass stems, when the stitches are 
drawn tightly, make a perfect packing, and the basket when finished 
is water tight. 

The pack baskets of the Panamint Indians have the form of a 
funnel, from 1^ to 2^ feet high and not quite so broad. The loaded 
basket is held against the back between the shoulders, either by the 
hands grasping its rim, or by leather or rope throngs passed around 
the forehead, the body meanwhile bent forward. 

The plaques are small, flat, circular pieces of closely sewed coiled 
work, usually 9 to 12 inches in diameter. They are flexible and some- 
times slightly saucer-shaped, and are used not only as plates and pans, 
but also as substitutes for sieves. The material to be sifted, composed 
of ground seeds, is placed upon the plate and the chaff winnowed outi 



472 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The pot basket of the Panamints is in coiled work and has the shape 
of a rather deep bowl with curved sides and a deep bottom, and has a 
capacit}^ of about 3 pints. The squaw uses it as a general measure, 
as a bowl for dry food and for soup, and often, when in the sunshine, 
as a hat. Most of their starchy food is roasted dry by mixing seeds, 
before they are ground, with hot coals and stiri-ing them in the bas- 
ket. This process is still largeW used. 

The water basket has a capacity of 2 or 3 gallons. Its outline is 
that of an urn with a narrow neck and a rounded, conical bottom. 
The entire inner surface, and frequently the outside, is coated with 
pitch. Woven into the shoulder of the basket on one side are two 
loops of horsehair, or other strong material, to which is attached a 
thong. In carrying, this thong is passed ai'ound the forehead, while 
the basket is rested on the back between the shoulders. 

All the Shoshonean types of weaving, all their forms of baskets, and 
most of the patterns on them are ancient. The canyon walls of the 
upper tributaries of the Colorado are honeycombed with cliff and cave 
dwellings. From them came inexhaustible treasures of basket work.*^ 

In the collection of Dr. C. Hart Merriam in Washington City there 
are most excellent examples of the Panamint (Shoshonean) Indian 
basket work in which the ornamentation has been a matter of especial 
study. Plate 183 illustrates five examples from Dr. Merriam's collec- 
tion, which I am allowed here to reproduce. Before speaking of them 
it will be at once noticed that these Indians, whose origin, or at least 
most numerous kindred, are in the Interior Basin, have been in con- 
tact with well-known California tribes and have been subjected to their 
influence. (See also Plate 186.) 

Fig. 1 will be recognized at once in its relationship with the Tulare 
tribes. The ornamentation consists of four cycloidal radii made up of 
rectangles in black, arranged in stepped pattern. Each one of these 
rectangles is ornamented with two double chevron patterns called hour- 
glass designs by Dr. Di^^on. In some examples the color is mixed red 
and black. Collections of short and parallel lines on the border ter- 
minate the patterns. 

Fig. 2, another Panamint bowl, has the center ornamented with 
groups of small rectangles in threes. The first band near the bottom 
has for decoration a design which resembles a barbed harpoon head 
with unilateral prongs. The principal band on the body is decorated 
with a series of rhombs in black, containing white and black designs 
within. In some of the Calif or nian eastern tribes this design repre- 
sents the eye, but until the symbol is surely known, denotive names 
are better. The border is decorated with groups of short marks in 
threes. 

«See F. V. Coville's account of the Panamint Indians of Death Valley, California, 
American Anthropologist, V, 1892, pp. 351-361. 



ABOKIGDSTAL AMEEICAN BASKETEY. 473 

Fig. 3 is a bowl with plain center, excepting a short owner's mark, 
and on the body are two bands, each one decorated by a threefold 
chevroned pattern. It will be noted that the offsets in the three bound- 
ary lines of the designs are exactly in line with the finishing off at 
the upper border. This feature is often mentioned by basket collect- 
ors among other tribes. 

Fig. 4 is another Panamint bowl, the interior decorated by plain 
rings in black. From the bottom project four equidistant wedge- 
shaped designs decorated on the surface with rhombs in white. On 
the border, the pattern shown in fig. 1 appears rectangular in form 
with eight single chevroned designs on the surface. One of the pat- 
terns is abbreviated, and between the two wedge-shaped designs on 
the right side of the figure is an arrow motive which may represent 
arrowheads strung or the feather of the arrow notched. 

Fig. 5 is another Panamint bowl, with five wedge-shaped designs on 
the body, proceeding from a dark ring bordering the bottom. Each 
design has outside edges bordered in white, with serrate edges in 
brown and straight venations in white on the middle- portion. The 
little groups of marks in threes on the border have nothing to do with 
the radiate pattern. 

Plate 184 is introduced here for the purpose of showing how the 
colors mentioned in the foregoing pages are used in giving variety 
and beauty to the surface of the ware in this area. The yellow golden 
color is that of the usual sewing material. The black is produced by 
the use of martynia. The red is from the Yucca arhorescens. In the 
ordinary photographic plate the effect of these colors is lost, but in 
the illustrations here given the full effect is brought out. Attention 
is called also in the lower figure to the union of two methods of sewing. 
In the figured stripe in the middle, open sewing is shown, while on the 
rest of the body the stitches are packed close together. It has Pana- 
mint designs. On the upper bowl they are Yokut, but the materials 
of both are Panamint. The open weaving also and the shred founda- 
tion point in the same direction. 

The following information concerning the basket tangle in this area 
is from Mr. C. P. Wilcomb, of the Golden Gate Park Museum, San 
Francisco. The Inyo and the Kern (Inyo-Kern) basketry are virtu- 
ally undistinguishable, the tribes are Paiute (Shoshonean). The 
Tulare County basketr}?^ is that of ' the Yokuts, and is identical 
with that of the Yokuts of Fresno County and of the Monache or 
Monos (Shoshoneans inhabiting the headwaters of the San Joaquin and 
Kings rivers). The Monache and the Fresno work are somewhat coarser 
than that of the Tulare tribes, but in materials and shapes are identical. 
The Kern tribes are mostly on upper Kern Kiver in the vicinity of 
Kernville. 



474 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The distinction between the two groups seems to rest on a geograph- 
ical basis, inasmuch as the Inyo-Kern tribes are all east of the Sierra- 
Tehachapi range, and the other group, both Yokuts and Shoshonean 
Monache, west of the main divide. 

The Tulare-Fresno foundation is made of grass stems {Sporobolus 
vilfa^ or Epicanvpes rigens). The Inyo-Kern foundation is of willow 
{Salix lasiandra) or sometimes of the root of sumac {Rhus trilobatd). 
For the Tulare sewing, roots of slough-grass ( Cyjperus vire7is, or Gla- 
diuTYi marisGus) are used, while in the Kern, willow is usually emploj'^ed. 
For the red of their patterns the Tulare-Fresno women employ the 
redbud ( Cercis occidentalis)^ which is coarser than the root of the Yucca 
arborescens^ used for the same purpose by the Inyo-Kern and Pana- 
mint. The Yucca root is of light yellowish red like willow bark, but 
is sometimes as dark as cercis. In some of the burden baskets and 
winnowing trays willow bark is used for red. The Paiutes do not 
use redbud. For black the Tulare-Fresno women use the common 
fern root {Pteridium aquilinwm)^ while in Inyo-Kern and Panamint 
the heart of the tule root {Scirpus nevadensis) and Martynia are 
employed. In Inyo-Kern ware quail tips and red wool are rarely 
used on baskets as they are on Tulare; but small private marks and 
symbols are wrought with split pink quills from the woodpecker known 
as redshafted flicker. The Tulare make many large bowl-shaped bas- 
kets. In Inyo they are small, if of this shape. 

Plate 186 will emphasize the difference hinted at in the foregoing 
text between the coarser and finer weaving in the same area. The 
upper figure in the plate is a Tejon bottle-necked jar in the collection 
of E. L. McLeod, of Bakersfield. The ornamentation is the striped 
pattern well known among the different tribes in this area. The 
foundation is laid up rather wide for the size of the basket and the 
sewing far apart, the stitches not being crowded home. Compare 
this with the specimen which follows. 

Fig. 2, catalogue No. 204861, U. S. National Museum, is a fine 
coiled basket bowl collected by Eugene Mead. The foundation is of 
the three-stem type. The sewing is in splints of Cladium.. The 
ornamentation is in the black fern root {Pteridiuin aquilinwm). 
There are nine rows of sewing and thirteen stitches to the inch, but 
the most remarkable feature in this large bowl is that the three rods 
foundation and the sewing together make a fabric not an eighth of an 
inch in thickness. The designs are two serrated lines in black. On 
either side is a combination of symbolic figures which almost resem- 
ble letters of the alphabet. There is no exact history of this basket, 
but it is pronounced by Dr. Merriam to be the Fresno type of Yokut 
basket. It is an intrusive form among the Owens Valley Paiutes, 
captured by them on a raid into the interior side of the Sierra Moun- 
tains a long time ago. Its height is 7f inches, and diameter 16 inches. 



ABOEIGIIS^AL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 475 

Plate 186, one of the interesting specimens in Mr. Wilcomb's collec- 
tion, is an Inyo basket, made in Inyo Count}^ by a Tulare (Yokut) 
squaw. It is 13 inches in diameter. The ornamentation outside the 
plain center is radial in two bands of stepped patterns, the inner band 
of six, the outer of thirteen. Each one of the latter having five 
parallel elements, there are with the interspaces seventy-eight ele- 
mentary stepped designs in the band. The border is the oft-recurring 
bunch of colored stitches in groups. 

Plate 187 represents baskets in the collections of, Powers and Gavin 
and Leonard. They are Tulare, but an examination shows what has 
heretofore been alluded to, the difference between the open and rather 
coarse texture of the Tulare basket mentioned b}^ Mr. V\'^ilcomb and 
the very much more refined type of the Inyo-Kern makers as in the 
lower figure. One characteristic worthy of observation is the use the 
weaver has made of small differences of shade in the splints for sewing, 
giving a clouded effect to the surface. 

From the Tule River country, says E. L. McLeod, we have th§ 
fine flexible work, an improvement on their more northern sisters in 
Fresno. But the women of the Tejon and adjacent mountain tribes 
certainly excelled in their basket work. Their choice ware is much 
more beautifully finished, their patterns much more numerous, and 
here is where they show the influence of both north and south in the 
number and diversity of their patterns, also in the trading of mate- 
rials. Old baskets have been taken from the caves in the Tejon where 
the bottom was Mission and the top beautiful, fine Tejon; also exam- 
ples brought from caves in Santa Barbara County that were made 
over in the Tejon, as the stitch, texture, and all general appearance go 
to show that thej^ were carried about by the Indians with them. 

An excellent example of moving about of basket makers is given 
by McLeod. A woman was born at San Gabriel Mission, where 
she was baptized as Maria Narcissa, and is now about 70 years old. 
She was brought to the Tejon Canyon while a young child about 9 
years old, and she still remembers much of the language and customs 
of her native people. Her uncle Sabastian was General Fremonfs 
guide into the San Joaquin Valley through the Tejon Pass. Maria 
Narcissa not only learned the language of her adopted people, but 
many of the dialects of the surrounding tribes. Between forty and 
fifty years ago she was taken as wife by a young American of English- 
German parentage. They were the parents of a large family of chil- 
dren, and he gave them all as good an education as possible, especially 
the eldest daughter. 

She was not able to give much light on the general family relation. 
The tribes from the north as far up as Tule River used to come down 
to the Tejon for some purpose, either religious or social. She tells of 
great feasts and dances and great gaming baskets where they used to 



476 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

play games of chance. But far the longest travel was from San 
Fernando, San Gabriel, Ventura, Santa Barbara, and Santa Inez. 
Many came from there every year to the Tejon, and we find unques- 
tionable evidence in the meeting of all these streams in their basket 
work. 

. In a translation from Costanso (1769) '^' occurs this account of the 
Santa Barbara basket makers: 

These are [the Indian wonaen] who make the trays and vases of rushes, to which 
they give a thousand different forms and graceful patterns, according to the uses to 
which they are destined, whether it be for eating, drinking, guarding their seeds, or 
other ends, for these people do not know the use of earthenware as those of San 
Diego use it. * * * 

The large vessels, which hold water, are of a very strong weave of rushes [junco], 
pitched within, and they give them the same form as our tinigas [water jars]. 

Plates 188 to 195 are taken from baskets in the McLeod collection 
and cover the subjects of form and design in the Inyo-Kern and Tulare- 
Fresno area. They furnish an excellent opportunity of seeing how far 
a few simple geometric elements combine in kaleidoscopic effects in the 
hands of the skillful Indian woman. Some of these specimens are of 
exceeding delicacy, and it is a matter of wonder how so many little 
stems of uniform diameter could be gathered together. Gauges are 
out of the question. 

Plate 188, fig. 1, crenelated and chevroned designs; color, cream, 
black, and red; diameter, 12 inches; depth, 9 inches. 

Fig. 2 is a very different pattern, resembling a pine tree; color, two 
shades of brown, black, and cream; diameter, 13 inches; depth, 10 
inches. 

Fig. 3, diameter, Hi inches; depth, 8i inches; 24 stitches to the 
inch; very rich shades of brown, mottled, cream, and black. Pattern 
very peculiar; so flexible it has been bent together; a most beautiful 
specimen. 

Fig. 4, diameter. Hi inches; depth, 7i inches; 15 stitches to the 
inch; body, brown; design, black and cream; very rare. 

Fig. 5, diameter. Hi inches; depth, 7 inches; 22 stitches to the inch; 
color, red, black, and cream. 

Fig. 6, diameter, 13i inches; depth, 9i inches; 21 stitches to the 
inch; color, cream, and two shades of brown. 

Fig. 7, diameter, Hi inches; depth, 7i inches; 18 stitches to the 
inch; colors, red, black, and cream; ver}^ old; used to cook grubs. 

Fig. 8, diameter, 10 inches; depth, 7 inches; 20 stitches to the inch; 
color, black, brown, red, and cream. 

Fig. 9, diameter, 21i inches; depth, 15 inches; 12 stitches to the 
inch; color, cream and brown. Very effective; thread even, well 
made, but not closely woven; the spirals are built up by elongating 
the little rectangles. 

aLand of Sunshine, XV, 1901, p. 39. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 477 

Plate 189, Tulare baskets, fig. 1, diameter, 22 inches; depth, 13 
inches; stitches to the inch, 30; wood mottled, dark and light brown, 
and red. One of the very old style of flexible gambling baskets. It 
would be possible to bend it together. The variety of effects here 
shown by the mere use of the broken line must be noted. 

Fig. 2, bottle, diameter, 8^ inches; depth, 3f inches; diameter of 
neck, 2f inches; 17 stitches to the inch; color, black, red, and wood 
dark with age. 

Fig. 3, diameter, 9 inches; depth, 5^ inches; 22 stitches to the inch; 
color, brown, red, and white. 

Fig. 4, diameter, 8 inches; depth, 4^ inches; neck, 3f inches; 
22 stitches to the inch; color, cream, red, and brown. Red wool and 
quail plumes. 

Fig. 5, diameter, 9 inches; depth, 6 inches; 14 stitches to the inch; 
color, black and natural- wood color; very old. The white woman 
from whom Mr. McLeod purchased this basket had owned it for fifty 
years. 

Fig. 6, diameter, 15 inches; depth, 9 inches; 14 stitches to the inch; 
color, brown, red, and mottled wood. 

Fig. 7, diameter, 8 inches; depth, 8 inches; 22 stitches to the inch. 

Plate 190, group of baskets from Tejon, Kern County. Fig. 1, 
diameter, 13 inches; depth, 7i inches; 18 stitches to the inch; color, 
cream, black, red, and brown. 

Fig. 2, mortar basket; diameter, 17 inches; depth, 8 inches; color, 
cream. 

Fig. 3, diameter, 12^ inches; depth, 7 inches; 24 stitches to the inch; 
color, black, brown, red, and cream; very old and fine specimen. 

Fig. 4, diameter, 7 inches; depth, 3f inches; 20 stitches to the inch; 
color, black, brown, and cream, with spots of yellow-hammer quill. 

Fig. 5, diameter, 4i inches; depth, 3i inches; 30 stitches to the inch; 
color, cream and brown; veiy old and most beautifully made. 

Fig. 6, oblong; length, 13 inches; width, 12 inches; depth, 6 inches; 
18 stitches to the inch; color, brown and cream. A very peculiar 
basket, as the pattern is so allied to those of Arizona and New Mexico. 

Fig. 7, diameter, 5 inches; height, 3 inches; 24 stitches to the inch; 
color, dark wood, cream, brown, and white, with dots and ]'im of red 
wool. This was a birth-gift basket, being presented filled with silver 
coins to an Indian woman from whom it was purchased at the birth of 
one of her daughters, who is now 40 years old. The giver was Sabas- 
tian, General Fremont's guide. 

Fig. 8, diameter, 6^ inches; height, 5i inches; 21 stitches to the inch; 
color, black and cream; very old. 

Fig. 9, diameter, 12 inches; circumference, 38 inches; depth, 7i 
inches; 16 stitches to the inch; color, black, brown, cream, and 
mottled wood. 



478 REPOET OF TSTATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Fig. 10, oblong; length, 4 inches; width, 3 inches; height, 3 inches; 
22 stitches to the inch; color, cream and brown. 

Fig. 11, diameter, 20 inches; depth, 12 inches; 24 stitches to the inch; 
color, cream; pattern, black. 

Plate 191, baskets from Kern and Tulare counties. Fig. 1, Kern 
County; diameter, 18 inches; depth, 12 inches; 17 stitches to the inch; 
color, cream, brown, and red. A verj^ dark basket. The vertical row 
of triangles and the human figures must be observed. 

Fig. 2, diameter, 8i inches; depth, 6 inches; diameter of neck, 3f 
inches; 22 stitches to the inch; very fine in weave, shape, and finish; 
color, rich cream, black, and red; yerj old; made at Tejon. 

Fig. 3, diameter, 6 inches; depth, 4^ inches; neck diameter, 2i 
inches; 17 stitches to the inch; made at Tejon. Top is brown; bot- 
tom and pattern are white with black markings. This design is the 
"Sachem dancing about the funeral baskets," which they string on 
poles erected at their burial places. 

Fig. 4, diameter, 15^ inches; depth, 9 inches; 18 stitches to the inch; 
color, cream and three shades of brown. 

Fig. 5, Kern County squaw cap; diameter, 8 inches; depth, 5 inches; 
26 stitches to the inch; color, cream, black, and red. 

Fig. 6, Kern County basket; diameter, 20 inches; depth, 12^ inches; 
color, cream, brown, red, and black. 

Fig. 7, Tulare basket; diameter, 30 inches; depth, 17 inches; 14 
stitches to the inch; color, dark wood, red, and black. Braided edge; 
very beautifully woven and finished. The thread is regular but wide. 
The squaw was one year in making it. 

Fig. 8, diameter, 7f inches; depth, 6 inches; diameter of neck, 4 
inches; 20 stitches to the inch; made in Kern County; colors, body in 
brown; pattern, in black and white. 

Fig. 9, Tulare basket; diameter, 7 inches; depth, 4 inches; 30 stitches 
to the inch; color, wood, black, red, white, and dark brown, and red 
wool; a bpauty. 

Plate 192, group of baskets from South Fork Caliente Creek and 
Paiute Mountain (McLeod's Plate 11). 

Basket No. 1, diameter, 24 inches; depth, 15^ inches; stitches, 14; 
colors, cream, black, red, brown. The noteworthy features are the 
simple, undecorated crenelations. Compare fig. 9. 

No. 2, diameter, 21 inches; depth, 15^ inches; stitches, 17; color, 
body, mottled wood shades; pattern, cream, black, and dark red. 
This is a very choice specimen. The design is one that they use when 
they make a basket for a special friendship gift and is highly prized. 
I was five yeai-s in getting the squaw to part with this basket. 

No. 3, described on another plate. 

No. 4, diameter, 18 inches; depth, 13^ inches; stitches, 17; color, 
body, wood shades; pattern, cream, black, red; a very beautiful 
basket. 



ABOEIGIlSrAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. iYQ 

No. 5, described on another plate. 

No. 6, diameter, 7i inches; depth, 6i inches; stitches, 19; color, 
cream, red, and black; a very fine squaw cap. 

No. 7, diameter, 8 inches; depth, 6 inches; stitches, 17; color, 
cream, black, and brown. 

No. 8, diameter, 15i inches; depth,. 11^ inches; stitches, 14; color, 
cream, red, and an unusual amount of black. This design with some 
is the tail of the rattlesnake and with others the arrowhead. The 
administration of radial patterns is a striking feature in this plate. 
The forms of the radii, but chiefly the varied markings on them, are 
most effective. 

No. 9, described on another plate. 

No. 10, diameter, 11^ inches; depth, 9 inches; stitches, 22; color, 
black, brown, and cream, with yellow-hammer quills; a very odd 
shape and good pattern. 

No. 11, diameter, 15 inches; depth, 11 inches; stitches, 15; color, rich 
red, brown, black, and cream. A very striking example and unusual 
for so much dark color. 

Plate 193 is a fine coiled basket of the Kern County Indians, who 
belong to the Shoshonean family. It was made in Canebrake Canyon 
by the last old basket maker of the tribe, who was swept away in a 
flood in August, 1901. The decorative patterns are ideal. Nine ver- 
tical stripes in black and red, with stepped borders and diamond figures 
on the interior, rise from the plain bottom and extend to the lower 
edge of the rim. The latter has its own fine-checkered, sloping 
designs, with no relation to the decoration on the body. Circumfer- 
ence, 29 inches; diameter, 9 inches; height, 5 inches; stitches to the 
inch, 32; colors, red, black, and cream. A design of quail plumes is 
shown on the border. 

Plate 194 is a coiled bottle neck from Cane Brake Can3^on, Kern 
River, Kern Count3^ Diameter, 9 inches; height, 6 inches; stitches 
to the inch, 24; color, cream, black, and brown. This and Plate 193 
were both made by the same squaw, who was supposed to be about 85 
years of age, and was the last really good weaver in Kern County. 
The ornamentation on this basket consists in a band of dentate figures 
on the bottom and three bands of crenelated ornament on the body 
and top. The dentate figures also occur on the outer projection of the 
crenelles on the body. Dr. Merriam has found this pattern symboliz- 
ing the spasmodic flight of a butterfly. Below the border of the lower 
band are rhombs in pairs, and there are five checker oblique patterns 
about the rim. 

Plate 195, McLeod collection, is a Kern County basket from Paiute 
Mountain, called by him the apostolic basket, from the human figures 
on the top. Diameter, 15 inches; height, 12 inches; stitches to the 
inch, 28; colors, red, brown, black, and cream. The owner speaks of 



480 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




this as tne most beautiful specimen in his collection. The woman was 
three years at work on it, and it is at least 60 years old. The orna- 
mentation consists of dis- 
crete figures of five rec- 
tangles, thirteen men on 
the upper part, but chiefly 
of seven radial patterns 
ascending to the mouth. 
Each is made up of a con- 
tinuous series of rectan- 
gular figures touching and 
by echelon. This pattern 
will be seen frequently, 
and the specimen may be 
taken as a type of that 
particular design. 

Fig. 172 is a grasshop- 
per basket of the Wikch- 
umni Indians (Mariposan 
family), in a style of tech- 
nique which may be called 
interrupted coiled work. 
The foundation is a small 
bundle of stems or shreds. 
The sewing consists in 
wrapping the foundation 
from five to ten times with the splint, and then catching this under 
one or two tui'ns of the coil below in the form of stitches, the only 
bond which holds the fabric together being these few stitches. Another 
example of this sort of interrupted 
work in North America is shown in 
Plate 126, illustrating basketry from 
the Eskimo of Hudson Bay. 

The existence of this typo of bas- 
ketry in a restricted area among the 
Mariposan family raises interesting 
questions about the cause of its oc- 
currence here. The ornamentation 
consists in rows, hourglass patterns, 
and figures resembling the letters 
of the alphabet, done in brown ma- 
terial, like cercis or fern stems. 

The detail of this interrupted work 
is well shown in fig. 173, where the wrapping is plainly illustrated, 
and also the methods of joining. By bringing the stitches one over 



Fig. 172. 

geasshopper basket. 

Wikchumni Indians, California. 

Cat. No. 215586, U.S.N.M. 




Fig. 173. 



DETAIL OP riG. 172. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 481 

another, geometrical patterns are produced. As the work widens, 
new rows are introduced, as will be seen in the principal figure. 

This specimen Catalogue No. 215586, in the U. S. National Museum^ 
is a gift from C. F. Wilcomb, of California. 

Mr. McLeod, who has the largest collection of the grasshopper 
baskets, says of them that they have no such function. They are all 
made by two families, the Butterbread and the Williams, living in 
Kelsey Canyon, Kern Count}', California. The sewing and wrapping 
are faultless. The ornamentation is chiefly in plain lines and rec- 
tangles. On one of them, fig. 10, the chevroned design is attempted 
with doubtful success, but figs. 2 and 3 have the stepped radial pat- 
terns well carried out, and on fig. 9 the human conventional figure is 
cleverly executed. (See Plate 196.) 

Mission Indian basket makers belong to the Shoshonean and Yuman 
families. They receive their several names from the Franciscan mis- 
sions of southern CWifornia, into which they were gathered, and where 
their tribal identity was lost. In the present state of knowledge it is 
not possible to distinguish the linguistic family by the shape, technic, 
or designs of basketry. 

The material of Mission Indian baskets differs according to locality. 
A rush, probably several species, is used for the sewing- the best 
known to Mr. Coville is Juncus lesnerii^ the Techahet Indians using it 
almost exclusively. This plant is collected and dried, and what are 
often thought to be brushes by strangers are merely bunches of this 
rush prepared for the weaver's use. A tall, thin grass, Yilfa rigeivs, is 
used as the body of the coil, about which pieces of the Juncus are 
wound. Such of the latter as are intended for ornamentation are 
d3^ed black by steeping in water portions of Sueda diffusa, and a rich 
yellowish brown is produced in a like manner from the plants Dalea 
emoryi and Dcdea jjolyadenla. The bottoms of large baskets are often 
strengthened by the introduction of twigs of Rhus aromatica or three- 
leaf sumac. Dr. Merriam finds that latterly the leaf of a palm {Neo- 
washingtonia filatnentosa) is used for sewing. The work resembles 
that done in rafia. 

In beginning a basket a centi'ai foundation is made and the rush 
wound about it and coiled, fastened by fibers passing through holes 
made for the purpose with a pointed bone or metal awl. This is the 
commonest method employed. " 

To assist the student in understanding the relationship of arts in 
southern California, the following account of tribes from Dr. Barrows 
will be helpful. The Indian tribes south of Santa Inez Mountains on 
the coast and San Joaquin Valley in the interior fall into three divi- 
sions: (1) Tribes of Santa Barbara channels and islands covering the 
coast of Ventura County; (2) Serranos; (3) Coahuillas. 

NAT MU8 1902 31 



482 EEPOKT OF I^ATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

The Sei'ranos live on a small reservation at San Bernardino and 
on the Morongo Reservation in the San Gorgonio pass in southern 
California. They are called Takhtam by Loew. 

The Coahuillas live in the Colorado Desert and the San Jacinto 
Mountains. The word is also spelled Kauvuyah by Gatschet after 
Loew. Dr. Barrows thinks this to be only the German spelling for 
Coahuilla (pronounced Kau-vii-yah). 

With them he joins by speech the Indians of the missions north- 
ward, making a Coahuillian linguistic family; perhaps it were better a 

subfamily. 

Coahuillian subfamily 

1. Coahuillas. Colorado Desert and San Jacinto Mountains. 

2. Gaitchim. Oscar Loew' s name for Netela. 

3. Kechi. Missions of San Luis Rey. 

4. Kizh. San Gabriel Mission 

5. Luisenos. {See Kechi.) 

6. San Fernando Mission. 

7. Serranos. 

8. Takhtam or Takhtem, Loew's name for Serranos. 

9. Temeculas. At Pechanga, 8 miles north from Luiseflos. 
10. Tobikhar. Loew's name for Kizh. 

Barrows narrates that the Coahuilla basketry and that of the Diegue- 
nos as well as Luisenos is of the one California type, namelj% coiled 
ware, and fragments of similar technic have been found by Schumacher 
in the graves of the Santa Barbara channel. He quotes Humboldt to 
the effect that the Indians presented the Spaniards "with vases 
curiously wrought of stalks of rushes and covered within with a very 
thin layer of asphaltum that renders them impenetrable to water." 
Lumps of the material are said to have been put into the basket with 
hot stones and shaken with a rotary motion to distribute it. The 
foundation of the coil is a bunch of grass, su-ul {Vilfa rtgens). The 
sewing material varies according to the color desired. The three-leaf 
sumac {Rhus trilohata) gives a light straw color; these are dyed black 
in a wash, made from the berry stems of the elder, hun kwat {Sam- 
hucus). The other sewing material is a bulrush or reed grass (Jtmcus 
lesnerii, or Juiicus robustus). The scape and leaves are 2 to 4 feet high 
or more, stout and pungent. A supply of these is gathei'ed by the 
basket maker and cut into suitable lengths. The woman then with her 
bands and teeth splits the scape carefully into three equal portions. 
Near its base the reed is of a deep red, lightening in color upward, 
passing through several shades of light brown, and ending at the top 
in a brownish yellow. For dj'eing black, ngaial {Sueda diffusa) is also ■ 
employed, and Dr. Palmer also mentions a dahlia {D. polyadenia) as 
furnishing a yellowish brown dye. 

The Techahet, use the reed gi'ass {Jnnciis roJmstvs) or the RJms 
trilohata, and the tall thin grass ( Vilfa rigens) in a dried state for 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 483 

making basketry, the first two for binding material, the latter for the 
body. The reed grass is split, some of it dyed, usually brown. The 
basket is begun at the center of the bottom, the thickness of the coil 
of grass depending upon the size of the basket to be made. A bone 
pricker is used. The coil is begun by laying one end of the filament 
upon the bunch of grass and taking a few wraps about it to hold it 
down. This is bent double and the sewing progresses by catching the 
filament over the bunch of grass through the coil of the sewing filament 
made at the last turn. 

Basket making among the Coahuillas belongs to the old women. 
They sit flat on the ground with the feet thrust out in front. The 
deft artist holds her work in her lap, at her right lies the grass for the 
foundation, on her left, soaking in a pot of water, her variously col- 
ored splints. Her only tool is her awl, " wish," anciently of bone or a 
cactus spine set in a piece of asphaltum; but now a nail serves the pur- 
pose, one end pointed, the other in a handle of manzanita wood. The 
sewing materials are named according to colors — the scapes of jitnctis 
se il; the red portion, i i ul; dyed black they are se-il-tu-iksh. Splints 
from sumac are se-lit and the grass of the foundation suul. No model 
or pattern is ever used. The border is finished by simply cutting the 
sewing material close on the inner side. The most common form, 
se-whal-lal, of Coahuilla basket has a flat bottom and gently flaring 
sides, a depth of from i to 7 inches and a width of from 13 to 20 
inches. These are for holding foods, including seeds, grains and 
fruits, household utensils, and basket materials. Small, globular bas- 
kets, with bulging sides and rather wide mouths, 5 to 10 inches in 
diameter, are called te-vin-ze-mal. They are the prettiest and the 
most carefully ornamented and are used to hold trinkets and sewing 
materials. The deep packing baskets, se kwa-vel-em, are about 18 
inches deep and are used for packing loads. Rawhide strings, ka wi 
ve, are tied to opposite edges to pass around the forehead, but usually 
the basket is sustained in a net. They are used not only for food gath- 
ering, but on the threshing floor for stoi'ing foods. The chi-pat-mal is 
a round, almost flat basket, 16 to 18 inches in diameter and one or more 
inches deep, used for harvesting. The woman beats it full of grass 
seeds or fills it with elder berries or cactus fruit, and transfers the 
contents to the packing basket on her back. It makes a good tray, 
platter, fruit dish, or receptacle for meal, and is exclusively the 
winnower. 

The basket hat, yu-ma-wal, shaped like a truncated cone, is worn by 
women especially to protect the head from the carrying band. It 
serves also for a water dipper or mixing pan. The chi-pa-cha-kish, 
holding about 2 quarts, is an openwork basket of network, made from 
the unsplit, flattened scapes of the se-il, or Juncus. They are often 



484 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



provided with a bail and hung up in the house or ramada to contain 
fruit or vegetables/' 

Fig. 174 is a coiled basket of the Coahuilla (Shoshonean family). 
The foundation coil is of stems of grass; the sewing is in splints of 
sumac {Rhus trilohatu). The ornamentation is in stems of rush dyed 
black with sea blite {Sueda diffusa). 

No special study has been made of the meaning in the designs upoi 
the Coahuilla basketry. It is impossible, therefore, to guess what the 
combinations of parallelograms may mean. From the point of view o| 
elementary forms in design, it is interesting to note what diversitie 
of effects may be produced by variations in the form and composition 



MmHmmmmtm^mn 






wmmmm 






Fig. 174. 

» 

COILED BOWL. 

Coahuilla Indians, California. 
Cat. No. 21787, U.S.N.M. Collected tiy Edward Palmer. 

of simple geometric patterns. Five of the figures on the example 
here shown are built up of rhomboidal elements and a single one is the 
composition of rectangles in quincunxes. 

Fig. 175 is a view of the inside of the bowl, showing the ornamen- 
tation. A square inch of coil foundation, made up of straws or small 
filaments, is shown in fig. 176. This specimen, Catalogue No. 21787 
in the U. S. National Museum, was procured in southern California by 
Edward Palmer. 

Fig. 177 is an inside view of another specimen from the Coahuilla 
tribe and made of the same material. It is possible that some of the 
specimens from this tribe are sewed with splints of willow. It is dif- 

« David Prescott Barrows, The Ethno-Botany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern 
California. Chicago, 1900. Chapter IV (quoting Paul Schumacher, Humboldt, 
Hugo Reid, Edward Palmer). 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETET. 



485 



ficult in the dried form to distinguish the two materials. The pretty, 
attractive design on this specimen is simplicity itself. Small triangles 
are arranged in two rows, half of them joining outward and the other 




Fig. 175. 

INSIDE VIEW OP FIG. 17<t. 



half inward from the base, forming a continuous circle. One row is 
so suggested with reference to the other that the white space between 
forms a continuous chevron. It is a little difficult to say whether the 
whole meaning of such a result from simple processes was in the mind 
of the basket maker. While not wishing 
to deprive her of all the credit due to her 
for this beautiful work, one can scarcely 
refrain from thinking that the total effect 
was not comprehended by the artist. 

This specimen, Catalogue No. 21786 in 
the U. S. National Museum, was collected 
in southern California by Edward Palmer. 

Plate 197 is the portrait of Mercedes 
Nolasquez, the mother of the capitan of 
the Mission Agua Caliente in San Diego 
County, southern California. The Mis- 
sion Indians of this reservation belong to 
the great Shoshonean family. A portion of her house is shown in a 
coiled bowl filled with acorns. In hei' hands she is holding a partly 
finished coiled basket, the foundation of which is a number of stems 




Fig. 176. 

SQUARE INCH OF FIG. 17t. 



486 



BEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



of grass. The sewing is done with split mart3'nia pods giving the 
black color, and split stems of rhus giving the white color. The only 
implement nsed in the matmfacture is a line awl for making holes to 
accommodate the stitches. 

It is to be noticed that Mercedes is not holding the l>owl in the 
position for sewing, but has turned it down and around in order to 
show her work. Photogi'aphed by George Wharton James. 

Plate 198 represents a Saboba basketmaker near the mission of 
San Jacinto on the Mission .Indian Reservation in southwestern Cali- 
fornia, sitting at the door of her rude home and studio. She is the 




Fig. 177. 
cot led bowl. 
Cofihuilla Indians, California. 
. Cat. No. 2178fi, U.S.N.M. Collected by Edward l^almer. 

wife of Jose Pedro Lucero, of Shoshonean family, and is now one of 
the few makers of Mission Indian coiled baskets left at this point. 
Specimens of her work are shown in the adjoining illustrations. 
Photographed by George Wharton James. 

Plate 199 is a coiled bowl made by the Mission Indians of California, 
illustrating the technic with splint foundation. The sewing of the 
Mission baskets is sometimes in bullrush and at others in splints. 
The dark mark near the center is said to be the signature of the 
maker. The colors in the ornament around the border are produced 
by sewing natural material of different shades. 

Plate 200 represents a Havasupai or Coconino woman making a 



ABOEIQINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY, 



487 



colled basket. In Powell's Indian Linguistic Families the Yuman 
tribes include the Coconino, Cocopa, Kutchin or Yuman proper, Die- 
gueiios, Havasupai, Maricopa, Mohave, Seri, Waicuru, and Walapai. 
The Yuman tribes occupy the peninsula of Lower California, and are 
are also mixed with other tribes in southern California and in western 
Arizona, especially along the Colorado River. Many of the bands of 
Indians called missions belong to this linguistic division. The types 
of basketry made by the Hava- 
supai are shown in the following 
illustration. 

Formerly the only implement 
of the basket maker was a bone 
awl replaced in this instance by 
one of metal. It is noteworthy 
that she is working toward her 1 
left hand, the wrong side of her 
basket being inside. After the 
work is done the projecting ends 
are carefully clipped by means 
of scissors. Photographed by 
George Wharton James. 

Plate 301 presents two very 
ancient tray-shaped baskets or 
plaques from the cave in San 
Martin Mountains, Los Angeles 
County, California, which were 
collected by Stephen Bowers. 
The Catalogue No. is 39345, in 
the Peabody Museum, Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts. (See 
also Plate 303.) 

The upper figure is a fine old 
example of coiled weaving in the three-rod tj^pe, the stitch interlocking 
with the iipper element. 

The lower figui-e is an example of the same kind of coiling, but the 
surface has been covered with asphalt, so that the texture is almost 
totally obliterated. 

Twined weaving is not so common as coiled work in southern Call 
f ornia. One could scarcelj^ conceive a more primitive specimen, how- 
ever, than is shown in fig. 178, from the Diegueiios Indians (Yuman 
family) living about San Diego, California. The specimen is a basket 
for cactus fruit. The warp is gathered singly or in pairs in the twists 
of the weft. Old specimens of twined weaving from the region, on 
the contrary, are finel}^ wrought. 

Plate 203 represents a sack in twined weaving, collected at Mesa 




Fig. 178. 

twined basket. 

Dieguefios Indians, California. 

Cat. No. 19742, U.S.N.M. Collected by Edward Palmer. 



488 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Grande, on the Mission Indian Reservation, in southern California, by 
Mrs. Watkins, the Government teacher there, and sent to the National 
Museum by Miss Constance Goddard DuBois. The dark threads are 
said, by Mrs. Watkins, to be made from the inner bark of Asclepias 
vestita and the lighter threads, in which the decorative bands ai*e 
worked, from Asclepias ascicularis. It is a very ancient piece, the 
only one that had been seen in those parts. Narciso Lachapa, whose 
father owned it, says it was old when he was a boy. 

The majority of baskets from the Mission region are in coiled weav- 
ing. A few examples of twined weaving from this area have been 
seen in collections, but none equalling this in size and beauty. Its 
height is 29 inches. 

- THE INTERIOR BASIN EEGION 

Not the hands, but reason teaches mankind arts; hut the hands are the instruments of arts, as the 
lyre is of the musician and the forceps are of the mechanic.— Galen. 

Leaving now the Pacific slope we may examine the basketry of the 
Great Interior Basin, bounded on the east by the Siouan, Kiowan, and 
Caddoan families beyond the Rocky Mountains. The Siouan tribes, 
together with the western Algonquian and other tribes wedged in 
among them, borrow coiled gambling baskets and substitute the con- 
venient buffalo hide for textiles; but the Caddoan (see figs. 124, 125) 
were excellent workers in twilled weaving. 

On the north, this basketry area merges into the Fraser-Columbian 
group, Salishan and Shahaptian tribes chiefly, who are especially skill- 
ful in twined work of peculiar types. The soft hat in wrapped twined 
work and most of all the twined wallet overlaid predominate with the 
Shahaptian, but the Salish have a wide range of technic. 

On the west there is no sharp boundary line as will be soon shown, 
the Interior Basin area and the Oregon-California fitting into and 
invading each other as shore and water line on an irregular coast. 
This will be especially noticeable with coiled work, the three-rod 
foundation of California being adopted b}' some Ute tribes. 

The same is true of the southern boundarj^ the linguistic families 
dovetailing into those of Mexico. The Apache cross the boundary 
southward, the Yuman and Piman tribes also reaching northward and 
excelling in coiled ware with fine grass foundation. 

The tribal or ethnic groups in this area are chiefly the Shoshonean 
and the Athapascan. The first named is a vast linguistic family reach- 
ing from near the forty-ninth parallel to Costa Rica, the latter, quite 
as widespread, extending between 30° and 70° north. Care must 
again be taken to separate the classific concept of language from that 
of blood kinship or of arts. Where peoples live contiguous and have 
the same speech, their blood becomes mingled as a matter of course. 
Arts will also be communicated. Especiall}^ is this true of the one 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY, 489 

here considered, beinjy a woman's craft. The Athapascan occupies the 
southern portion of the Basin, and the Pueblos are most of them in 
northern Arizona and New Mexico. 

SHOSHONEAN AND PUEBLO BASKETRY 

By far the largest part of the Interior Basin is Shoshonean. The 
tribes also spread out far to the north in the drainage of the Snake 
River; have pushed themselves across the Rocky Mountains on the 
southeast into the drainage of the Gulf of Mexico, and on the western 
side occupied a large part of southern California as was shown. The 
basket-making tribes are the Shoshoni in Idaho; the Ute, with many 
subdivisions, in Colorado and Utah; the Paiute in western Nevada 
and California adjoining. As before intimated, both exclusions and 
inclusions of the term are undefined. 

This great stock of Indians employ both structures, the woven and 
the coiled. The twined weave of all kinds is used in the conodial 
basket hats, the baskets, jars and bottles, the roasting trays and wands. 
The coiled and whipped structure is used in pitched water bottles, 
trays, and bowls. The hat is a conical basket made of splints, the 
warp radiating from the apex, the woof splints being carried around 
and twined in pairs, generally in diagonal weave. The woof is not so 
thoroughly driven home as in softer and more pliant material, but 
remains open so as to have the appearance of the osier weaving of the 
East. Simple ornamentation is produced by using one or more rows 
of red or l)lack splints in elementary geometric patterns. 

Roasting trays are shaped like a scoop rimmed with a large twig. 
The warp is made of parallel twig'S laid close together and held in 
place by diagonal twining. The Shoshonean tribes place seeds of wild 
plants in these trays with hot stones, and thus roast them. Some 
specimens are much charred on the upper side. In the Ute country 
could be seen Indian women gathering seeds in conical' baskets, beat- 
ing the heads with a spoon-shaped wand toward the basket held in the 
left hand with its mouth just under the plants. These baskets are con- 
structed in every respect like the conoidal hats and the fans are made 
of twigs coarselj^ woven on the same pattern. 

The water bottles of the Shoshonean tribes on the other hand belong 
to the coiled and whipped structure. As before mentioned, this style 
can be made coarse or fine, according to the material and the size of 
the coil and the outer thread. If twigs not of uniform thickness are 
carried ai'ound in the coil, the stitch will be hatchy and open; but if 
one is larger than the other, or if yucca or other fiber replace the 
upper and narrower sewing material be used, the texture will be 
much finer. These bottles difi'er in shape — one class has round bot- 
toms, another long pointed bottoms; one has wide mouths, another 



490 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



small mouths; one class has a little osier handle on the side of thd 
mouth like a pitcher, but the majority have one or two loops of wood, 
horsehair, or osier fastened on one side for carrjang. All of them 
are quite heav}^ having been dipped in pitch. The same form is foun 
among the Apache, Mohave, Hopi, and Rio Grande pueblos, but 1 
is not improbable that they were obtained from the Ute. These 
bottle-shaped baskets are used for small granaries as well — to hold 
seed and keep them away from vermin. 

The basket trays of the Ute do not differ essentially in general' 
style from those of the Gila River or California tribes, but they are 
much coarser. Among the coiled basket trays in the collection 
accredited to the Ute are indeed two styles, but one of them resembles 
so much those of their Apache neighbors on the south as to raise the 
suspicion that they were obtained by barter. 



* 




Fig. 179. 

woman's hat. 

ute Indians, Utah. 

Cat. No. 11838. Collected by .1. W. Powell. 

The typical styles here mentioned, as well as interesting variations, 
will be best understood from examples. 

The National Museum has a rare old collection of Ute or Shoshonean 
material, of which A. H. Thompson writes that of the baskets and 
other articles of Indian manufacture gathered by the Powell expedi- 
tions between 1870 and 1875 the greater part, probably nine-tenths, 
were secured from the Kaivavits at Kaibab and the Shivwits about 
St. George, southern Utah, and the Moapas about St. Thomas, south- 
eastern Nevada. These clans all belong to the Paiute Nation. The 
articles secured from the Ute were from the Gosiute about Deep 
Creek in western Utah and the Uinta Ute on the Uinta Reservation. 
By far the larger part of the Paiute collection was from the Kaiva- 
vits. Much of the clothing (buckskin and rabbit fur) and many of 
the baskets were made by the Indians working under the direction or 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



491 



rather observation of Mrs. E. F. Thompson, the endeavor being to 
have the work done b}'^ the methods employed before the coming of 
the whites and by the older people of the clan. 

Fig. 179 is a hat of a Ute Indian woman, in diagonal twined work. 
The warp stems converge at the top and additional ones are added as 
the texture widens. The weft splints are 
twined so as to include the vertical warp 
twigs in pairs. On the next round the 
warp elements are again inclosed in pairs, 
but not in corresponding ones to those of 
the row underneath. The lines of weft 
elements ascend diagonally and a twilled 
effect is produced on the surface. This 
form of twining must not be confounded 
with three-ply twine around the border 
which has a somewhat similar appearance, 
but is so close that the warp stems do not 
show. The border of this Ute basket is 
ingeniously made. First, the projecting 
warp elements were bent and whipped in 
place with splints to form the body of the 
rim; on the top of this the weav^er has 
sewed an ornamental false braid catching 
the splint into the bent warp stems under- 
neath. The ornamentation on the outside 
is produced by three-strand monochrome 
or dichrome weaving. TheUtes are skill- 
ful in various methods of technic, but the 
materials in which they work are coarse 
and rigid, giving a rough appearance to 
the surface. The hats are used also as 
receptacles, so that the terms top and 
bottom are only relative to function. 

Fig. 180 is a harvesting fan of the 
Paiutes made of small stems, split or 
whole, and bound together with various 
fiber, the manual portion being wrapped 
with softer material. This very coarse 
specimen is represented in other tribes, 
especially on the western side of the Sierras, by finely woven, spoon- 
shaped harvesting wands. It is Catalogue No. 11823 in the U. S. 
National Museum, collected in Utah by J. W. Powell. 

Fig. 181 is a pair of harvesting fans of the Paiute Indians in southern 
Utah. A bundle of rods is fastened together to form the grip of the 
fan, the other ends of these rods are then spread out and afterwards 




Fig. 180. 

harvesting fan. 

Paiute Indians, Utah. 

Cat. No. 11833, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. W. 

Powell. 



492 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

brought together to a point, at the same time bent downward in .spoon 
form for a warp. These are held in phice bj^ a continuous twined 
weaving backward and forward, the rows being at irregular intervals. 
Near the end the points are held together bj' compact twined weaving. 
The border is made hj coiled work built up on a pair of strong rods. 
These interesting objects are not contined, as will l)e seen, to the Ute 
Indians, but all the tribes in California, Nevada, and Arizona that 
depend upon the smaller seeds for their sustenance, have the same 
method of beating the ripe grass into a conical carr3ang basket. The 
fans of this type, perhaps, form the very earliest harvesting device. 

Associated with the harvesting fan is the gathering and carrying 
basket and the roasting or winnowing- tray. 

Catalogue Nos. 11817, 11822 in the U. S. National Museum, procured 
in Utah by J. W. Powell. 




Fig. ISl. 

HAKVESTING FANS. 

Painte Indians, Utah. 
Collected l>y J. W. Powell. 



Figs. 182 to 181 illustrate a gathering basket of the Paiute Indians. 
The first, fig. 182, represents the entire structure which is at basis 
open-twined work. The noticeable feature about this piece is the 
treatment of the warp, which, instead of rising perpendicularly from 
the bottom to the top, is twisted to the left, each radial element of the 
warp making about one-fourth of a turn from the vertical. Again, 
the technic is diagonal Aveaving in twined work. The diverting of the 
warp from the vertical is not common in twined weaving, but occurs 
quite frequently in this area and among this family. 

Fig. 183 gives a good notion of the way in whic^h the bottom is 
started. Four pairs of wai'p stems constitute the base. These are held 
in place by very coai'se twined weaving. The ends of the stems are 
bent up to become the warp of the body. The upper ])order of the 
basket shows how the warp stems are l)ent down to the left; a bvmdle 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



493 



of splints laid on top :ind sewed as 
the top of this a stout rod is 
sewed by another turn of the 
same process, so that both 
coiled work and twined 
work are to be seen in this 
coarse ]>it of everj^daj^ ware. 

This specimen, catalogue 
No. 14688 in the U. S. Na- 
tional Museum, was col- 
lected in Utah by J. W. 
Powell. 

Fig. 185 is a harvesting 
and carr3''ing basket of the 
Paiutes in diagonal twined 
weaving, precisel}' as in 
fig. 179 representing a Ute 
woman's hat, and fig. 180 
the fanning tra}'. The bot- 
tom is covered with hide to 
protect it and on the side is 
fastened a headband used in 
carrying. The ornamenta- 
tion on many Ute specimens 
seems to have been effected 
by charring, since the 
figures do not appear on 
the inside at all. 

The Ute Indians make vise of man 



in coiled weaving (fig. 184). On 




Fig. 182. 
gathering basket. 
Paiiito Indians, Titah. 

No. 1.1088, IT.S.N.M. Colleu(.i-il by .1. W. Powell. 



kinds of seeds in their dietary. 
The women go out into the 
plains with this carrying bas- 
ket and the fan, illustrated in 
fig. 181. The apex of the cai-- 
rying basket is rested on the 
ground and the seeds are beaten 
into it by means of the gather- 
ing fan. When the basket is 
full the woman places the band 
across her forehead, rests the 
receptacle on her back, and 
trudges home with her load. 
Catalogue Nos. 14667 to 
14746 in the U. S. National Mu- 
seum were procured in Utah hv 
J. W. Powell. 
Fig. 186 is called a roasting or fanning tray of the Paiutes, being 




Fig. 183. 
bottom of fig. 182. 



494 



REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



used for the purpose of separating the chaff from the seeds which have 
been gathered either by blowing or roasting. The warp is a lot of 
twigs spread out like a fan. The weaving begins at the inner or manual 

end, which is the bottom of the 
illustration, with short curves 
and progresses by ever widen- 
ing rows to the outer margin. 
The rim is produced by a dou- 
ble row of coiled and whipped 
work. The whole surface is 
very rough b}^ reason of the 
nature of the material which 
these people living in a desert 
region have to use. 
This specimen, catalogue No. 11857 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was collected in Utah by J. W. Powell. 

Fig. 187 is a coiled seed jar of the Paiute Indians. It belongs to 
the type of coiled work called two-rod; that is, the foundation of the 




Fig. 184. 
boeder of fig. 182. 




Fig. 185. 

carrying basket. 

Paiute Indians, Utah. 

Cat. No.net)?, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. W. Powell. 



coil work consists of two stems, one above the other, the stitches pass 
around these two and under one of the foundation underneath and inter- 
lock. Baskets of this kind are frequently dipped into hot gum or 



ABOEIGIKAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 



495 



pitch of some kind, varying- in different localities. The peculiar effect 
of this sort of weaving is to hide one of the rods in the foundation and 
to reveal the other. Frequently, the upper one in each pair is smaller, 
and by driving the stitches close home a tolerably close and very endur- 
ing structure is the result. 

Pottery was made by the ancient Utes, but is not now common. The 
basket bottle is much more useful and enduring. A square inch from 
the surface of this bottle is shown in fig. 188. 

Catalogue No. 11262 in the U. S. National Museum was collected 
by J. W. Powell, together with Nos. 11249 to 11261. 




Fig. 186. 

roasting tray. 

Paiute Indians, Utah. 

Cat. No. llS.iT, U.S.N.M. Collected by J. W. Powell. 

Plate 204 presents two figures from different localities, but having 
essentially the same form, structure, and function. That on the left, 
catalogue No. 19029 in the U. S. National Museum, is a fine old water 
jar made by a Coyuwee Paiute woman. Pyramid Lake, Nevada, secured 
by Stephen Powers. It is a model of uniformity in technic. The 
twilled weaving in twined technic is laid up as regularly as brickwork. 
There is no attempt at ornament, either in color or variety in weav- 
ing. The pine gum is applied so carefully that it does not hide but 
emphasizes the workmanship. The lugs are of braided horsehair. Its 
height is 15 inches. 

The right-hand figure. No. 2610, is labeled "Pueblo Indians," but 



496 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



it was evidently made by a Ute woman. The pitch has worn off suf- 
ficiently to reveal the process of making the other. Note, first, the 
twilled weaving in openwork. The twists of the weft each include 
two of the warp stems. On the next round the same two are not 
included; they^ are separated to be joined again in the next row above. 
Now, if the woman had pressed her weft close home, she would have 
produced exactly the same effect as may be seen on the left-hand fig- 
ure, a close twill. Observe, however, that at the Avidest part of the 
body she has introduced one round of three-strand twine. Two rows 




Fig. 187. 

coileb jar. 

Paiute Indians, Utah. 

Cat. No. 11262, U.S.N.M. rollected tiy J. W. Powell. 



of the same form the lower boundary of the neck, which is done care- 
lessly in plain weaving. Collected hj W. L. Hardest}^ 

Nordenskjold found in the cliff dwellings of the southwestern United 
States: 

1. Checker work in heavy, coarse sandals. 

2. Wickerwork. This may be seen also in Hopi basketry. 

3. Diagonal or twilled weaving, common in Hopi pueblo especially. 

4. Matting of rod strung on twine. Apache now use it. (See fig. 
103.) 

5. Braiding in the round. In lariats. 

6. Twined weaving in many forms. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 497 

7. Three-rod coil foundation (Bam-shi-bu), 

8. Coiled network, the spirals twisted on themselves. (Compare 
Muskemoot, Plate 102.) 

9. Sandals with knots of various patterns in the lacing. 

In a paper by Dr. George H. Pepper," attention is called to a cliff 
people formerl}^ living in Grand Gulch region of southeastern Utah 
called the "Basket Makers." They are shown to have worn beautiful 
robes of feathers and of rabbit skins woven, and sandals of jmcca fiber 
squared in front, and to have had little or no pottery. They fought 
with "atlatls" rather than bows, and hunted with the Hopi rabbit 
stick. Most interesting of all, they lived in caves, but not in stone 
houses. In some of the caves the houses of the Cliff Dwellers have been 
found overlying the remains of the earlier Basket Makers. Finally, 
the bodies of the dead were doubled up, 
placed at the bottom of potholes or gran- 
aries, some of which were lined with 
baked clay, covered with robes and finally 
with baskets, either several small ones 
or one large carrying basket. The last- 
named feature is said to have been almost 
invariably in evidence, and it is to this 
that attention is here given. The mate- 
rial is willow, the designs on the baskets 
being in splints of black or a peculiar dull 

Fig 188 

red. The bottoms of the carrying baskets 

_ J to ^ SQUARE INCH OF FIG. 187. 

were reeiiforced with heavy yucca cord. 

The borders were finished with the ordinary coiled stitch, but in some 

the last inch or two are finished off' with false braid or herringbone. 

One example of Dr. Pepper's, called openwork or sifter basket, has 
a single rod foundation and the wrapping at one turn passes around 
the foundation only; at the next it is drawn under the rod in thf^coil 
below and returning is wrapped about itself or "the standing part," 
as the sailors say. The ordinary Japanese lunch baskets, Samoan 
basket work, and those from the Straits of Magellan are on the same 
plan. But it is certainl}^ a rare sight in this part of the world. (See 
Plate 317.) 

Plates 206 and 206 are from the Pepper collection of coiled basketry 
from the caves of the ancient Basket Makers. The particular speci- 
mens will be described under separate photographs of each one, but 
the group shows both the forms and functions of the material gathered 
in this interesting locality. 

«The Ancient Basket Makers of Southeastern Utah, Guide Leaflet No. 6 of the 
American Museum of Natural History, New York, 1902. 

NAT MUS 1902 32 




498 REPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. ^^| 

Plate 207 is a coiled tray, having as design two circles of figures 
resembling aquatic birds floating on the water. This is an excellent 
opportunity to speculate about the relation of this desert region with 
prayers to the water god. 

Plate 208 is another coiled tray from the cave dwellers, with an 
ornamental design, showing two sinuous rings in black. 

Plate 209 contains two liowls apparently with the three-rod coil; 
such is now common among the best basket makers of California. 
The ornamentation is also suggestive of the same locality. On the 
upper figure are four radial designs triangular in outline, two having 
their bases at the bottom and two on the outer border, each pattern 
made up of fringe work of triangles, reminding one of the strings of 
arrowhead patterns mentioned by Dr. Dixon in his pamphlet on the 
Maidu. The lower figure is similarly constructed in coiled weaving, 
the ornamentation being in circular patterns; the bottom is plain; 
then follow narrow rings in black, a broad ring in white, a broad 
band with seven triangular rays, a narrow band in black, and a broad 
band in the natural color of the wood. 

Plate 210 is interesting as showing the function of the baskets which 
were found in the Utah cave. All of them have relation to food. 
They are in twilled and coiled weaving and show how in ancient times 
the basket entered into the service of these agricultural Indians. 

Plate 211 shows a mortar basket of the ancient basket makers in 
coiled weaving on splint foundation. It is not possible to determine 
the material of the stitches. It is 13 inches in diameter and 3^ inches 
deep. The interior is coated with meal and the surface of the sewing 
is worn through from long use. Mortar baskets are common among 
the California tribes, both in twined weaving and in coiled work. A 
specimen quite similar to the one here shown in the U. S. National 
Museum has a coiled basket top, cemented to the shallow mortar stone 
underneath by means of pitch. The specimens are in the collection of 
the American Museum of Natural History. 

Pepper describes four varieties of sandals among the ancient Cliff 
Dwellers — thin soles in twilled weaving from narrow leaves of j'ucca; 
those made of broad leaves split; a padded variety made from the same 
leaves shredded; and an exceedinglj^ fine kind, of spun fiber and worked 
into elegant patterns. In these last the warp is in two or more layers 
or plies, so that the body is thick and durable. He quotes Richard 
Witherill to the effect that while the chamber-building Cliff Dwellers 
wove the sandal with pointed toes and a jog or step a few inches from 
the toe, those of the Basket Makers were square in front. McLoyd 
and Graham " assert that square-toed sandals were made by the people 
that inhabited the underground rooms, since the}^ are found only with 

« Guide Leaflet, No. 6, of American' Museum of Natural History, New York. 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 499 

mummies of that race. No square-toed sandals are found in caves 
where remains of the basketmakers do not exist. 

The term Pueblo basketmaker is far from specific. It applies to 
women of all the settled villages in New Mexico and Arizona, from Taos 
on the Rio Grande, in the former, to the Hopi in Arizona. The peo- 
ples belong to the Tanoan and Keresan families on the Rio Grande, to 
the Zufiian in western New Mexico, and the Hopian or Shoshonean in 
Arizona." 

Far back in time those structures whose ruins furnish inexhaustible 
supplies of pottery and some textiles have to tell the tale as to the 
ancient types of basketry. At the present moment great confusion 
exists concerning the ethnic significance of basketr}?^ in the pueblos. 
Beautiful old pieces came twenty years or more ago from these villages 
about which there is little information. James Stevenson wrote then 
that the women of the villages were fond of securing in trade and 
hoarding rare forms and weaves. The best that can be now done is to 
classify Pueblo basketry as follows: 

(1) What the women are actually making and old material precisely 
like it. 

(2) Specimens dug fi'om sites of old pueblos and carefully labeled. 

(3) Old materials stored up in the modern pueblos, handed down 
from the past, whose authorship is not known. 

If all this material could be assembled a variet}' of technical proc- 
esses would be revealed, some of them common over wide areas and 
a few characteristic of the pueblo culture. The following weaves are 
among the list: 

(1) Checker weaving, rare. 

(2) Wicker weaving, coarse and fine. 

(3) Twilled work, in hard stems and in yucca, 

(Jr) Twined work of many kinds on old baskets. Thought to be 
intrusive. 

(5) Coiled work with foundation of stems, splints, grass, and 
shredded leaves. The tin6 wicker and the thick coiled plaques are 
peculiar. The great variety mentioned is quite as much between 
pueblos as between these and tribes outside. The Hopi are note- 
worthy in this regard, having in their hands the making of the two 
unique kinds of weave in their sacred meal plaques. A better insight 
into these dift'erences will be gained by an examination of specimens. 
Plate 212 represents two ancient coiled basket jars collected at the 
pueblo of Sia, on the Jemez River, a tributary of the Rio Grande in 
New Mexico. The Indians of this pueblo belong to the Keresan 
famil3^ The characteristics to be observed and studied on these speci- 
fy For a list of pueblos see Seventh Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
under the words Keresan, Shoshonean, Tanoan, and Zunian; for ruins see bibliog- 
raphy under Fewkes, Hough, Keam, Mindeleff. 



500 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

mens are the following: The foundation is of splints, the sewing is 
done with willow or rhus, and the stitches are just harcl}' carried 
around a small portion of the foundation underneath where they are 
interlocked. Note also that the ornamentation — an ascending spiral — 
is in one case a rhombic figure and in the other is built up of little 
rectangles formed l)y counting stitches, which may be few or many, 
as the curve on the body of the basket expands or contracts. This 
mingling of very simple elementary forms is capable of an infinite 
variety in treatment. 

The attention of the student is especially called to the margins of 
these baskets, which appear to be in a three-strand plait; but the}' are 
really done in a single splint which passes backward over the founda- 
tion, then under and forward, inclosing the rod underneath, forming 
a figure of 8, and the multiplication of this produces on the surface 
the braided appearance. For detail, see page 276, fig. 87. Catalogue 
Nos. 13421-1:, 134215. Collected by James Stevenson. 

Although there may be seen at the pueblo of Zufii all sorts of 
baskets, the most of them include pitched bottles for water, coiled and 
whipped traj's, Hopi-coiled and wicker-basket trays, but it is not to 
be understood that they were necessarily made there. The only work 
made by the Zufii nowadays is their small, rough .peach baskets, of 
twigs and wickerwork, hardly worthy of notice except for their ugli- 
ness and simplicity. Those who are familiar with this interesting 
tribe of Indians say that trading is a passion with them, and that 
through their agricultural products and their refined loom woi'k they 
are able to gratify this taste among the surrounding tribes for old. 
basketry. 

Plate 213 shows some old so-called Zuni ware, collected for the 
Bureau of American Ethnology b}' James Stevenson in New Mexico 
long ago. 

Fig. 1 is a wicker basket, globular form. The warp consists of a 
number of stems of Chrysothmmias laid flat. The weft of the same 
material is in wickerwork, the border being fastened down in coiled 
sewing with yucca leaf. Handle, a rawhide thong. Used by these 
Indians in gathering fruit and other food substances. Height, 8 inches. 
Cat. No. 68603, U.S. N.M. 

Fig. 2 is a jar-shaped basket of Ghrysothcminus (Bigelovla) splints. 
The warp is radiating at the bottom and parallel on the body; the 
whole basket is made in twilled style of twined weaving over two. 
The border is not finished off. The handle is a rawhide thong around 
the neck. This is a very coarse specimen of twined work. The 
height is 8 inches. Cat. No. 68480, U.S. N.M. 

Fig. 3 is a rare and interesting specimen of twined basket jar. 
The bottom has radiating warp and is in coarse twilled weaving, but 
the body from the bottom to the upper margin is plain, twined weav- 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 501 

ing, without variation. There is not in the National Museum collec- 
tion fi'om this Pueblo region another basket in which the whole body 
is treated in this monotonous manner. Its height is 8i inches. Cat. 
No. 68513, U.S.N.M. 

Fig. 4 is a water-tight jar from the Zuni Indians. The whole sur- 
face of the object is in twilled type of twined weaving and well satu- 
rated in pitch. The characteristic feature is the lugs of wood on the 
side for the carrying strap, and flattening of the surface between these 
lugs, as in a canteen. This is partially shown in the photographs, but 
is quite apparent on the jar itself. Its height is 9 inches. Cat. No. 
68515, U.S.N.M. 

Fig. 5 is a water-tight basket jar constricted in the middle for the 
attachment of a carrying strap. The whole surface is in coarse 
twilled weaving in two-strand twine with the exception of one row be- 
tween the bottom and the body, which is in three-strand. The constric- 
tion of the bod}'^ is said to be an imitation of a custom of tjang rag 
around the young gourd so as to stop its gi'owth, which results in a 
modification, useful for holding the carrying strap. Its height is 
9 inches. Cat. No. 68541, U.S.N.M. 

Fig. 6 is a water-tight basket jar from the Zuni Indians, symmetrical 
in outline. It is in the twilled type of twined weaving, with wooden 
lugs on the side and no flattening of surface between them. Its height 
is 7* inches. Cat. No. 68502, U.S.N.M. 

Fig. 7 is a gathering basket from the Zuni Indians. The weaving 
on the bottom and the body is in the twilled type of twined work; 
the neck, on the contrarj^, has about an inch of plain twined weaving 
and is finished off with four rows of three-strand twine. The border 
is in coiled sewing of yucca. This specimen, like the preceding, is 
made from the stems of Chrysothaninus. Its height is 1\ inches. Cat. 
No. 68491, U.S.N.M. 

Fig. 8 is a gathering basket from the Zuiii Indians. The bottom is 
in twilled twined work; the body is in plain twined work relieved at 
varying distances with single rows of three-ply weaving; border fin- 
ished off with coiled work in yucca. Its height is 6 inches. 

The Zuiii pueblos in western New Mexico lie in the very heart of 
the desert region. On the east are the Rio Grande pueblos, on the 
northwest the Moki, and far to the south the Gila River. Beside 
the settled communities long inhabiting this region, the Navaho and 
Apache are close at hand on every side, and the Utes are not far away. 
There is no surprise, therefoi'e, in finding on the same plate illustra- 
tions of wickerwork, twined work in its many varieties of plain 
twilled and three-strand work, and all of these at times on the same 
piece of basketry. 

Plate 214 shows a rare lot of old coiled baskets, chiefly from Zuni 
and Sia, in New Mexico, collected under the direction of Major J. W. 



502 EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Powell, by James Stevenson, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
They appear to be of the three-rod variety, though splints may take 
the place of rods in some of them. They are catalogued as follows in 
the order named: 

Top row — 

t. No. 68471, Zuni, James Stevenson; length, 9i inches. 

2. No. 68550, Zuiii, James Stevenson; height, 4i inches. 

8. No. 684-74, Zuiii, James Stevenson; height, 7 inches. 

4. No. 68473, Zuiii, James Stevenson; height, 4f inche's. 

5. No. 42140, Zuiii, James Stevenson; height, 4i inches. 
Bottom row — 

1. No. 68489, Zuiii, James Stevenson; height, 4f inches. 

2. No. 166800, Apache, James Mooney; height, 8f inches. 

3. No. 134215, Sia, James Stevenson ; diameter, 11^ inches. 

4. No. 134214, Sia, James Stevenson; height, 32 inches. 

5. No. 42168, Zuiii, James Stevenson; height, 4 inches. 

A jar-shaped coiled basket attributed by the collector to the Zufii 
Indians is shown in fig. 189. It is a very beautiful and smooth piece 
of coiled ware, to which justice is not done by the drawing. In regu- 
larity of stitch, symmetrical shape, and ornamentation it is almost 
without fault. It belongs to the class of technic termed in this treatise 
i-od and welt. The foundation consists of a single rod, over which is 
laid a thin splint, perhaps of the same material. The stitch passes 
over rod and welt in the row that is in progress of manufacture, and 
not only locks with the stitch underneath but in each case takes up 
the welt. This forms an excellent packing. The stitches ai-e crowded 
so closely together that in the original those of the different rows lie 
practically one over the other, with a slight inclination from the per- 
pendicular. On the bottom, not shown here, it has a circle in black 
from which radiates six spiral rays. On the body the ornamentation 
is as shown in the figure. It is made from the pod of Martynia louis- 
iana. On the shoulder two lugs of leather are sewed for the purpose 
of carrying the jar, being intended, doubtless, for the transportation 
of food or water. It is customary to attribute such ware to the 
Apache Indians, although in the National Museum there are quite a 
number of very old coiled jars of this type and fine workmanship 
purporting to come from the Zuiii Indians. This specimen was got- 
ten by Major Powell, one of the most careful collectors, so that there 
is no doubt of the location. It is possible, however, that the Zuiii, 
since they are potters, may have acquired this coiled specimen in 
traffic. 

The detail of this texture, both in its sewing and ornamentation, is 
illustrated in fig. 48, also by Gushing ". 

a Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886, p. 486. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



503 



This specimen, Catalogue No. 68546 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was procured in New Mexico by James Stevenson. Its width is 9 inches 
and depth 10 inches. 

The Hopi pueblo settlement, called also Moki, in the ancient province 
of Tusajan, is made up of the following-named villages, in order from 
cast to west: Walpi, Ha'no or Te'wa, Sichoraovi, Shipaulovi, Mush- 
ongunuvi, Shumopavi, Oraibi. Here in these seven old towns are 




Pig. 189. 

coiled basket jar. 

Zuiii Indians, New Mexico. 

Cat. No. G8n*fi, U.S.N. M. CoUecte<l l).v .T. W. Powell. 



made all kinds of basket work. From Dr. Walter Hough the follow- 
ing information is received: The thick North-African-like coiled 
plaques are from Mushongiiniivi, Shipaulovi, and Shumopavi, all on 
the middle mesa, and nowhere else in the Western Hemisphere. The 
material for the foundation is stems of Takashu {H'daria jamesii), 
gathered in October. The sewing is done with narrow strips from 
the leaves of Mohu ( Yucca glauca) in the natural color of the outside 



504 REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

or the interior, or nowadaj^s dyed in aniline coloi'S. Formerly vegetal 
dyes were employed, red brown 0\x^\s\i\ {Thelespenna gracile)^ dark 
blue from seeds of Akaushi [HeliantJius jyetiolariH)\ yellow from 
Asapzrani {Carthamits tmctorius)\ green or blue, rarely seen on old 
baskets. The following are their terms for basketry. 

Apa, blanket mat. (Anciently made in checker weaving.) 

Chu ku po eta, also Chu ku bot se buh, Havasupai. 

Shio eii ya puh, Oraibi wicker tray. 

Du tsi ye, or Du tsai 3^a, sifting basket. 

Ho a piih, carrjdng basket (wicker over frame of bent sticks crossed). 

Kom che, awl of bone. 

Hush tush shum pi, or Ko tuc, basket for parched corn. 

Kwakii iitshpi (haj^ cover), twined mat for kiva hatch. 

Pek ech be, piki tray (food tray). 

Po eta, basket plaque (coiled). 

Se boch be (Oraibi basket). 

Tiimni, flat basket in Soyalana rites. 

Wiko zhro, pitched bottle. 

Plate 215 is the portrait of Kuchyeampsi, the Miishongunuvi weaver 
of coiled plaques. Figures and colored plates of this ware are shown. 
(See Plates 30, 47, 85, 93.) Photographed by George Wharton James. 

Wicker baskets are made at the Hopi pueblo, Oraibi. The radiat- 
ing framework is of slender shoots of silbi, Rhus trilobata. The 
interwoven element is of branches of hanoshivapi, Ohrysothawnus 
graveolens^ also called Bigelmiia, carefull}^ smoothed and dyed, as in the 
coiled baskets, red brown, red, yellow, dark blue, purple, green, 
blue and white, the latter with kaolin. 

The white of the background is applied after the basket is finished. 
The edge of the basket is finished with a winding of yucca over the 
several rods of rhus bent down after the basket has reached the size 
required. This edge is often painted with red ocher (Hough). The 
framework consists of two cross sets of twigs, four or more in a bar 
of the cross. These are firmly held together at their intersection by 
weaving. They are then spread out radially, the space being from 
time to time supplemented by additional stems. The worker pro- 
vides herself with bunches of white, yellow, orange, purple, black, 
blue, and green twigs only a few inches in length. These she proceeds 
to weave into patterns of the greatest beauty, even imitating cloud 
eft'ects seen on Japanese screens, using long or short twigs as the 
occasion demands, hiding the ends between the ribs and the filling of 
the preceding coils. (See Plate 216.) 

The variety of ornament created with these poor appliances is 
marvelous. In no other ti'ibe of Indians and in no other type of 
basketry are more striking effects realized. It seems almost as 
though the women had set themselves the problem of producing with 
the least pliable materials the n^ost vei'satile of effects, in which are 



ABOEIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETEY. 505 

embodied the S3^mbols of an intricate ritual, in all grades of symbolism 
from the pictograph to the mere conventional mathematical scene. 
Both, however, represent the same ideas. Under the influence of 
trade the ancient patterns are really mosaics and could be picked out. 
It will be easily seen that the figures on the back and front do not 
exactly conform, the corresponding square on the back being always 
one space to the right or left of the same in front. 

Attention is called at this point to the ornamental beginning of the 
wicker plaque, or sacred meal baskets. In the chapter on structure 
attention is directed to the methods of holding the central warp stems 
together before bending them apart radially. Two methods are 
resorted to. On one, half a dozen or more stems are laid side by side 
and wrapped together by a process shown in fig. 38, after Miss 
White. The same number of stems are similarly joined and laid 
under this at right angles, the whole twelve being bound together by 
one or two rows of wicker weaving. From this central point the 
twelve or more wrapped stems are bent apart at equal distances and 
the regular wicker weaving proceeds. At a certain distance outward 
new warp stems are added between each pair of those already in use, 
and from this circle the weaving proceeds to the margin. 

With the same number of warp stems quite a different process is 
sometimes employed, by which the two sets of the upper and lower 
are held together in pairs by wicker weaving, and at an inch fi'om the 
center the whole series are bound together as before and widening and 
weaving proceed in the same manner. 

Fig. 190 is a coarse wicker tray of the Hopi Indians of northeastern 
Arizona, and is introduced for the j^urpose of illustrating the method 
in which the much finer work on the sacred meal traj^s is done. Here 
may be seen the plan of .starting out with a few stems crossing each 
other at right angles for warp; the method of hiding the large end of 
the weft stems to become a portion of the warp, and the method of 
adding new warp stems as they are needed. Especial attention is 
called to the way in which several stems for weft are introduced at the 
same time and woi'ked along in sets or series. The common method 
of working out the twill would be to introduce a weft stem, carry it 
as far as it would go, and then insert a new weft stem, but in this 
case the series of half a dozen stems are all worked at the same time. 
Compare description of a Mexican wicker basket, on page 527. 

The modern twilled basketry is as rough as it can be. The same is 
true of the flat mats used about their dwellings; in fact, the mat and 
the basket are identical in weaving. The basket is formed by bending 
the mat over the edge of a hoop and sewing down with a row of 
twined weaving. 

Plate 217, from a photograph the gift of G. Wharton James, repre- 
sents an ancient basket maker of Oraibi. The picture is interesting 
beyond the mere twilled basket which she holds in her hand in the act 



506 



EEPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



of mending a broken strand. The corn, the mixture of objects belong-^ 
ing to civilization and savagery, the homespun and woven clothing 
herself, and the maiden at her side are all a study in the culture of 
the region. The adobe and stone wall and the coarse beams of wood 
inset must be included. It is an excellent picture of very little modi- 
fied savage life. Yucca baskets and trays are made by the Hopi in 
plain checker; although the material is coarse, quite pleasing effects 
are produced by means of the two sides of leaf and different shades 
of the same size. 

The twined ware of the Hopi are a few peach baskets and other 
domestic utensils, made in the same manner as the Ute hats, but there 




Fig. 190. 

COARSE 'WICKJSRWORK. 

Hopi Indians, Arizona. 

is enough dissimilarity of form to give the Hopi the credit of invent- 
ing this peculiar style. (See Plate 218, figs. 4 and 7.) 

Plate 218 shows a collection from Oraibi, the westernmost of the 
Hopi pueblos in northeastern Arizona, gathered by Colonel James Ste- 
venson and Cosmos Mindeleff. The three types of work always in 
mind when Oraibi and the pueblos of the adjoining mesa are men- 
tioned, to wit, twilled, thick coils, and wicker, are utterly wanting 
here. The cosmopolitan character of the Hopi is further attested by 
the varieties of technic in the plate. The baskets on the upper row 
are as follows, from left to right: 

1. Water-tight coiled jar, with foundation of rods, sewing material 
of willow splints, the stitches interlocking, l)ut not taking in any of 



ABORIGIKAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 507 

the foundation below. Catalogue No. 42106 in the U. S. National 
MuHeuni. Height, 7i inches. The lugs on the side are of horsehair, 

2. An old flat coiled dish, No. 41227, said to have come from Zuni, 
in western New Mexico, 7i inches in diameter. 

3. A delightful old gathering basket, No. 42126, from Oraibi. It 
is of the three-rod coiled variety and might be taken for the original 
elegant Pomo Bamtsuwu. Each stitch passes over three rods of the 
current foundation and under the upper rod of the coil underneath. 
Its height is 7i inches. 

4. A gathering basket in twilled twined technic. On the bottom is 
a projection whose function is not known. Notice on the shoulder 
three rows of twined work over two warps. The difference between 
this and twilled work lies in this, that the weft elements embrace the 
same pairs of warps and are superposed. The l^order is finished off 
with a neat herringbone stitch. Catalogue No. 83977, U. S. National 
Museum. Its height is 6 mches. 

The old pieces on the lower row are equally interesting. 

1. A globose coiled jar in three-rod foundation. The workman- 
ship is coarse, but the form is suggestive of old pottery. • This speci- 
men is No. 84596, U. S. National Museum, and is 7 inches in height. 

2. A water jar in three rod coil, modern, with lugs of horsehair 
on the side for carrying. The border is fastened off' with a kind of 
sewing, here called false braid. The material for making the vessel 
water-tight is pine resin. Catalogue No. 42107, U. S. National 
Museum. Its height is 10 inch'^s. 

3. This interesting piece of water-tight twilled twined work is 
strengthened by an interior framework similar to that seen often in 
the large Zuiii packing baskets for donkeys, and suggests the possi- 
bility of ti-ansporting water in the same fashion. The weaving is rude, 
but all the lietter for holding pitch. The border, however, is neatly 
done in false braid. Catalogue No. 68506, U. S. National Museum. 
Its height is 15 inches. 

4. The water jar constricted in the middle might with propriety be 
called a canteen. Frequently the savages in this arid region tie a 
bandage around a young gourd which afterwards takes the shape here 
shown. The foundation of the coil is more like that of Apache, the 
stitches interlocking. Indeed, the piece is labeled "old Apache " by 
the collector. It is numbered 40109 and is 8i inches high. 

5. A water jar or pitcher in three-rod coil. It should be compared 
with No. 1 in the same row, secured in Oraibi by the same person. 
It is Catalogue No. 84596, U. S. National Museum. Its height is 8i 
inches. 

Fig. 191 is an ancient miniature gaming- wheel used frequently in 
the ceremonials of the modern Pueblo Indians. Then, as now, the 
hoop of wood was made and a series of half-hitches passed around the 



508 



REPOET OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



inner side, done in yucca fibei*. This process was repeated upon the 
loops thus constituted until the center of the wheel was reached. It 
is in effect a kind of coiled work in which the foundation is absent. 
Collected by eJames Stevenson. 

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes was so fortunate as to recover from the 
Chevlon ruin, 15 miles from Winslow and in sight of the station 
Hai'dy on the Santa Fe Railroad, fragments of ancient basketry, 
shown in the accompanying plates. The custom of burying baskets 
with the dead is still preserved in the Tusayan towns, and from the 
specimens here figured, it has been inherited from ancient times. 
Baskets, says Fewkes, are not now made at the east mesa, and the 
craft is confined to the middle mesa and Oraibi. 




Fig. 191. 

ancient basketry gaming wheel. 

Pueblo Indians, New Mexico. 

Collected by .Taiirtes Stevenson. 



The wicker baskets from several graves at Chevlon were identical 
with those made to-day in the pueblo of Oraibi. Some of these spec- 
imens were painted on the surface a green color with malachite, or 
blue with azurite. In other examples the small stems had been 
stained before they were woven. Plate 219 represents a segment from 
a wicker basket made from the stems of Chryaothammis graveolens. 
The warp consists of small bundles of stems; the weft, of the same 
material barked and smoothed down, in some places dyed. The inter- 
esting feature of the specimen is the increasing of the number of 
warp elements as the basket enlarges. At first in the drawing there 
are five bundles of stems; about 2 inches lower down the number is 



ABOKIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 509 

increased to seven, and near the bottom, by the introduction of new 
stems, ten warp elements are provided for. As in the modern basketry, 
in this ancient example the weft is soaked and woven in that condition 
and pressed home so effectually that the warp is invisible. 

In Plate 220, fig. 1, is shown a specimen of ancient matting in twilled 
weaving. The work is done in split yucca leaves, just as to-day, 
and in certain places the figure shows where the leaf was stripped 
from the stalk. Examining the thousands of mats and soft baskets 
from the same pueblo reveals the identical method of doing the 
twilled work, but in a great many of the modern examples regular 
diaper patterns are introduced. In the same plate (fig. 3) is an ancient 
example of coiled basketry, having foundation of three stems or rods. 
By referring to the California basketry it will be seen that this foun- 
dation is the same. This makes a VQiy smooth sui'face, easily distin- 
guishable from the rugose condition of Apache basket built on a 
single rod.*^ 

These specimens are Catalogue Nos. 157912, 157915, 157918 in the 
U. S. National Museum, and were procured at Chevlon, Arizona, by 
Dr. J. Walter Fewkes. 

Plates 221, 222 illustrate the forms and uses of basketry in the 
pueblos of northeastern Arizona before the coming of the whites. 
The explorations of Dr. J. Walter Fewkes in Sikyatki and Awatobi, 
and the Museum-Gates expedition in 1901 to examine two ruins on the 
Jetyto Wash, a few miles from Keams Can3^on, have brought to light 
wicker, twilled, and coiled basketry. The wickerwork is precisely 
identical with the little wicker traj^s or plaques made in the pueblo 
of Oraibi and used in their religious ceremonies. The twilled work 
is the matting of to-day, and the coiled resembles that of the Utes or 
Pimas rather than the Apaches, having a foundation not of rods, but 
of fine material. The uses of the basketry must have been in all 
respects as among the Hopis of our day, but Plate 223 shows the 
connection of such material with the care of the dead (Catalogue No. 
213074). The plate illustrates the fact that coarse wicker matting 
was placed in the bottom of the grave; on this was laid a matting 
of yucca fiber, and on this was deposited the body. In the dressing 
of the hair, then as now, a plaited cord of human hair was employed. 
A description of its discovery appears in Dr. Walter Hough's paper, 
Archeological Field Work in Northeastern Arizona. 

Judging from the artifacts secured by the Museum-Gates expedi- 
tion, these pueblos belong to the type of Awatobi and Sityatki, and, as 
far as appearances go, may have been contemporaneous. Dr. Fewkes 
regards Sityatki as one of the most ancient pueblos of the Hopi group. 
It is well known that Awatobi was inhabited up to the year 1700, but 

« Smithsonian Report, 1896, pis. xxxii and xxxiii, after Fewkes. 



510 EEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

there is no historical reference to the pueblos from which these speci- 
mens were derived, and there is no evidence of the Iron Age in them . It 
seems probable, however, that they date before the year 1700, but just 
how much anterior it- is not possible at present to say. " 

■ ATHAPASCAN BASKETRY 

A summary of Athapascan basketry in its ethnic areas would include 
the following- : 

The northern Athapascans in the interior of Alaska and in the 
Mackenzie drainage make coiled basketry in a variety of types, the 
material being willow and root of the conifers. The Pacific coast group, 
living formerly in Washington, Oregon, and northwestern California, 
near the sea, of which the Hupas are the best known, excel in twined 
work with decoration in overlaying, but these tribes have not the ver- 
satilitjr of the Pomo, farther south. All the weaving is of one variety, 
well known in the region. 

The southern Athapascans, under many names, practice both coiled 
and twined basketry. They base their coiled work on hard stems and 
sew them with splints of cottonwood, mulberry, sumac, and willow or 
strips of yucca. They also used agave fiber. 

The mescal plant {Agave aynericana), says Botirke, is to the Apache 
what the palm is to the East. It is baked in ovens for victuals and its 
juice is fermented to make a drink. For the basket maker the thorns 
are good needles, the libers excellent thread material, and the flower 
stalk forms the frame of the cariying outfit. 

The Apaches or southern Athapascan basket makers were formerly 
spread over eastern Arizona, western New Mexico, and in Texas along 
the Rio Grande, as will be seen in Powell's linguistic map.* They 
were gathered on reservations b}^ Gen. Nelson A. Miles. Scattered 
bands are to be found here and there. Mr. James mentions one near 
Short Horn Mountains and in the neighborhood of Palomas and Agua 
Caliente, comprising about thirty families of basket makei's. The 
collector or student must not be surprised, therefore, if in the hands 
of Apaches are seen work of other tribes. Indeed, he will f requentl}^ 
see the women borrowing materials, structures, forms, and even designs 
from outside. A large and varied collection of Apache ware is exhibited 
in the Free Museum of Phoenix, Arizona, collected by Messrs. Benham. 

On the authority of Mrs. J. S. Newman there are Ave tribes on 
the Apache Reservation, and a few scattered members of other tribes, 
but five to class as basket makers. Of these the Tonto should rank 
first, making chiefly oUas, which require more skill than plaques or 
bowl shapes, and their work is universally even and good. Their 

« Archeological field work in northeastern Arizona. The Museum-Gates expedi- 
tion, 1901. Walter Hough, Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1901, pp. 279-358. 
ftSeventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891, pocket. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETBY. 511 

specimens are nearl}^ always marked with the arrow point, the pattern 
running vertically from the center. Their proficiency is accounted 
for in the fact that the land allowed them on the Gila Hiver is the 
least productive of any on the reservation, hence their dependence 
on basket making for a living. 

The center or beginning of either Apache coiled bowl or olla is 
always wrapped with black (devil claw) and the rim finished with the 
same stitch as that used throughout the body of the work, both or 
either colors being used. 

Plate 224 is a number of Apache coiled bowls belonging to the col- 
lection of J. W. Benham. The 'foundation is in whole stem and the 
sewing done with splints of white wood and martynia. A compari- 
son of these ten pieces reveals tolerably well the genius of Apache 
decorations. There are discrete figures of men and beasts; there are 
both radial and concentric designs; in the crenelated (fig. 10) and 
fretted motives (figs. 5 and 9) suggestions arise which point to the 
Tulare area. The Apache, naturally a wanderer, has picked up here 
a little and there a little of design. 

The White Mountain Apaches ai-e clustered around Camp Apache, 
the agency, and on two of the large creeks running south from the 
Mogollon mesa. The art of basket making is not actively' practiced 
at present, the younger members of the tribe finding it difficult to 
learn and saying that it injures their hands. Some of the old women, 
however, retain the ancient skill, and even superior work may be 
secured from the reservation. It may be said that the carrjdng baskets 
and the pitched water bottles are as frequently made as ever and are 
in constant use, whereas the finer bowls, which were formerly common, 
as among the Puel>lo tribes, for storing meal, etc., are growing rarer 
every 3'ear and command high prices. 

The baskets shown in Plate 225, Catalogue Nos. 213262 and 213268, 
U. S. National Museum, were secured at the agenc}'' in the summer of 
1901. 

Fig. 1 is a small, well-woven bowl, the design representing the sun- 
flower. 

The second figure is a modern basket with geometrical pattern, 
which in certain portions is quite inaccurateh' worked out. On the 
whole the design is excellent. 

Plate 226 represents coiled basket bowls of the White Mountain 
Apache. The foundation of the upper figure is of willow, the sewing 
in splints of -white wood and martynia in alternate rows, which are 
divided into four sections b}^ V-shaped ornaments effected by chang- 
ing the direction of the lines in black. 

The lower figure is the same material, foundation of rods, sewing 
in white and black coarsely done, stitches scarcel}" touching. The 
whole surface is covered with rhomboidal figures produced by crossing 



512 



KEPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



of four sets of lines in pairs, passing- in cycloidal curves from the bot- 
tom to the margin. Catalogue Nos. 213264 and 213265. 

The specimens were collected by Dr. Walter Hough on White 
Mountain Apache Reservation, 100 miles south of Holbrook, Aiizona. 
The symbol is that of the martynia hooks, the sharp points having 
been allowed to project from the inner surface in certain areas. 

The shoots for basket material are gathered in the spring, tied in 
bundles, and put away in the houses for future use, sometimes with 
the bark on, at others without. When the basket maker is read}'^ the 
osiers are soaked thoroughly in water; the stems are employed whole 
for the foundation of the coil, and the sewing- is done only with the 
outer la3^er, the inner portions being peeled off and the splints scraped. 
One end is held in the mouth, the other in the left hand, whiie the 

steel "knife, formerly the 
stone knife, is used in the 
right hand. 

The ornamentation on 
all this basketry is in 
Martynia loaislana^ or 
devil's claw (Tahuate), 
the design itself often 
being the figure of the 
plant. The awl used in 
the sewing is called b}' 
the White Mountain In- 
dian, tsatl; the coiled 
bowl, tsa; the spindle- 
shaped water jar, tose; 
the carrying basket of 
twined work, ta tsa; the 
gathering scoop, pen al 
te, and the shoots of 
wood, tsin. 

Fig. 192 shows the or- 
namentation on a coiled basket bowl of the Coyotero, on the San 
Carlos Agency, in southern Arizona. The parts are in threes; the 
smaller design is made up of a combination of little squares and tri- 
angles, the larger design being more complicated in its elements, with 
its three vase-shaped parts, which terminate in the dark circle of the 
center. The meaning of this design is unknown. 

This specimen. Catalogue No 4428 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was collected on the Gila River, Arizona, b}^ H. W. Read. 

Fig. 193 is an old bottle-shaped coiled basket, made, according- to 
Dr. Hough, long ago by the Mescalero Apache, before they adopted 
the present wide variety. The foundation of the coil consists of a 
rigid stem overlaid with soft fiber. The stitching passes over the 




Pig. 192. 

coiled bowl. 

Coyotero Indians, Arizona. 

Collected by H. W. Read. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



513 



foundation of the coil, under the pacliing of the coil underneath. 
The sewing is done with splints of willow or cottonwood. The orna- 
mentation consists of six rows of coiling in brown material on the 
neck, a row of black material on the shoulder, with two rows of chev- 
rons on the body. The latest Apache has only black and white in 
decoration; red and brown are old and rare. 

This specimen, Catalogue No. 21i9-J: in the U. S. National Museum, 
was collected in Arizona by Dr. J. B. White, U. S. Army. 




Fig. 193. 
.basket jar. 
Apache Indians. 
Collected by J. B. White. 

Fig. 194 is a design on a coiled basket bowl of the Apache. The 
fouodation of the bowl is the rod-and-splint pattern, and the sewing 
passes over it, under the splints of the coil below, the stitches inter- 
locking. The design is in Martynia loaisiana. The apparently 
unsystematic ornamentation is, in effect, perfectly regular. Four 
lines of black stitching, of the same lengths in each, proceed from a 
black ring around the center. From the ends of these lines the sew- 
ing is to the left in regular curves. The four radiating lines are 
repeated and then the curved lines until the border is reached. The 
suggestion of lightning or the limbs of some insect has been made out. 
The design has not been explained by any basket maker. 
NAT MUS 1902 33 



514 



EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



This specimen, Catalogue No. 21493 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was collected in Arizona by Dr. J. B. White, U. S. Army. -i 

Plate 227 represents a jar and a plaque bj^ the Mescalero Apache 
Indians of New Mexico, collected by Dr. Walter Hough, Catalogue 
Nos. 204651 and 204646 in the U. S. National Museum. Especial 
attention is directed to the width of the coils in these baskets. It 
will be remembered that the Fraser River tribes in British Columbia 
obtained an economical result of widening coils by the introduction 
of narrow strips of wood instead of the roots or bundles of grass for 
the foundation. These Apache Indians have also discovered that using 
two or more rods, one lying on -the top of the other, would give the 
same result. The stitches in yucca also, instead of passing underneath 

another rod in the coil be- 
low, are simply interlocked 
with the stitches under- 
neath. The ornamentation 
is produced by different 
colors of the same substance. 
The outside of the leaf is 
green in different shades, 
but the inside of the split 
leaf is perfectly white. By 
exposing the inside or the 
outside the angular orna- 
mentation results. In such 
wide foundation the designs 
must be very simple. The 
dark lines in the lower hgure 
are produced by using the 
small roots of the same plant 
in sewing. This iiber is very 
much more brittle than the 
leaf. Comparing these two 
examples with the plaques of the Hopi Indians demonstrates better 
than an}' other figures yet employed the limitations of the basket maker 
in the ver}' elements of ornamentation. Each separate part of the 
mosaic is a long stitch, set vertically in the jar and radiall}' on the 
plaque or bowl. From this the basket maker can not escape. 

Fig. 195 is labeled coiled basket of the Navaho. On the authority 
of C. M. O'Leary, of Abbottsford Inn, Los Angeles, California, the 
Navaho do not manufacture baskets; but they use a ceremonial basket 
that is made by the Apaches and comes from Arizona. Other observ- 
ers attribute these curious pieces to the Ute; but old Navaho women 
still understand the art. 




Fig. 194. 
coiled basket bowl. 

Apache Indians. 
Collected by J. B, "White. 



ABOEIQINAL A.MERICAN BASKETRY. 515 

- In this example the foundation is a single rod. The body color 
of the bowl is that of the wood. The ornamentation is in splints of rhus 
dyed mahogany brown and black, and consists of four quadrants 
in each of which is a cross-shaped figure. The boundary of the space 
is black, filled in with brown. The figure is in the color of the 
wood and has a black border. In the sewing the stitches simply 
interlock with those underneath. The border of the specimen is 
worthy of study, being what is called elsewhere false braid. The 




Pig. 195. 
coiled plaque. 
Navaho Indians. 



Apaches, on the contrary, make borders in plain coil. Catalogue No. 
16510 in the United States National Museni was collected in 1873 by 
Governor Arny, of New Mexico. 

Plate 228 is a collection of Navaho sacred basket drums belonging 
to C. P. Wilcomb. Baskets attributed to the Navaho are extremely 
uniform in every respect. On the authority of Dr. Washington 
Matthews the sewing material is splints of sumac {Rhus aromatica). 
Some Indians told Dr. Hough that the material was tsin, a species 
of willow growing along the washes. The stitches in the sewing 



516 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, J 902. 



simpl}' interlock, and there is no attempt made to pass into the 
foundation of the coil underneath. The borders are in false braid 




Fig. 196. 

sacked basket tray. 

Navaho Indians. 

Collected by Governor Ai'ny. 



passing by a "figure of eight" movement under the foundation and 
over the outer mai'gin. In the ancient days a Navaho woman invented 

this prett}' border. She was seated 
under a juniper tree finishing her 
work in the old, plain way, when 
the god Hastseyath threw a small 
spray of juniper into her basket. 
Happy thought! She imitated the 
fold of the leaves on the border 
and the invention was complete. 
(Matthews.) 

The decoration also of the Navaho 
baskets is in designs taking the form 
of bands for their sacred drums 
(fig. 196), and of crosses (fig. 195) for their sacred meal baskets. The 
colored bands on the drums are founded on a central stripe which 




Fig. 197. 
border of fig. 196. 



ABOEiaiNAL AMERICAN BASKETBY. 517 

may be lignt or dark, and from the borders project variously notched 
or angular figures. The one characteristic to which attention is always 
directed in this ware is the break in the band. It is mentioned else- 
where on the authority of Matthews that a line drawn from the center 
of the basket through this open pathway will end at the point where 
the basket was finished off, and when it is used as a drum this is the 
point where the hand of the medicine man must be placed in the 
plaque, the radial line pointing eastward. Another interpretation of 
this, which can not here be proven, is that this break in the orna- 
mentation has something to do with the passing backward and forward 
of the spirit of the basket, as in the Pueblo pottery decoration.''' (See 
figs. 196 and 197.) 

Dr. Ales Hrdlicka writes that the basket work of the Hualapai 
and Havasupai can be studied better by having it understood that 
although both these peoples are associated with the Yuman family 
linguistically, they are decidedly one with the Apaches in phj'sical 
characteristics. Their basketry, therefore, will have to be compared^ 
with that of the Apaches and not that of the Mission Indians of 
southern California, who are Yuman. The foundation is a solid stem 
with a welt. The sewing is done with splints of willow, and also now 
with those made from the young and tender ,suckers from the cotton- 
wood tree, from 2 to 3 feet in length. The geometric ornamentation 
is in martynia. Among the Hualapai and Havasupai there are three 
kinds of baskets — that is, three forms exist, but the Havasupai are the 
best workwomen. The first is coarse coiled ware. When the twining 
is going on they leave the finished ends projecting outside and inside 
until the whole basket is completed and afterwards they are trimmed 
off all at the same time. The second is a plain coiled bowl in the shape 
of a caraffe, covered with pitch to make it water-tight. The third is 
decorated coiled work. The first is a plaque with black decoration 
in martynia only. The second shape is more or less cylindrical, or 
the rim turning in or tending toward a spherical form. In the 
plaque there is seldom any other decorative color than black, but the 
other forms, cylindrical and globose, have various colors, although 
mostly different shades of red. The designs are tooth-shaped or den- 
tated, star-shaped, and crenelated. No curved lines or animal forms 
are used. The Hualapai also make conical carrying baskets with a 
head-band, the decorations being meager and consist only of lines, no 
geometric figures being used. Occasionally designs are painted, not 
woven. (See Plate 229.) 

Plate 230, fig. 2, represents a Havasupai coiled basket bowl. The 
foundation is of rods and splints of willow and the sewing is the same. 
The most interesting feature is the border. It is false braid in which two 
rows of the coil are involved. A single splint passes down and includes 

« See Washington Matthews, The Mght Chant, a Navaho Ceremony. Memoirs 
of the American Museum Natural History, VI, pp. 1-332, New York, 1902. 



518 KEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902 

both foundations, up, over, and under the upper foundation only, then 
back and under both to the point of beginning. This is an old speci- 
men, had been in the possession of a family for many j^ears. From 
the Sichomovi (Hopi) Pueblo, made by the Havasupai (Yuman) Indians, 
collected by Dr. Walter Hough. 

Plate 231 represents the Havasupai basket maker at her home, which 
is in Cataract Can^^on emptying into the Colorado River from the 
south, in northwestern Arizona. The most interesting feature of this 
plate is the association of the l)asket maker with her home. The steep 
wall of the canyon forms the back of the house, and a slight brush 
awning covered with grass is her shelter. So far as the house is con- 
cerned, we are as near to the lowest savage and primitive man as it is 
possible to get, but in the woman and her work we are on the top 
round of savagery. The Apache- Yuma basket makers at Palomas, 
Arizona, sit in front of their brush and straw shelters the same as the 
Pimas, hold the right side of the plaque or bowl inward, and work 
their sewing toward the left hand. (G. C. Simms, Field Columbian 
Museum.) In the previous plate the woman is making coiled basketry, 
but in the one here given by George Wharton James the bottle and the 
carrying baskets are in twilled or diagonal-twined weaving. 

The Walapai, spelled often Hualapai, from Walla, tall pine, Pai, 
people, are also of the Yuman family and dwell near Truxton, Hack- 
berry, and Kingman, in northern Arizona. There are less than 600 
of them. They make water jars of several shapes and many sizes; 
household baskets and plaques, never decorated, often covered with 
pitch on the inside, always shallow ; more or less cylindrical baskets with 
geometric designs in martynia, rarely painted bluish, red or white on 
the outside; the same with bail-like handles; great conical carrying 
baskets, sparingly decorated; small plaques, finer work, splints dyed; 
baby boards, and fanciful shapes. These are coiled on the rod and 
splint foundation and resemble Apache. Basketry tei^ms are: 

Wi-uat we-se-ma, prepared root of yucca, of brownish-red color. 

Ma-k-tu-na, red roots of a little plant on the mountains. 

K-he-e, or K-he-e-he-vah, reeds used for vertical ribs, also white or 
green fiber. 

Ma-tha-kigh, reed for making baby boards, hoods, also for warps 
of baskets. An example was collected by Dr. Hrdlicka, ornamented 
with triangles and crenelated lines in pinK and black. 

The Mohave Indians (Yuman family) do not make baskets, but obtain 
them from other tribes, and examples will be found in every house. 
They obtain their rabbit-skin robes, done in twined weaving, from 
Paiutes (Shoshonean family) and Walapai (Yuman family). The 
Mohaves make constant use of the wrapped weaving. (See page 231, 
and Plate 17.) 

The Chemehuevi are Shoshonean linguistically, and are now located 



ABORIGIKAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



519 



on the Colorado River Agency, Arizona. They make coiled baskets, 
The foundation is a rod and the sewing is done with willow or other 
splints, maybe cottonwood. The black figures are in the pods of mar- 
tynia. Only two colors are used; frequently, however, feathers are 
introduced under the stitches. They are the most tastefully made and 
the most beautiful baskets in that whole region. Catalogue No. 211038 
is a Chemehuevi plaque in the National Museum collected by Captain 
Paul B. ('arter, U. S. A. The ornamentation consists in a black center 
and two bands done in martynia pod. The surface is covered with a 
network of i-hombs. Plate 232 is a collection 
of Chemehuevi plaques and jars in coiled 
weaving now in the U. S. National Museum. 
Especial attention is called to the purely geo 
metric figures on the surface, star, toothed 
lines, rhombs in bands, crenelated and ser- 
rated lines in great variety. In the central 
figure the middle band recalls the design, a 
modification of which becomes the well-known 
fiying butterfly pattern. (See Plate 195.) 

The tribes of the Piman family are in 
two groups, the northern, including Opata, 
Papago, and Pima proper; and the southern, 
including Cahita, Cora, Tarahumara. and 
Tepeguana, wholly confined to Mexico. By 
many scholars the Piman family would be 
made part of the great Uto-Aztecan. 

The Piman basketry is unmistakable. The 
foundation is of split cat-tail stems {Typha 
angustifolia) and the sewing is with willow 
{Salix. nigra) and pods of martynia, but the 
stitches are so fine and the work so uniform 
that the surface is not rugose but smooth. The 
Pima decoration is the exuberance of fretwork, 
are many old pieces brought home by Arm}^ officers. Edward Palmer 
also collected man}^, and recently Dr. Erank Russell has enriched the col- 
lections with material which will be the subject of a special monograph. 
Coiled work without foundation finds application among the Pima in 
the network which supports their gourd receptacles. (See fig. 198.) 

It has been said that basket making was introduced among the Piiiia 
one hundred years ago, when the Maricopa sought shelter among them 
from the slaughter of the Yuma. At that time the Pima made pot- 
tery only. On the other hand, the Maricopa allowed basket making 
to fall into disuse, and now make pottery only. Both Pima and 
Papago make matting in twilled work, and also carrying irames cov- 
ered with rude coiled lace. 




Fig. 198. 

gourd in coiled network. 

Pima Indians, Arizona. 

Cat. No. 76047, U.S.N.M. 

Collected by Edward l*almer. 

In the National Museum 



5^0 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



They had no pails or vessels of wood, but were not slow to invent. They there- 
fore took willows, which grow in abundance along the river, and a reed, and 
stripped the bark, then very adroitly split these with their teeth and wove them so 
closely together as to hold water. This they accomplished by means of needles or 
thorns of cactus, of which there are over one hundred varieties in this territory. 
They used these baskets while digging small ditches, the women filling them with 
earth and carrying them up the bank. « 

Catalogue No. 76033, U. S. "National Museum (see fig. 100), is a carrying 
basket (child's) of the Pima Indians, a pyramidal bag netted of the fiber 
of the agave; at the vertex is an opening 3 inches in diameter. The 
base is attached to a hoop by a string of agave fiber, with which the 
hoop is served; the bag is decorated with fretted work painted black 
and red. Two stems of the Oereus giganteus^ 34^ inches long and one- 
half inch in diameter, are passed from the outside of the hoop to the 
inside of the bag, 10 inches apart, thence down till they pass through 

the opening in the vertex; 
at this point thej'' cross each 
other at an acute angle and 
extend 7i inches beyond; 
two other stems 14 inches 
long are passed into the 
bag, in front, in the same 
way, 9 inches apart, and 
their ends stop at the cross- 
ing of the other sticks; at 
this point the four are 
firml}' lashed together and 
the margin of the bag at 
the vertex opening is fas- 
tened to the sticks. 
Where the sticks enter the bag the hoop is tied to them b}^ a cord 
of black horsehair; these also serve to tie the load in the basket. 
Near the bottom a small l)race of wood is passed through the meshes 
of the bag and in front of the sticks on either side, to give it additional 
strength. A piece of matting of split reeds, 16 by 7 inches, is attached 
to the back of the basket to protect the body of the carrier; a pad of 
cloth is placed between the basket and matting for the same purpose. 
A strong cord of twisted agave fiber, 3 feet long, is looped around 
the vertex; the ends passed along the posterior sticks, outside the bag, 
are fastened to the sticks by a loop of fiber. Above, the ends are 
attached to the forehead band, woven from the softened fiber of the 
Yucca l)accata; it is double, and 7 inches long and 2 inches wide. 
The stafi' is of wood 21 inches long and one-half inch in diameter, 
painted red, ornamented at upper end with buckskin strings, and 

« Isaac T. Whittemore, Among the Pimas, p. 53, Albany, N. Y., 1893. 




Fig. 199. 

coiled bowl. 

Pima Indians. 

Collected by Edward Palmer. 



ABOKIGIlSrAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



521 



served with agave twine; the upper end is notched. The staff is also 
used to support the basket in an upright position when it is unslung. 
(See figs. 100 and 106.) Width above, transverse, 13 inches; antero- 
posterior, 11 inches; depth behind, 11^ inches; front, 7i inches. Col- 
lected by Edward Palmer. 

Fig. 199 is a coiled basket of the Pimas. The foundation is made of 
grass stems or cat-tail, and the sewing is done with narrow and uniform 
splints of Cottonwood or willow, the black figures being worked in with 
martynia. The puzzling and intricate ornamentation is reducible to a 




Fig. 200. 

coiled bowl. 

Pima Indians. 

Collected by Edward Palmer. 



few most simple elements and easy of construction. Four series of 
vertical lines start from the black bottom. At uniform distances from 
the beginning all the way out to the rim horizontal lines proceed to 
the left, terminating in small black squares. It can easily be seen that, 
while the vertical lines are narrow and depend upon the width of the 
stitches, the horizonal lines must necessarily be as wide as the i*ows of 
sewing. About two-thirds of the way from the beginning a new set 
of zigzags are started, and these are continued to the outer margin. 



522 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902, 



This specimen, Catalogue No. 9376 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was procured in Arizona by Edward Palmer, and is figured by Holmes." 

Fig-. 200 is a coiled basket bowl of the Pima Indians. The founda- 
tion is of shredded material and the sewing is in splints of willow. 
The decoration is in three series, as follows: Bottom, solid black; the 
main portion of the body is a double row of fretwork in single lines 
of black; on the upper margin is a single row of fretwork. The up 
and down lines in this work are partly perpendicular and partly slop- 




FlG. 201. 

COILED BOWL. 

Pima Indians. 
Collected by Edward Palmer. 

ing to adjust themselves to the widening of the basket. On the 
extreme edge, as a finish to the basket, is a false braid in black 
martynia. 

Fig. 201 is a coiled basket bowl of the Pima Indians. The founda- 
tion is in shredded material of rush; the sewing in willow and mar- 
tynia. The ornamentation consists of a black bottom, out of which 
rise four right-angle triangles, to which are attached a curious fret- 

« Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1888, p. 220, fig. 322. 



ABORiaiNAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



523 



work made up of L-.shape elements. There are a number of smaller 
right-angle triangles worked into the figures at various points, show- 
ing that this is a constant idea in the mind of the manufacturer. 
Diameter, 12i inches; height, if inches. 

This specimen, Catalogue No. 76040 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was collected, with many others, in Arizona by Edward Palmer. 
Plate 233 is a piece of the same type from the collection of C. E. 
Rumsey. 

Plate 234 represents two Pima basket bowls in the U. S. National 
Museum, collections of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Dr. Frank Rus- 
sell. The foundation, sewing, and border are the same as in other 
examples. This plate is introduced for the purpose of showing how 
the basket maker works out 
a series of concentric figures 
whose elements are straight 
lines mixed with segments 
of circles. The lower figure 
is based on a circle in black 
from which four points pro- 
ject. The concentric rings 
are based upon this funda- 
mental figure absolutely. 
From the points segments 
of circles increase in length 
as they proceed outward. 
From the concave quarter 
of the central figure circu- 
lar segments decrease in 
length as they proceed 
outward and the ends of 
these two sets of segments 
are connected by ragged 
straight lines. Finally the 

spaces at the four quarters on the rim are filled with small triangles 
in black. Could anything be more artistic than this association of the 
simplest elements in basket weaving? 

The upper figure is on the same sort of foundation, only concentric 
segments alternate with series of rectangles arranged in checker pat- 
terns. These rectangles are all the same size, and are based on the 
four quarters projecting from the black circle. The widening of 
the pattern is all accomplished by the lengthening of the circular 
segments." 

Fig. 202 is a coiled basket bowl of the Pima Indians, Piman family, 
in southern Arizona. The foundation of the coil is in sterns of finely 




Fig. 202. 

coiled bowl. 

Pima Indians. 

Collected by Edward Palmer. 



"Frank Eussell, Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (in preparation). 



524 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



shredded fiber of cat-tail {typha latifolkt). The sewing is in splints of 
willow, the stitches passing over the foundation and interlocking with 
those underneath. The sewing material is somewhat rigid so that the 
stitches are not pressed home, and the foundation shows between. 
Manj^ of the stitches are split in the sewing, but it does not appear that 
it is systematically done for the purpose of ornamentation, as is the 
case with the Salish and Klikitat tribes of the farther north. The 
designs are in splints of martynia pod. The elements of decoration 
are in threes and, doubtless, have symbolic meanings, but these are 
not known. Diameter, 11^ inches; height, 3^ inches. 







Fig. 203. 

coiled granary. 

Pima Indians. 

Collected l)y Edward Palmer. 



This specimen, Catalogue No. 5548 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was collected in Arizona by Edward Palmer. 

Fig. 203 is a small granary of the Pima Indians, Piman family, in 
coiled work. The foundation is a bundle of wheat straw averaging 
about half an inch in diameter. The sewing is done in willow bai'k, 
the strips varjdng in width from a quarter to half an inch. No 
attempt is made to crowd the sewing material so as to hide the founda- 
tion; indeed, this would be impossible becaiise of the width of the 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 525 

willow bark. The effect on the surface is to produce almost perpen- 
dicular lines from the center to the border. New rows are added as 
the coils enlarge. 

The Pima Indians live partly on vegetable diet, the fruit of the 
mesquit and of other plants, and they use the granary baskets on plat- 
forms for the purpose of keeping the dried material out of the way of 
rodents. 

To make the detail structure more clear a square inch is given in 
fig. 57. 

This specimen, Catalogue No. 76046 in the U. S. National Museum, 
was collected in Arizona by Edward Palmer. 

Plate 235 represents a Pima basketmaker. The Piman family have 
been supposed to be the connecting link between the Shoshonean of 
the Great Interior Basin and the Aztec or Nahuatl family of Mexico. 
In their present situation, however, they are cutoff from the northern 
Shoshonean by the extension of the Yuman family. 

MIDDLE AND SOUTH AMERICA 

This genius [Clotlio] led the souls first to cloths, and drew them within the revolution of the spindle 
impelled by the hand. — Plato's Republic. 

On the border line between the Republic of Mexico and the United 
States is a transition between the standard forms which have hitherto 
been studied and the more open types of lace work and loom work. 
Coiled basketrj^ of well-known varieties continues on southward, both 
in the lowlands and in the mountainous regions to within a few miles of 
the City of Mexico. Variations from these types are also in evidence, 
both coiled and twined, the former predominating. Foundations of 
grass more than an inch thick are built into immense baskets for carry- 
ing and also granaries, the sewing being done with wide strips of bark, 
wood, and leaves. Taking these coarse baskets for a motive, smaller 
and finer ones are done in better material, but still the stitches are half 
an inch apart. There is no occasion for surprise in this, since the linguis- 
tic families which are represented in Arizona, New Mexico, and Cali- 
fornia are also continued into the Republic of Mexico. In this area the 
student is clearly " within the revolution of the spindle." In addition 
to the coiled work just mentioned will be found coiling of the hammock 
type, and, interesting to know, the Chippewa on Lake Superior and 
the Loucheux type on the Mackenzie River are here reproduced in the 
carrying basket (see fig. 106). Starting out from very plain, coarse 
varieties of this work, it passes on into the lace-work burden baskets 
of the Pima, Papago, and Mohave. The figures wrought into these 
lace-work baskets are the same as are to be seen in the labyrinthian 
patterns on the basket bowls of the Pima. Quite as interesting as 
any of these types, the wrapped weaving before described is found in 
burden baskets of the Mohave. It must be recalled at this point, 



526 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

however, that Hudson mentions the same style of workmanship among 
the Porno Indians for roof building and traps, and W. H. Holmes 
brought from California a framework for carrying birds in which the 
rods are held in place by a similar wrapping. There is also in the 
National Museum an old coarse mortar basket made of sticks which 
are bound together in the same way. A great deal of twilled and 
wicker work comes from the neighborhood of the City of Mexico and 
from Central America, and a species of coiled sewing which exists 
sporadically all the way from the Arctic Sea to Magellan Straits. 
The stitch, in addition to passing around the foundations to hold them 
together, also makes a wrap about the standing part between the coils. 
Modern coiled ware in great quantities is made up from agave fiber of 
fine quality, but it resembles African work more than American. A 
variety of forms and uses exist in baskets in Mexico; among others, the 
immense hats. The Caribs on the Mosquito Coast of Nicaragua are said 
to have plaited a pretty water-tight basket of reeds, called " patapee," 
but these people had been in touch with natives of Africa, who knew 
how to make water-tight baskets from the time of Moses at least. 
The Tlaxcala Indians used twined weaving in making slings. Types 
of work just mentioned continue on into the Central American States. 
No account is here made of the fine weaving and needlework, in which 
typical and extraordinary patterns are wrought, because they are across 
the boundary line and are no longer in the famil}^ of basketry made 
merely by hand without machinery. 

Twined basketry and matting are preserved in the Peabody Museum 
from prehistoric burial caves in Coahuila, Mexico; among the Tlax- 
cala Indians (Nahuatlan family) in Central Mexico; from prehistoric 
graves at Ancon, Peru, and Arica, Chile; from graves at Pisaqua, 
Chile; from the Guatos Indians (Tapuyan family), in southern Brazil, 
and from the Cadioes Indians (Guaycuruan family), on the Paragua 
River. (C. C. Willoughby.) 

Plate 236, U. S. National Museum, was brought by Frank Russell from 
the Yaqui Indians of northern Mexico. It is in the form of the so-called 
' ' telescope trunk," and old specimens of the National Museum were col- 
lected many years ago by Edward Palmer. The material is a kind of 
rush, and the weaving is in twilled work. Such baskets are employed 
for holding all sorts of useful articles, but especially in connection 
with religious practices they are the depositorj?^ of charms and fetish 
objects. 

Plate 237, in the collection of Dr. A. Hrdlicka, shows two covered 
baskets bandbox shaped. They are made of palm-leaf strips in twilled 
weaving. Hundreds of these objects are woven of various sizes, and 
packed in nests, and are the common receptacle for all sorts of articles 
among the Yaqui. Especial attention is called to the lower basket, since 
it is an excellent example of what has been mentioned several times in 
this work — namely, double weaving. Strips of palm leaf are worked 



ABOEIGIKAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 527 

in the pairs, the upper side of the leaf being outermost. At any 
moment, however, these strips may be separated and each member of 
the pair do service for warp or weft separately. 

The Yaqui of Sonora, Mexico, says Palmer, split the stems of 
arundinaria for basketry by pounding them carefully with stones. The 
reeds divide along the lines of least resistance into splints of varying 
width, which ai"e assorted and used in different textures. They now 
manufacture to order floor mats, porch screens, and the like, and sell 
them in Guaymas. 

The Huichole Indians, living in the State of Zacatecas, Mexico, 
belong to the Aztecan branch of the great Shoshonean family. They 
have been described by Lumholtz, and are living in a state of native 
simplicity. Thej make a basket 2 or 3 feet long and only 6 inches in 
height with a similar cover. The material is palm leaf and the technic 
is twilled weaving. Simil'r baskets are woven by the Tarahumara 
(Piman), State of Chihuahua, and also by the Tepeguanos (Piman) in 
Durango, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, and Jalisco. These low, traj^^-shaped, 
rectangular baskets with covers are the common packing cases among 
these tribes mentioned of northern Mexico. (Hrdlicka.) 

A wicker basket from Santa Maria del Rio, li leagues south of San 
Luis Potosi, Mexico, is Catalogue No. 76926, U. S. National Museum, 
made from the prepared stems of willow. The weaving is not after the 
fashion of the common market basket, but its parts are worked spirally 
in such manner that the smaller ends of the stems terminate in a braided 
band around the top of the body. (Compare tig. 190.) This arrange- 
ment reminds one of Dr. Matthews's Stud}^ in Butts and Tips." The 
warp consists of groups of fine stems arranged in fours. As the bottom 
is oblong, five of the groups pass straight across it widthwise, while 
at the ends others radiate from the foci of the ellipse. The weft of 
the bottom is formed by means of fourteen stems, seven of which run 
in one direction and seven in the other, the smaller ends being fastened 
off on the border. The body is built up in the same way. In the 
ordinary wicker basket a stem is woven among the warps, and when 
the end is reached another stem takes its place, and so on; but in 
this example all the weft stems of the body begin at the very bottom 
and are wound in a spiral up to the upper margin. At this border the 
warp stems are all bent to the right for an inch and a half and then 
turned back again, being intertwined in a sort of openwork diagonal 
weaving. To form the handle seven stems on each side are thrust 
between the weft, and these bundles are wrapped about each other to 
form the twisted handle, the smaller ends being deflected so that the 
ends of the stems which form the body and the ends of the handle and 
the stems of the body are all woven together to form the braid-work 
at the top. Collected -by Edward Palmer. 

"'American Anthropologist, Washington, V, 1892, pp. 345-350. 



528 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

H. Ling Roth, in his paper on the aborigines of Hispaniola/' says 
that although none of the histories make reference to the island in 
which baskets were manufactured, nor even to tlie material out of 
which they are made, there is occasional mention of them, proving 
that formerly, as now, the Caribs and their tribes knew how to weave 
basket work. The Spaniards both in Hispaniola and Cuba on several 
occasions found men's heads cut off and sewed up with great care in 
small baskets. He quotes Benzoni in speaking of a feast in which 
baskets were adorned with roses and various flowers. Columbus found 
baskets in Guadeloupe full of men's bones. 

A glance at the map of northern South America shows how easy it 
is to pass from the Windward Islands up the Orinoco and over the 
drainage of the Rio Negro, down to the Amazon. On this central 
position it is not difficult to make communication with the highlands 
of middle Brazil, Bolivia, eastern Peru, and Ecuador, and to pass from 
the Xingu River to Paraguay is eas}^ This explanation will clear 
the way for the collection of baskets now to be described. 

The seventieth parallel from Greenwich mav be used to divide South 
America into east and west basketry sub-areas. The West Indies will 
be counted with the eastern portions. The few widespread linguistic 
families serve as a bond to hold the tribes in mind. At the extreme 
north the Carib and the Arawak are conspicuous; the Tupi-Guarani 
and the Geez answer for Brazil; over the Amazon watershed, the 
La Plata areas, the Gran Chaco tribes follow. Patagonia and Fuegia 
complete the series. Over a large portion of this eastern region the 
types of weaving practiced in the Southern States of the Union pre- 
vail. On the western side of the continent, in the Andean valleys, 
the basketry is more varied and interesting, as the description and 
illustrations will show. The information which follows is far from 
complete. The little which is said will serve at least as a starting 
point and show that aboriginally and technically there was only one 
America. 

Plate 238 shows an Indian woman standing in front of the agave 
plant — a fitting combination, since in Mexico, Central America, and 
northern portions of South America the agave is to the native popu- 
lation an enduring friend. In modern industries it has not lost its 
influence. The lechiguilla, ixtl, sisal, and other standard fibers are 
therefrom. In old times it was the substance from which receptacles, 
clothing, parts of household utensils and conveniences, and many 
other useful things were made. The figure standing in front of the 
plant might be called the Clotho of the agave, whose skillful fingers 
will tui'n the ideal plant into many supplies of wants. 

Baskets from British Guiana are like those described by E. F. im 
Thurn in his work entitled Among the Indians of British Guiana. 

» Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, XVI, p. 283. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 529 

The specimens in the National Museum are all of the twilled pattern, 
wrought from a brown vegetable iiber which shows the same on both 
sides. This twill is used with good effect in the diagonally woven 
cassava strainers, widely distributed, which may be contracted in 
length by a corresponding increase of width. When the cassava is 
packed into this strainer the latter is suspended and a great weight 
fastened to the bottom. The same device is used among us b}' country 
housewives in making curds. There is an entire lack of gaudy dyes in 
the Guiana baskets, the only colors being the natural hue of the wood 
and a jet-black varnish. The gorgeous plumage of the birds replace 
the dyes in ornamentation. (See Plate 239.) 

The material used for basket work among the Indians of Guiana is 
the split stem of a kind of maranta {Ischnoaijjlhon) called iturite by 
the Indians. For rough work other species of iturite are used, and 
for the roughest of all the unsplit stems of certain creepers, especially 
one called by the Indians mamamoorie {Garludovlca phunieril). 

The so-called pegalls (packalls) are square^ generally. The basket 
and lid are the same shape; the latter, being larger, slips over the 
former and entirely covers it. Many Caribs made their j)egalls of an 
oblong shape, with gracefully curved lines, and adorn them with long 
strings of thick, white cotton on which are knots of colored feathers. 
Sometimes the true Caribs make the pegall and lid double, and between 
the two layers of basket work certain leaves {Ischnosiphon) are inserted 
to make the whole waterproof. Here is another example of double 
warp noted in several parts of North America. 

Another basket, shaped like a slipper, is the suriana, for carrying 
heavy loads. This useful form has a wide distribution, being seen in 
Guatemala. The "quake," another basket, is used for storing pro- 
visions. They also serve as cages. It is made of open wicker work 
with a rounded bottom. Most of the baskets are manufactured in the 
same way and of the same material. The Nikari karus, living on the 
Brazilian borders, make their pegalls of the leaves of the palm 
{Orblgna), very rare in British Guiana. These are square or oblong.** 

Plates 240 and 241 are from photographs pi-esented by the distin- 
guished ethnologist, Carl von den Steinen. They represent carrying 
baskets from eastern Brazil in the collection of the Berlin Ethno- 
graphic Museum. In order to bring the structure into comparison, 
baskets of the same function were selected. The following descrip- 
tions, aided by the photographs, will make plain the structure. 

Plate 240, fig. 1, is a carrying basket (hasiri) of the Jamamadi 
Indians, living on the Rio Purus, in the collection of Paul Ehrenreich. 
The warp is crossed and the weft passes through the warp in regular 
order, so as to produce hexagonal openings. The border is formed 

« E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of British Guiana, p. 282, London, 1883, y 
NAT MUS 1902 34 



530 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

by simply turning- over the ends of the warp and weaving them back- 
ward. The head strap is a wide strip of inner 1)ark. Prof. J. B. 
Steere collected for the U. S. National Museum a fine specimen of 
this same tj^pe of weaving of the Jamamadi, resembling, in fact, fig. 2 
of this plate. (See Plate 95, fig. 5.) 

Fig. 2 is a carrying basket (shibati) of the Hypurina Indians, living 
on the Rio Purus, collected by Paul Ehrenreich. The warp is crossed 
and the weaving is done as in fig. 1, bvit there are twice as many weft 
splints, the hexagonal spaces being crossed by them. The border is 
formed by a hoop of wood. Strips are attached to the side of the 
basket for strength, and string loops at the top for attachment of the 
head band, which is in tough inner bark of a tree, as in No. 1. 

Eig. 3 is a carrying basket (koho) from the Paressi Indians, on the 
upper Tapajoz River, Brazil, in the collection of Dr. Carl von den 
Steinen. This is an elegant piece of work and worthy of stud3^ One- 
half of the warp elements are vertical and the other inclined. The weft 
passes through the interstices formed by the crossed warp in twos and 
threes. At the top a hoop is used for strengthening; the warp turned 
back and held firm by a single row of three-strand weaving. On the 
sides a rope is attached to the weft elements for loops and the head- 
band is made, as in the other specimens, from the tou.gh inner bark of 
a tree. 

Fig. 4 is a children's carrying basket (mayaku) of the Bakairi Indians, 
on the upper Xingu River, Brazil, and fig. 5 an example for adults 
by the same tribe, from the collection of Dr. von den Steinen. They 
are made of four elongated hoops of wood. One furnishes the bed or 
bottom of the frame, two others the sides, and the smaller one the end. 
Those who are accustomed to studying utensils used in transpoi'tation 
will recognize in these two frames African forms. The}^ are not 
basket woi'k, either of them, in the strict sense of the word, since the 
webbing which fills up the hoops is true network of string; the cross- 
ings form regular knots. In both examples the headband is of l)ast, 
or the inner bark of a tree, and in the larger the binding of the bottom 
is in the same material. 

Plate 241, fig. 1, is a carrying basket (kodrabo) of the Bororo 
Indians, on the Rio Sao Louren^o, Brazil, in the collection of Dr. von 
den Steinen. It is in palm leaf, in regular twilled weaving common 
throughout the world. The interesting portion, which ought not to be 
overlooked, is the border, which is the midrib of the palm leaf, with 
the leaflets attached. The carrying band or headband, as in other 
examples, is in tough inner bark of a tree. 

Fig. 2 is a carrj'ing basket of the Kabischi Indians, on the upper 
Xingu River, in the collection of Hermann Meyer, found in an 
abandoned camp. The weaving is in twilled work, forming rhom- 
boidal patterns on the surface. The top of the basket is round and 



ABORIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETKT. 



531 



strengthened with a hoop. The bottom is square, held in shape by 
sticks, and carried by means of a headband of bark. 

Fig. 3 is a carrying basket [Ayacapeana guarani) of the Kaingua 
Indians, on the Rio Alto Parana, collected by Rohde Ambrosetti in 
southern Brazil. It is an elaborate specimen built on a framework 
with a round hoop at the top and two ox-bow shaped pieces of wood 
crossing under the bottom to give shape to the body. The upper part 
of the surface is in wicker work. A band around the middle in twilled 
weaving is ornamented with rhomboidal patterns and the lower part 
is also covered with wicker work. The headband is in tough bark. 

Fig. 4 is a carrying 
basket (apoi) made by the 
Warrau Indians, on the 
Rio Orinoco-Cuyuni in 
Guiana. The framework 
and covei'ing are interest- 
ing on account of the dis- 
tribution of this peculiar 
form, which may be found 
as far north as Guatemala 
and around the Caribbean 
Sea. The work is in 
twilled weaving, and the 
border is formed by strips 
of wood sewed to the 
upper edge. The head- 
band is in two-strand 
rope. 

Nieuhoff describes the 
Brazilian basketry of his 
day.'' 

The baskets of the In- 
dians of southern Brazil 
are made of palm-tree 
leaves. They call them 
patigua. The}^ have also some made of reed or of cane. These are 
with one general name called karamemoa. They make also large 
broad baskets of reeds and branches twisted together. These they 
call panaku, and are chiefly used for the carr3dng of the mandioka 
root. In their journeys they always make use of the patigua, but the 
panaku is used by the slaves and negroes in the Receif for the con- 
veniency of carriage. 

The Guatos Indians in southern Brazil employ twined weaving in 
the manufacture of mantles and the Cadricios Indians on the Paraqua 
River make grass bags in the same technic. 




Fig. 204. 

carrying net. 

Araucanian Indians. 



"Voyages in Brazil, in Churcliill, II, p. 132. 



532 



KEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 




The figure of an Araucanian woman acting as both freight and 
passenger carrier is introduced from De Schryver'* to show the exten- 
sion of the buttonhole stitch technic southward. The insertion of a 
foundation in coiled work is not common farther north, but will be 

again noted at the very extremity 
of the continent. (See fig. 204.) 
The basketry of South America 
reaches its southern limit in the 
Fuegian coiled ware with slight 
foundation and sewing in button- 
hole stitches, illustrated in fig. 59. 
Coming over to the western side 
of the continent, fig. 205 is a coiled 
carrying bag from Chiriqui, Co- 
lombia, and is a type of an enor- 
mous amount of ware to be found 
in Middle America, North Amer- 
ica, and South A merica. It is rep- 
resented in fig. 1-2, and is called in 
this monograph coiled work with- 
out foundation .. It will be seen, 
by looking at the detail, that the 
twine constituting the fabric inter- 
locks with the stitch underneath and makes a complete revolution, catch- 
ing the next stitch, and so on. Without definite information on the sub- 
ject, it is believed that in making these bags some sort of a gauge is used 
by the weaver — a small stick which may be slipped along as the work 
proceeds. 

The detail is shown in fig. 206, and 
especial attention is called to the 
ornamental effect of using a two-ply 
twine and the additional decorative 
feature of having the twines in dif- 
ferent colors. 

The fibers of the Middle Americans 
and Mexicans are of the best kind and 
texture, and ai-e used in hammocks 
and for the most exacting labor in 
transportation. 

An interesting example of the fi'iendly cooperation between the 
best material and the best workmen is to be found in the Republic of 
Ecuador in the manufacture of the so-called Panama hat. In Con- 
sular Report No. 821 Consul Perry M. de Leon gives the following 



Fig. 205. 

cakrying net. 

Chiriqui, Colombia. 




Pig. 206. 
detail of fig. 205. 



'Simon de Schryver, Royaume d'Araucanie-Patagonie, 1887. 



ABOTtlGlNAL AMSElCAN BASKETRY. 5S3 

account of it: The Manavi (Panama) hat was first made in the province 
of Manavi, Ecuador, about two hundred and seventy-five years ago by a 
native named Francisco Delgado. The present centers of the industry 
ai'B Monte Cristi and Jipijapa in the province of Manavi, and Santa 
Elena and Cuenca in the provinces of Guayas and Azuay, respectively. 
They came to be known as Panama hats years ago when that city was a 
distributing center. Those who are familiar with them can tell b}^ the 
method of beginning the work at the center of the crown the locality 
where the work is done. In Ecuador, Colombia, and Central America 
the hat is known to the natives as the Jipijapa (pronounced hipi-hapa), 
but as they are made elsewhere in Ecuador, principally in the province 
of Manavi, and as the name is easy to pronounce, it might take the place 
of the present misleading appellation. (See Plate 242.) 

They are made from a native species of palm {Carludo'vica palmata). 
It is cultivated in the provinces of Manavi and Guayas and is known as 
"paja toquilla." In appearance it resembles very much our saw pal- 
metto; it is fan-like in shape. Low-lying wet land is selected and the 
seed planted in rows during the rainy season. When the plant attains 
a height of 4i or 5 feet it is cut just before ripening. The leaves are 
boiled in hot water and after being thoroughly sun dried are assorted 
and ready for use. 

The material is first carefully selected, dampened to make it pliable, 
then very finel}^ divided into requisite widths, the little finger and 
thumb nail being used for the purpose. The very finest specimens 
are prepared from delicate leaves that need no splitting or stifl'ening. 
The plaiting begins at the apex of the crown and is continued in cir- 
cular form until the hat is finished. The story that they are made 
under water bj^ candle light is untrue. The work is carried on while 
the atmosphere is humid, from about midnight to 7 o'clock in the 
morning. At night the hat is hung out in the open air so that the 
dew may fall upon it, and it is then in position to be worked the next 
day. If the strand breaks it can be replaced and so plaited so as not to 
affect the work nor be visible to the naked eye. The ingenious woman 
uses her knee for a head block. This antedates all modern appliances 
for giving shape to head gear. It requires from three to five months 
daily labor of three hours a day to make one of the finest hats. The 
business in its highest development is really an art, requiring patience, 
fine sight, and special skill — qualifications few of the natives possess. 
The plaiting completed, the hat is washed in clean, cold water, coated 
with a thin solution of gum, and polished with dry powdered sulphur. 
They are so pliable that they can be rolled up without injury and put 
in one's pocket. They will last for years and can be repeatedly cleaned. 

Natives of both sexes and all ages are engaged in this work at odd 
times, the business being a side issue. Children make from raw, 
undressed straw about two of the common hats a day. 



534 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, ]f)02. 

V 

The specimen here shown is in the collection of Dr. S. O. Eichey, 
of Washington City, and has 20 or more crossings to the linear 
inch. The hats vary from the ordinary form having 18 crossings or 
checks to the finest quality, which have twice as many. In the market 
they are sold at from $10 to fl50. The most costly specimens are 
those in which there is not a break in the straw, mismatched color, or 
a knot showing in the work. 

During the nineteenth century the cemeteries of Peru yielded the 
greatest abundance of relics and remains. Among the former were a 
mixed variety of textiles, which were types of basketr}' hereafter to be 
described. The climate of Peru is arid and almost a desert like that 
of Arizona or Egj^pt. The frail products of the textile industry that 
might have perished utterly in North America almost everywhere 
have here all been preserved. Fine specimens of old Peruvian work 
are to be seen in all the leading museums of the world. The Field 
Columbian in Chicago is especiall}^ rich in productions of this kind, 
gathered through the agency of the World's Columbian Exposition 
in 1893. 

In the Peabody Museum and in the U. S. National Museum also are 
fine old collections brought home fifty years ago b}^ earlier travelers 
and explorers in South Amei'ica, and in this Peruvian basketware are 
to be seen not only great varieties in foi'm and exhaustive treatment 
of native technical processes but adaptations to uses without number 
extending literally from the cradle to the grave. 

The name Peru has for the ethnologist a long perspective in time, 
reaching through many centuries; in elevation it covers the range of 
habitable areas from reeking seacoasts to heights barely endurable by 
man. In coast line it stretches through 15 degrees of south latitude 
(5° to 20^). Only in width is it restricted to the narrow watershed of 
the Andes and a slight portion of the incline on the eastern side, 
reaching down to the forest line. The most celebrated of the explora- 
tions in this area have been by Reiss, Stiibel, and Koppel." 

These authors figure the following-named types of basketry: 

1. Checkerwork: In this connection should be noted a kind of open- 
work in which the warps are set at an angle of 45 degrees, running in 
two directions, forming diamond-shaped spaces. A weft passes around 
among these warps so as to divide the diamond-shaped spaces into tri- 
angles. Such weaving is seen in many specimens of the North Pacific 
area; even the Aleutian islanders practice it. It has been already 
described and figured in von den Steinen's plates for the eastern area. 

2. Wickerwork, in Colombia and Uruguay. 

3. Diagonal or twilled work, widely diffused. 

4. Twined work has been recovered from prehistoric graves at 
Ancon, Peru, in matting, both coarse and fine, and on baskets; from 

" Kultui- uud Industrie Sudamerikanischer Volker, Berlin, 1889. 



ABORIGINAL AMEKICAK BASKETRY. 535 

prehistoric graves at Arica, Chile, in the structure of small wallets of 
basketr}^; and from graves at Pisagua, Chile, in baskets. On other 
styles of manufacture a row or two intrudes itself. 

6. Coiled work without foundation is u.niversally distributed. With 
foundation of fine splints it occurs also as will be seen.'^' 

In the plates of these authors the following-named technical processes 
will be seen: 

Plate 8, fig. 1, wicker-work basket from Bogota, Colombia. 

Fig. 2, crossed warp, open weaving, from Pasto, Colombia. 

Fig. 3, diagonal weaving from Pasto, Colombia. 

Fig. 4, twilled weaving from Panama, Colombia. 

Fig. 5, wicker from Andaqui, Colombia. 

Figs. 6 and T, diagonal weaving from Otavalio, Colombia. 

Fig. 8, twilled weaving from Bogota, Colombia. 



Fig. 207. 

ancient peruvian work basket. 

After W. H. Holmes. 



Fig. 9, collect oasketry from Copacabana, Bolivia. 

Fig. 10, diagonal weaving from Quito, Ecuador. 

Figs. 11 and 12, twilled weaving from. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. 

Fig. 13, coarse, diagonal weaving from Gruallabamba, Ecuador. 

Fig. 11, open coiled basket-box from Bogota, Colombia. 

Fig. 15, plaited fans from Cocamilla Indians, Peru. 

Fig. 16, diagonal weaving, fan, Papayan, Colombia. 

Fig. 17, checker, oblique weaving from Cocamilla Indians, Peru. 

Fig. 18, wicker strainer for mate from Cerro Largo, Uruguay. 

Fig. 19, diagonal weaving, tray, from Brazil. 

Figs. 207 to 211 are twilled basketry foimd deposited with the dead 
in a cemetery at Ancon, Peru. They are made of rushes and exhibit a 
great variety of forms, as may be seen by examining the drawings on the 

« Compare nos. 13039, 13096 in Eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody Museum, 
p. 280, fig. 3; p. 292, fig. 18. 



536 



REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 



cover of fig. 207. Across the middle are two rows of ordinary over- 
two twilled weaving, seen also in detail in fig. 208. A noticeable fea- 
ture on other specimens, however, to which attention is drawn by 
Holmes'* and to which he gives the name diagonal combination, is the 
production of triangular figures. The weaver in going from right to 
left produces the effect of right-angle triangles, but in returning so 
regulates the decussations of the fibers as to give to the pairs of tri- 





FlG. 208. 
DETAIL OP FIG. 207. 
After W. H. Holmes. 



Pig. 209. 

detail op a peruvian basket. 

After "W. H. Holmes. 



angles of the two rows a common hj^pothenuse. The effect of this com- 
bination is magical, leaving the impression of high relief. (Fig. 209.) 
But the most charming effects in these Peruvian workbaskets are 
brought about by the use of narrow strips of wood, over which the 
plaiting takes place and by which broad bands of 
twilled work are produced. This result is manifest 
in figs. 210 and 









Fig. 210. 
detail op a peruvian 

BASKET. 




Fig. 211. 
detail op a peruvian basket. 



211. 

Another char- 
acteristic of this 

Peruvian work 

is the hinging of 

the cover of the 

basket as part of 

the weaving. In 

Plate 243, evidently the workbasket of an ancient spinner in Vicuna 
wool, there is a single cover, but it will be seen that the modern com- 
partment trunk has been anticipated, the basket being in three divi- 
sions, the middle one forming the co^er of the lower one. The detail 
of the hinge as a part of the texture may be seen in the small drawings 
at the bottom of the plate. 

Plate 244 is a twined carrying frame from the graves of Iquique, 
southern Peru. The framework consists of three sticks, bent in the 
shape of an oxbow, crossing each other at the bottom so as to give to 

1 W. H. Holmes, A Study in the Textile Art, Sixth Annual Eeport of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, p. 206, figs. 297-299. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 



537 



the top the form of an oblique hexagon. The ends are held in place 
by a stout cord of hair in natural brown color. The warp of this 
basket is formed by winding a white string round and round these 
sticks on the outside, about one-eighth of an inch apart, from the 
bottom to the top. The weft is a series of vertical rows of twined 
weaving, in some places close together and in others wide apart, for 
ornamental effect. The vertical stripes seen on the surface are in 
green, red, black, and white, twined, and in twined weaving, each block 
including two or more warp strands. B}^ using two colors in the twine 
the patterns are variegated on the surface, first the white and then the 
colored strand coming into view. By comparing these specimens with 
the one from the Arikara Indians, fig. 126, it will be seen that in the 
latter two of the bows projected downward and formed the bottom, on 
which the basket rests. But in this case no such protection is afforded. 
The woman has sewed a coarse piece of woven stuff along the bottom 




Fig. 212. 
ancient coiled basket feom chile. 



as a protection of the more delicate threads. The specimen is in the 
Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, and the colored plate was fur- 
nished by Dr. George A. Doi-sey. 

Fig. 212 is a fragment of a coiled basket from a copper mine in the 
district of Chuquicamata in the desert of Atacama, Chile. It was 
found, together with other industrial implements, associated with the 
body of a woman who undoubtedly met her death on the spot. From 
the dislocated backbone and the small stones embedded in the skin, it 
is supposed that she was buried by a caving in of the works. The 
basket of which this is a fragment, was in every respect similar to the 
Pima ware in southern Arizona. This fragment bears such remarkable 
similarity to Pima workmanship that J. W. Benham, of Arizona, who 
is most familiar with it, was struck with the Chilean example and 
wondered whether it were possible that the Pima Indians and the 
Chileans could have been under the same instructors. 



538 KEPORT OF KATIOlSrAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Plates 245 to 247 are also specimens of coiled work exhibited in 
the Pan-American Exposition, with the mummj'- from Chile; the 
foundation of the coil of shredded material and the sewing also in soft 
splints. The stitches pass over the foundation and are not only inter- 
locking- but take up a portion of the foundation in its base below. 
These should be compared with the ^specimens from northern Mexico 
in the Peabody Museum, described b}^ C. C. Willoughby. 

Plate 248 is the side and bottom Adew of a coiled basket from Peru. 
The style is entirely modern, but it is introduced here to show two 
features in technic well wrought out in the northern continent. The 
foundation and the sewing are both in a brilliant-colored straw, species 
unknown. Sewing is reduced to the minimum, most of the founda- 
tion being neatly wrapped, or served with the sewing material. The 
stitches on the bodj^ are bifurcated most neatly, and coming one above 
the other give the impression of herringbone woi'k done vertically. 
Finding this openwork coil and furcate stitches in Eskimo land, Cali- 
fornia, and Peru would tempt one to see the same invention arising 
independently in regions wide apart; but, omitting the unlimited 
going about in pre-Columbian times, dui"ing hundreds of years the 
sovereigns of Spain, France, England, and for a century Russia mixed 
the native tribes and their industries. Catalogue No. 150844, U. S. 
National Museum. 

The two areas of South America, eastern and western, unite in the 
Straits of Magellan. There are three linguistic families of Indians, 
among whom two types of basketrj^ are found belonging to the coiled 
variety. They are made by women of Juncits magellanicus. Descrip- 
tions and figures of the stitches involved will be found in the Revue 
d'Ethnographie." See also Lovisto.* The rim is made of wood veya 
or tshelia. The specimens in the U. S. National Museum are all of one 
variety, the sewing being in the buttonhole stitch, so called, and in 
openwork. Nothing of the kind exists in the neighborhood, so that 
it is within the limits of possibility that the style of technic was 
introduced. 

In summing up what has been said on basketr}^ in the Western 
Hemisphere it would seem that all the types and processes known 
throughout the world are to be seen here. 

Vni. COLLECTORS AND COLLECTIONS 

As David and the Sibyl say— Thomas of Celano. 

Basketry and pottery are the Sibylline leaves on which are written 
the thoughts and lore of our Indians. Already much has gone beyond 
recovery; it is for this reason that a good word is here spoken for 
those lovers of art who have spent time and means in redeeming the 

o Paris, IV, p. 517. &Guida Cora's Cosmos, October, 1884, pi. v. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 539 

more perishable of the two treasures from destruction. Pottery may 
be broken, but its fragments endure and bear witness. Not so bas- 
ketrjr, made of the most perishable portions of plants, it can endure 
only when in contact with preservative materials, or partly reduced 
to ashes, or deposited in caves and other dry places, or finally, their 
technic but not their stor}^ may be saved by impressions left on 
potterj^ 

The following instructions are published for the great number of 
persons who are interested in the collection and preservation of 
American basketry. Besides the aesthetic elements involved and the 
pride of saving the best examples of a rapidly vanishing industrj^, 
there is a vast deal of culture stud}^ which ought not to be neglected. 

In every collection, public or pi'ivate, there are opportunities for 
special investigation that should not be in the possession of a single 
individual only. If all who are gathering baskets would preserve such 
information as the}^ may be able to obtain, the bringing together of 
the results of all this study would be a monument for our American 
aboriginal women. 

As pointed out in former chapters, knowledg'e concerning basketry 
seems to be illimitable, the technician, the artist, and the student of 
folklore finding equal pleasure in the acquisition. To begin with the 
manufacture, a correct knowledge of the materials includes the name 
of the tribe and their location, the name of the difi^erent kinds of 
weaving in the native tongue, and chiefly, the native name, the com- 
mon name, and the scientific name of every plant or animal substance 
or mineral involved. The reason for this is that in order to know 
whether an art is indigenous or acquired, it is necessary to compare 
the names for definite things with those used by other tribes for the 
same things. Not to discourage the collector, however, it must be said 
that this is an ideal toward which he ought to work. 

The following label of a specimen in the Hudson basketry collection, 
U. S. National Museum, will serve as a model to guide the collector in 
saving information about his specimens: 



BASKET JAR of the Pomo Indians (Kulanapan family). Made from the prepared root of 
Kahum, or California sedge {Carex barbarac), throat and scalp feathers of Katdtch, or wood- 
pecker (Melanerpes formicivorus), breast feathers of Jucil, or meadow lark {Sturnella neglecta), 
scalp feathers of Kaydn, or mallard {Anas borchas), plumes of Tchikdka, or crested quail 
(Lophortyx calif ornicus) , neck feathers of Tsaw^lu, or jay {Cijanura stelleri), and K4ya, or pre- 
pared clam shell (Saxidomus gracilis), in a style of coiled sewing called Tsai, in which a single 
roil constitutes the basis. The sewing passes over this rod, under the preceding one, and locks 
in the stitch immediately underneath. Ornamentation, a row of shell disks around the margin 
and another row serving as a handle. 

Diameter, 6 inches. 

RUSSIAN RIVER, CALIFORNIA, 1896. No. 203,415. 

FROM THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, COLLECTED BY 
DR. J. W. HUDSON. 



540 EEPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

For the artistic collector there is a very important mission, to know 
and to foster the aboriginal patterns and motives in decoration. Many 
of the shapes and designs in basketry are sj)urious. Besides the trashy 
imitations of letters and common things on basketry, which mislead 
no one, there is an important habit springing up of getting women of 
one tribe to imitate the designs of another tribe. This works con- 
fusion in two ways. It confounds the student of folklore absolutely, 
and if there be any truth in the belief that in all art the material and 
the motif have in the ages adapted themselves to each other " like per- 
fect music unto perfect words," the attempt to put Apache ornaments 
on Pima, or Wasco on Klikitat is discordant. 

PRESERVATION OF BASKETS 

The art of a people must "be judged by what they need not do and yet accomplish. — A. C. Haddon. 

Textiles are among the most fragile and perishable of human indus- 
trial products. Insects and rust, heat and cold, too much and too little 
moisture, the common accidents of life, are hastening our pretty 
baskets to their dissolution. Therefore, how to prolong the life of 
a basket is a living question with all basket lovers, and the answer 
will be easier if the causes of destruction are known. The three 
enemies of baskets are moth and rust and human fingers. By the 
moth are meant all destructive animals; by rust, natural decay; and in 
the last agency must be classed the myriad ways by which our fellow- 
creatures purloin and destroy our treasures. E, S. Morse tells us that 
the Japanese do not make of their houses bazaars for the ostentatious 
display of art objects, but they put them away in silk bags to bring 
forth when they wish to delight their friends. Those collections that 
have been made with a view to permanence should be kept so that they 
will suffer least from damage. The dust maj^ be blown from the speci- 
mens with bellows. Those containing remnants qf vegetable matter, 
berries, food, etc. , should be caref ull}'^ scrubbed with soap and water, 
and I'ubbed down with a veiy small poi'tion of oil and drj^er. Above 
all they should be poisoned with a weak solution of corrosive sublimate 
or arsenic dissolved in alcohol. A card catalogue giving the legend and 
history of each piece would add much to the value of the collection. 

A list of collections of rarities in American basketry is here 
appended, by no means complete, but it will aid the student who 
wishes to prosecute his investigations further to find the material. 
Fii'st of all, in the great museums there are permanently in store 
priceless examples of basketrj^, and in addition man}^ costly collec- 
tions belonging to private individuals, have thus rendered a great 
service to this writer. It is interesting to read over the names of the 
men and women who long ago contributed to the great museums 
precious examples of uncontaminated Indian art. 



ABOBIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 541 

American Museum of Natural History of New Yore. The best assemblages of 
American basketry are the Emmons collection from Alaska; the Teit from the 
Chilcotin and the Thompson Indians (Jesup expedition); the Farrand from the 
Quinaielt (Jesup expedition); the Farrand from the Klikitat and Oregon (gift of 
Mr. Henry Villard); the Dixon from northern California (Huntingdon expedi- 
tion) ; the Briggs collection from California (gift of Mr. George Foster Peabody ) ; 
the Apache collection (gift of Mr. Andrew E. Douglass); the Pepper, of cere- 
monial baskets of the ancient cliff dwellers (Hyde expedition); baskets from 
the Chukchi Peninsula collected by Messrs. Jochelson and Bogoras (Jesup 
expedition). If we should include birch-bark baskets, one might also mention 
the Stone collection from Mackenzie Basin; and the Berthold Laufer collection 
from the Amur Eiver (Jesup expedition). The basketry collection has been 
brought together for decoration, not for technic. 

Ankeny, Mrs. Levi, Walla Walla, Washington. Salish basketry. 

Barrett, S. A., Ukiah, California. All Pomo. About 150 pieces. 

Benham, J. W., Phoenix, Arizona. Large and rich collection of Apache ollas, rare 
Pimas, and other basketry from the Southwest. 

Ben.iamin, Mrs. Carolyn G., Washington City. General collection. Good in Cheti- 
machas. 

Bingham, Mrs. J. E. , 338 Katharine street, Walla Walla, Washington. 

Bishop, Mrs. Thomas T., 2309 Washington street, San Francisco, California. Miscel- 
laneous. 

BoGGS, Mrs. A. G., Redding, California. Principally Hat Creeks, of Shasta County, 
and Pit Rivers, of Modoc County. Some 200. 

Bradford, Mrs. Sidney, Avery Island, Louisiana. Fine old Chetimachas. 

Briggs, C. F., San Francisco, California. Miscellaneous. Very choice examples. 
Northwest coast, Pomos, Mariposan, and few fine Mission. 

Brittin, L. H., Edgewater, New Jersey. Old Tlinkit baskets. 

Bkizard, Brousse, Areata, California. Large Hupa material with illustrated cata- 
logue. 

BucHAN, Charles Milton, Tulalip Agency, Tulalip, Washington. 

BuGBEE, Mrs. Sumner W., Pasadena, California. Miscellaneois. 

BuRDicK, T. W., Albany, New York. Rare Tulares. 

Burgess, John D., Tucson, Arizona. Pima, Maricopa, and Apache examples. 

Carpenter, Mrs. Helen M., Ukiah, California. Pomos. 

Carroll, Andrew W. de la Cosur, Ardglass, Ireland. Good California types. 

Chicago University. Especially Mexican. See Frederick Starr. 

Cincinnati Museum op Fine Art. General collection. 

Cohn, a. , charming specimens of Washoe baskets, Nevada. 

Cole, Mrs., Pasadena, California. General collection. 

Cook, Mrs. J. B., Yosemite Valley, California. About 75 examples of Mono, Washoe, 
and Mariposan tribes. 

Covert, Frank M., New York. Good in Arizona basketry. 

Coville, Frederick V. Fine collection from the west coast to illustrate the plants 
used. 

Cross, Mrs. EdWard, Salem, Oregon. 

Curtis, William Conway, Norwalk, Connecticut. The Klikitat and other basketry 
of Washington. 

Daggett, John, Black Bear, Siskiyou County, California. Fine collection of Yurok 
and Karok material. Klamath and Salmon rivers, northern California. At 
present on deposit in the Memorial Museum, Golden Gate Park, San Francisco, 
California. 

Davenport Academy Museum, Iowa. Miscellaneous collection. 

Deisher, H. K., 50 Noble street, Kutztown, Pennsylvania. Pomos and Wintung, 
and a few good Maidus. 



542 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Dessez, Miss Henrietta Louise, Washington City. California and Interior Basin. 

Eaton, the Misses, Boston, Massachusetts. A-^ery old California baskets. 

Emmons, (i. T;, Princeton, New Jersey. Excellent old Tlinkits. 

Eeeney, Miss Katharine, 1570 Filbert street, Oakland, California. A fine mis- 
cellaneous collection. 

Field Columbian Museum of Chicago has rich collections of basketry from all the 
north Pacific coast families, and especially old and beautiful specimens of Tlinkit 
twined ware, the gift of Mr. E. E. Ayer; from the Columbian Basin 50 Nez Percys 
twined wallets, many of them large and choice, and some of considerable age; 
60 coiled and imbricated baskets of the Klikitats of various sizes. The last- 
mentioned two collections were made by Mr. E. E. Miller. From various parts 
of California, the Field Columbian possesses many choice baskets, and is espe- 
cially rich in examples from tribes of the Kulanapan, Mariposan, and Moqu- 
lumnan families. These were gathered chiefly by Dr. J. W. Hudson, but many 
choice examples were the gift of Mr. E. E. Ayer. The same generous benefactor 
added to his gift large collections from the White Mountain, and Mescalero 
Apaches, and from the Pimas, made by George A. Dorsey, Charles L. Owen, 
and S. C. Sims added typical series from special tribes. Dr. Dorsey's TJte 
collection should be mentioned, and particularly that from the Klamath tribe, 
numbering over 200 specimens and comprising all their forms, technical proc- 
esses, and designs. 

Feohman, Mrs. J. , Portland, Oregon. West Coast basketry and matting. 

Gardner, Mrs. George S. , Laurel, Mississippi. Tribes of Indian Territory, Georgia, 
and Louisiana. Also a fair series of Pacific coast work — Alaska, British Columbia, 
Washington, California, and Arizona. 

Gray, I Mrs. William, Salem, Oregon. 

GrebiJe, Mrs. Mary D. , New York City. Eare old southern California pieces. 

Hall, Robert C. , Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. Miscellaneous. Good Pomos and Tul- 
ares. 

HARVteY, Fred, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Large collection from the Southwest. 

Hearst, Mrs. Phebe A. , Berkeley, California. Miscellaneous. Very large collection. 
Rich in Pomoe and central California tribes. The collection is in the University 
of California, and exhaustive studies are being made under her generous pat- 
ronage. 

Hubby, Miss Ella S., Pasadena, California. 

Hudson, Mrs. Grace, Ukiah, California. Fine Pomos. Dr. J. W. Hudson's two 
large collections from these tribes are in Washington and Chicago. 

Hyde Exploring Expedition, New York. Collection of basketry from the South- 
west. Encourages the making of baskets and aids in the sale of them. 

Ide, Mrs. Esther C, Seymour street, Syracuse, New York. Miscellaneous. Good 
Pomos and Tulares. 

Jackson, Col. James, Salem, Oregon. 

James, George Wharton, Pasadena, California. Especially good in examples from 
California Missions. 

Johnston, Mrs. William P., New Orleans, Louisiana. Chetimaches, Choctaws, and 
Attacapas. 

Jones, Philip Mills, State University, Berkeley, California. 

Kepler, Joseph, Inwood on the Hudson. General collection. 

Kirkpatrick, Mrs. I. H., Adrian, Michigan. Fine Navahos. 

Landsberg, Frederick, Victoria, British Columbia. General collection. 

Lang, Miss Anne M., The Dalles, Oregon. Collection <jf imbricated basketry. Large 
and rare. 

LoosLY, Mrs. John, 9 Pine street, San Francisco, California. Miscellaneous. 

Lowe, Mrs. T. S. C, Pasadena, California. Fine, large collection. Rich in Pomos 
and central California tribes. 



ABORIGINAL AMEEICAN BASKETRY. 543 

Lynch, Mrs. Jay, Fort Simcoe, Washington. General collection of west coast baskets. 

Mabley, Miss Kate, Detroit, Michigan. 

McAkthur, Mrs. H. K., 739 Glisan street, Portland, Oregon. Collection from Wash- 
ington and Oregon. 

MacGkegok, John, Hope Station, British Columbia. Thompson River basketry. 

McKee, Miss Belle, Salem, Oregon. 

McLeod, E. L., Bakersfield, California. Large collection of baskets of Kern and Inyo 
tribes. A few Tulares. 

McNeil, Mrs. W. H., 1022 North Nineteenth street, St. Lonis, Missouri. Miscella- 
neous. 

Mallett, J. H., Jr., San Francisco, California. A few fine Pomos and tribes in east- 
central California. 

Masters, Mrs. W. U., Pasadena, California. 

Mastick, Geohge PL, Alameda, California. Large collection of Ponio baskets. A few 
good examples of Mariposan and Yokuts. 

Meeeiam, C. Hart, Washington City. About 1,000 examples of Western basketry, 
personally selected and card catalogued. A model collection. 

Mills, Mrs. Anson G., Washington City. Select general collection. 

Mitchell, John S., San Francisco, California. Miscellaneous. Good examples from 
Northwest coast; also Arizona. 

Mitchell, Susman, Visalia, California. Excellent work of different tribes in Tulare 
and Kern counties, California. 

MoLSON, Mrs. W. Markland, Montreal, Canada. Washington Basketry. 

Montgomery, Mrs. J. B., Portland, Oregon. 

Moseley, Mrs. William H., New Plaven, Connecticut. Collection on exhibition at 
the Peabody Museum of Yale. 

National Museum. — The Museum is rich in collections of American basketry made 
to show all forms of technic and also to exhibit handiwork from tribes in the six 
areas. Beginning at the north, the collections of Eay from Point Barrow; of 
McFarlane and Ross at the Mackenzie mouth; the rich treasures gathered by 
Nelson in western Alaska; those of Dall, Turner, Applegate, and Fisher further 
south; and the Tlinkit ware selected by McLean, Swan, and Emmons amply 
illustrate the technical processes in that area. 

Going southward, the Salish and other Fraser-Columbia basketry includes 
among others Wilkes, Swan, Eells, Shackleford, Emmons, and Willoughby col- 
lections. 

The largest collections from California were made by Purcell, Ray, Stone, 
Powers, Hudson, Henshaw, Curtin in the north; by Holmes, Merriam, Rust, 
and Mead in the south. 

The collections of basketry from the Interior Basin are the largest of all, 
being gathered by Palmer, Powell, Gushing, Stevenson, Holmes, Fewkes, Hough, 
Mooney, and Russell, and officers connected with the numerous surveys. Much 
of this is very old. From further south, from Middle and South America, the 
Museum is indebted to explorers and officers of various departments of the Gov- 
ernment for typical material, the latest gathered on the Amazon by J. B. Steere. 

Newman, Mrs. H. W., San Carlos, Arizona. White Mountain Apache. 

Nicholson, Miss Florence, Pasadena. Choice old Californian specimens. 

0' Hara, Mrs. , San Francisco, California. Good pieces of Old Missions. 

Owen, Mrs. William, Sepacuite, Panos, Alta Vera Paz, Guatemala. Fine collection 
of Guatemala work. 

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts. Collections which ought not to be neglected by the spe- 
cial student.. Among these should be mentioned that of Mrs. George B. Linder, 
of Boston, rich in California material; that of Mrs. Mary Hemeuway, devoted 



544 BEPOBT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

especially to the pueblo tribes of Arizona, the Hopi, being the collection made 

by Thomas Keam many years ago. Dr. Edward Palmer contributed to this 

series also material from southern Califoi-nia, especially from the caves. This 

series contains the outfit of a society, since the baskets were accompanied also 

with headdresses and musical instruments. 
PiCHER, Miss Annie B., Pasadena, California. General collection. 
Platt, Mrs. Oeville C, Meriden, Connecticut. General collection. 
Plimpton, F. S., San Diego, California. Miscellaneous. Very choice. Fine Pomos. 

Good examples of work of different tribes throughout northern, central, and 

southern California. 
Power, Mrs. E. B. , Navada City, California. Choice Maidus. 
PuRDY, Carl W., Ukiah, California. Well-selected collection of Pomos. 
Roberts, Mrs. Ernest W., Chelsea, Massachusetts. General collection. 
EosENBERG, Mrs. Anna M., 1605 East Madison street, Seattle, Washington. Some 

fine Pomos. Few good examples of Tulare and Kern tribes. 
Rost, Mrs. H., Portland, Oregon. 

RuMSEY, C. E. , 110 Indiana avenue, Riverside, California. Miscellaneous. 
Russell, Mrs. George F., Portland, Oregon. 
Sequoya League, The. A corporation whose design is " to make better Indians." 

One of its objects is to revive, encourage, and provide market for such aboriginal 

industries as can be made profitable. 
Shackelford, Mrs. R. T., The Dalles, Oregon. Excellent Klikitats and Wascos. 
Sharpe, Miss Elizabeth M., Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania. General collection. 
Smith, Mrs. Emily A., 2226 Jackson street, San Francisco, California. Miscellaneous. 

A number of exceptionally fine Pomos, including several solidly feathered. Also 

some choice examples from Tulare, Kern, and Inyo counties, the Missions. 

Alaska and British Columbia, etc. 
Spiegelberg, A. F., Santa Fe, New Mexico. Large collection of basketry from 

southwestern United States. 
Stanford, Mrs. Jane L. (Mrs. Leland) . In her museum at Palo Alto is a good col- 
lection of Tulare baskets. Also fair representation of the Klamath River mate- 
rial. The latter collected by John Daggett. 
Starr, Frederick, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. Collection of basketry 

from southern Mexico. 
Stevens, Mrs. Frederick H., Buffalo, New York. 
Stone, Mrs. B. W., San Francisco, California. Miscellaneous collection. Very good 

specimens from various tribes of central California. 
Tapley, Mrs. Louis, Salem, Oregon. 
Teit, James, Spences Bridge, British Columbia. Good in Thompson River. Largely 

in American Museum of Natural History, New York. 
Tevis, Mrs. William, Bakersfield, California. Large collection of baskets of Kern, 

Inyo, and Tulare tribes. A number of very fine and rare pieces. Many old 

examples. 
ToziER, D. F. A very large and choice collection from southeastern Alaska, British 

Columbia, and Washington. On exhibition in Tacoma, Washington. 
TuTTLE, E. 0., 28 State street, Boston, Massachusetts. Miscellaneous. Some good 

Pomos and Tulares. 
University of California is conducting an exhaustive survey of the State, both in 

archeology and ethnology, under patronage of Mrs. Phebe A. Hearst. 
University of Pennsylvania has a large series of basketry, sandals, and other textile 

material from the cliff dwellers of Mancos Canyon, given by Mrs. Phebe A. 

Hearst. 
Vkoman, a. C, Pasadena, California. Fine old Pima ilnd Apache baskets. 
Wadleigh, W. J. , Hope Station, British Columbia. Klikitats. 
Wanamakee, John, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Miscellaneous. 



ABOEIGINAL AMEEIOAN BASKETRY. 545 

Whitmoee, Mrs. W. L., Salem, Oregon. 

WiLCOMB, C. P., Memorial Museum, Golden Gate Park, San Francisco, California. 

Large and choice collection of California basketry, well identified and labeled. 
Williams, H. E., Cassel. California. Fine collection of Hat Creek baskets. 

IX. BIBLIOGRAPHY 

And let her works praise her lii the gates. — King Lemuej,. 

The following- list of publications will help to follow up this study 
in special lines. A great awakening of interest in the processes of 
savage industries as the foundation of all modern machine work has 
stimulated the production of excellent books and papers on basketry. 
At the moment of going to press the author of this general treatise 
learns of several. Dr. P. E. Goddard, of the University of California, 
was so good as to lend his proof on the Hupas; Frank Russell on the 
Pimas had not appeared; Emmons on the Tlinkit, and Dixon and 
Kroeber's further studies on California basketry were not in print. 

Anderson, Ada Woodruff. Last Industry of a Passing Race. Harper's Bazaar, 
November 11, 1899. 

B., T. F. Lessons in Basket Weaving. The Papoose. New York, February and 
May, 1903. 

Bancroft, H. H. Native Races of the Pacific States. New York, D. Ajipleton & Co., 
5 vols., 8 vo. Index references to basketry, weaving, and kindred topics. 

Barrows, David Prescott. The Ethno-botany of the Coahuilla Indians of southern 
California. Chicago, 1900. The University Press, 82 pp. 8 vo. 

Basket, The. A quarterly journal. Vol. 1, 1903. Pasadena, California. Edited 
by George Wharton James. Organ of The Basket Fraternity. 

Blanchan, Neltje. What the Basket means to tlie Indian. Everybody's Magazine, 
V, 1901, pp. 561-570, illustrated. 

Boas, Franz. The Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast. Bulletin 
American Museum of Natural History, New York, IX, 1897, 54 pp. See also the 
author's papers in Reports of British Association, 1889-1891. 

Bureau of American Ethnology. Reports, bulletins, and miscellaneous publica- 
tions abound in papers discussing basketry and related matters, 1879-1903. 

Carpenter, H. M. How Indian Baskets are made. The Cosmopolitan, October, 1900. 

Carr, Jeannib C. Among the Basket Makers, California. Illustrated Magazine, 
October, 1892. 

Chafning, Grace Ellery. The Baskets of Anita. Scribner's Magazine, August, 
1890. 

Chesnut, V. K. Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California. Wash- 
ington, 1902. Contributions to the National Herbarium, VII, pp. 295-408. 

Chittenden, Newton H. Among the Cocopahs. Land of Sunshine, Los Angeles, 
California, 1901, pp. 196-210, illustrated. 

Coles, Claudia Stuakt. Aboriginal Basketry in the United States. The House 
Beautiful, February, 1900. 

Coville, Frederick V. The Panamint Indians of California. American Anthro- 
pologist, V, 1892, pp. 351-361. Washington. 

. Directions for collecting Specimens and Information illustrating the aborigi- 
nal Uses of Plants, Bulletin No. 39, Part J, U. S. National Museum. 

. Wokas — Primitive Food of the Klamath Indians. Report of the U. S. 

National Museum for 1902 (in preparation). 

NAT MUS 1902^—35 



546 REPOET OF NATIOISTAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

C0SHING, Frank Hamilton. Pottery affected by Environment. Fourth Annual 

Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology. 1882, pp. 482-521, 64 figs. 
Dellenbaugh, F. S. The North Americans of Yesterday. New York, 1901. 
Dixon, Roland B. Basketry designs of the Maidu Indians of California. American 

Anthropologist, June, 1900. 
. Basketry designs of the Indians of northern California. (The Huntingdon 

California Expedition. ) Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, New 

York, XVII, pp. 1-32, 37 plates. 

and Alfred L. Kroebee. The native Languages of California. American 



Anthropologist, Washington, N. S., V, 1903, pp. 1-26, 8 figs. 
Dodge, Charles Richards. A Report on the leaf Fibers of the United States. 

Department of Agriculture, Washington, 1893. Fiber Investigations — Report 

No. 5. 
Doubleday, F. N. Indian industrial Development. The Outlook, January 12, 1901. 
Dubois, Constance Goddaed. Manzanita Basketry, a Revival. The Papoose, June, 

1903, pp. 21-27. 
Emmons, G. T. The Basketry of the Tlingit. Memoirs, American Museum of Natu^ 

ral History, New York, 1903, III, Pt. 2, 18 pis. and text figures. 
Farrand, Livingston. Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians. Memoirs, American 

Museum of Natural History, New York, 1900, II, Pt. 5, 6 pp., 3 pis., 15 figs. 
Fewkes, J. Walter. A contribution to Ethno-botany (of Tusayan). American 

Anthropologist, Washington, 1896, IX, pp. 14-22. 

. Hopi basket dances. Journal of American Folklore, April-June, 1899. 

— ■. The Snake Ceremonial at Walpi. Journal of American Ethnology and 

Archaeology, IV. 
Firth, Annie. Cane Basket Work, 1 and 2 series. London. 
Goddard, p. E. Life and Culture of the Hupas. Publications of the University 

of California. First volume of the series on North American Archaeology and 

Ethnology, Berkeley, California. 
Harshberger, J. W. Pui'poses of Ethno-botany. Botanical Gazette, XXI, No. 3. 
Havard, Victor. The Food Plants of the North American Indians. Bulletin, Tor- 

rey Botanical Club, XXII, No. 2, February; No. 3, March, 1895. 
. Drink Plants of the North American Indians. Bulletin, Torrey Botanical 

Club, XXIII, No. 2, February, 1896. 
Hoffman, Walter James. The Menomini Indians. Fourteenth Annual Report of 

the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1896, pp. 3-328, pis. i-xxm, 54 figs. 
Holmes, William Henry. Prehistoric textile Fabrics of the United States derived 

from impressions on Pottery. Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 

Pt. 1, 1884, pp. 397-425, 1 pL, 55 figs; also Volume XIII, 43 pp., 9 pis., 28 figs. 
. A Study of the textile Art in its relation to the development of Form and 

Ornament. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1888, 

pp. 189-252, figs. 286 to 358. 

Anthropological Studies in California. Report of the U. S. National 



Museum, 1900, pp. 155-187. 

Hough, Myrtle Zuck (Mrs. Walter). Plant names of the southwestern United 
States. The Plant World, Washington, 1900, III, p. 137. 

HouQH, Walter. Primitive American Armor. Report of the U.S. National Museum, 
1893, pp. 625-651. 

. The Hopi in relation to their plant Environment. American Anthropolo- 
gist, X, February, 1897. 

■ . Environmental interrelations in Arizona. American Anthropologist, Wash- 



ington, XI, 1898, p. 133-155. 
Hudson, J. W. Porno Basket Makers. Overland Monthly, San Francisco, June, 

1893. 
Humboldt, Alexander von. Essay on New Spain. II, p. 297, note on California 

basketry. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY. 547 

Im Thuen, E. F. Among the Indians of British Guiana. P. 278. London, 1895. 
James, Geoege Wharton, SymboUsm in Indian Basketry. The Traveler, San 

Francisco, August, 1899. 

. Poems in Indian Baskets. The Evening Lamp, Chicago, September 8, 1900. 

. Indian Basketry. Pasadena, 1901, privately printed. 238 pp., 300 ils. ■ 

8 vo. Third edition, 1903. 
. The Art of Indian Basketry. The Southern Workman, August, 1901, 10 pp., 

8 flgs. 
. Basket Makers of California at Work. Sunset, San Francisco, California, 



November, 1901, 12 pp., 13 figs. 
Knapp, Elizabeth Sanborn, Raphia and Eeed Weaving. Springfield, Massachusetts, 

1903. 
Kroeber, Alfred L., The Arapaho. Bulletin, American Museum Natural History, 

New York, 1902, XVIII, pp. 1-150. 
LuMHOLZ, Carl. Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, Memoirs, American Museum 

Natural History, New York, III. Pt. 1. 
McGee, W J. The Beginnings of Agriculture. American Anthropologist. 
. The Seri Indians. Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy, 1892, 336 pp., 56 pis., 42 figs. 
MacNaughton, Clara. Nevada Indian Baskets and their Makers. Out West, Loa 

Angeles, April and May, 1903. 
Mason, Otis T. Basketwork of the North American Aborigines. Report U. S. 

National Museum, 1881, pp. 291-300, pis. i-xiv. 
. The Ray collection from the Hupa Reservation. Smithsonian Rejjort, 

1886, pp. 205-239, 26 plates. 

. Primitive Travel and Transportation. Report IT. S. National Museum, 1894. 

. Woman's Share in Primitive Culture. New York, 1894. 

. Types of American basketry. Scientific American, New York, July 28, 

1900. 
•. The Technique of Aboriginal American Basketry. American Anthropol- 
ogist, N. S., Ill, 1901, pp. 109-128, Washington, January-March, 1901. 
. Directions for Collectors of American Basketrj'. Part P, Bulletin 39 II. S. 

National Museum, Washington, 1902, pp. (1-31) 44 figures. 
Matthews, Washington. Navaho Weavers. Third Annual Report of the Bureau 

of Ethnology, 1881, pp. 371-391, 3 pis., 15 figs. 
. A Study in Butts and Tips. American Anthropologist, Washington, October, 

1892. 

. The Basket Drum. American Anthropologist, Washington, 1894, YII. 

. The Night Chant: A Navaho Ceremony. Memoirs of the American Museum 



Natural History, New York, 1902, VI. 
Meeriam, C. Hart. Some little known Basket Materials. Science, XVII, 1903, p. 

826. 
Mindeleff, Cosmos. Aboriginal remains in Verde Valley. Thirteenth Annual 

Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896, pp. 176-261, 40 pis., 26 figs. 
MoLsoN, Mrs. W. Maekland. Basketry of the Pacific Coast. Portland, Oregon, 

1896. 
Muedoch, John. Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow expedition. Ninth 

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1892. 
NoRDENSKJOLD, G. The Cliff-Dwellers of the Mesa Verde. Stockholm, 1894. 
Out West, Los Angeles, California. Monthly journal, edited by Charles F. Lummis. 
Palmer, Edwaed. Plants used by the Indians of the United States. American 

Naturalist, XII, p. 653. 
Papoose, The. Monthly Journal published by the Benham Exploring Expedition. 

New York, 1903. 



548 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. 

Pepper, Geobge H. The ancient Basket Makers of southeastern Utah. Journal 
American Museum of Natural History, II, Guide leaflet No. 6, New York, 1902. 

Percival, Olive M. The lost Art of Indian Basketry. Demorest's Family Maga- 
zine, February, 1897. 

Powers, Stephen. Aboriginal Botany. Proceedings, California Academy of Sci- 
ences. V. 

. The Indians of California. Contributions to North American Ethnology, 

Washington, III, 1877. 

PuRDY, Carl. The Pomo Indian Baskets and their Makers. Land of Sunshine and 
Out West, Los Angeles, California. A series of illustrated papers of great value 
running through volumes XV and XVI, 1901, 1902, in that journal, with many 
illustrations, and also in pamphlet form. 

Keid, Hugo. The California Farmer, 1861. Old files for early references. 

Schumacher, Paul. In Archaeology of the U. S. Geological Survey west of the one 
hundredth Meridian, VII, pp. 239-250. 

SciDMORE, Eliza Ruhamah. Indian Baskets. Harpers' Bazaar, September 1, 1894. 

Sellers, George E. Markings on Pottery, of Salt Springs, Illinois. Popular Science 
Monthly, New York, XI, p. 573. 

Starr, Frederick. Notes on the Ethnography of Southern Mexico. Proceedings 
Davenport Academy of Sciences, IX, 1902. 

Stearns, Mary Watrous. A School without Books. Battle Creek, Michigan, 1902. 

Stephen, A. M. The Navajo. American Anthropologist, October, 1893. 

Stevenson, James. Illustrated Catalogues of Collections. Second and third Annual 
Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1879-1881. 

Teit, James. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. Memoirs of the Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History, II, Pt. 4, New York, 1900, 391 pp., 7 pis., 197 
figs. 

West, Arthur 3. University Club, Denver, Colo. Basketry photographs. 

White, Mary. How to Make Baskets. New York, 1902, 194 pp., ill.; also More 
Baskets a d How to Make Them. New York, 1903. 

WiLKiE, Harriet Cushman. American Basketry. The Modern Priscilla, Boston, 
June, 1902. 

Willoughby, C. C. Hats from the Nutka Sound Region. American Naturalist, 
Boston, 1903, pp. 65-68, 1 pi. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 1. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1502. — Mason. 



Plate 2. 




5 

o 

I 

CO 



£ o 

a. 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 4. 
Hazelnut { Cory lus calif omica). 

The main figure is a fruiting branch. Above at the left are two staminate catkins, 
with a pistillate flowering bud at their base, accompanied by a sectional view of a 
catkin scale and stamens, enlarged six times. To the right above are a terminal bud 
and a nut. Underneath the main figure are views of catkin scales and stamens, from 
front and back, six times natural size, and at the right a terminal cluster of i)istillate 
flowers, enlarged three times. Except in the cases noted, the figures are of natural 
size. 

Drawing by Frederick A. Walpole. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 4. 




EXPLANATION OF PLATE 5. 



Wolf Moss {Evernia vulpina). 

The lichens are shown as growing^ on a dead branch, their usual habitat. The 
plant at the right is in fruit, the shallow cups (apothecia) containing the brown 
spore-bearing surfaces. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, i902.-MAS0N. 



PLATE 5. 




V^5 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 6. 
Klamath Gambling Tray. 

A sak-lotks^ p'a^-hla or flexible gambling tray of the Klamath Indians of Oregon. 
Both warp (pa-chKsh'') and weft (twach) are of cords of undyed twisted tule (p. 211), 
which are fully exposed only in the pale-brown stripe at the margin, where the ends 
of the warp are interlaced and bound with a strengthening cord of gray fiber from the 
nettle ( Urtica breweri), sl6dsh. Every other stitch of the tray is covered by an over- 
laying material: the white is of reed (p. 208); the black (mok^-was) is of tule dyed 
in mud springs containing iron; the canary yellow is of porcupine quills (smai'-am) 
dyed with wolf moss (p. 205), and the brown of the ring near the center of the tray 
id of undyed tule. Nettle cord was used in binding the strands of warp together at 
the beginning. 

The main trefoil pattern is of unknown significance. The triangles upon it are 
bird-wing patterns (slas-al'-tKs), while the triangles on the marginal design are arrow- 
head patterns (sa^-wal-sal'-tls). The brown and black ring near the center is an 
op''-k'a, a name applied only to a ring of txansversely alternating colors. A ring of 
uniform color would be a sm61-6''-g'a. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 6. 





KLAMATH GAMBLING TRAY. 

COLLECTION OF FREDERICK V. COVILLE. 
See page 208. 



HEUOTVPE CO., BOSTON. 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 7, 

Sitka Speuce {Picea sitchensis). 

Fig. a, twig with staminate catkins. Fig. b, pistillate catkins. Fig. c, cones 
approaching maturity. Fig. d, mature cone. Fig. e, inner view of a cone scale 
showing the position of the two winged seeds. Fig. /, seeds. With the excep- 
tion of fig. e, which is enlarged one and one-third times, the figures are reproduced 
eight-ninths their natural size. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



PLATE 7. 




SITKA SPRUCE IPICEA SITCHENSIS 

AFTER FREDERICK V. COVILLE. SEE PAGE 208 



JULIUS SIENa CO, LITH.N.Y 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 8. 
Threeleap Sumac {Rhus trilobata). 

The main figure is a branch in leaf and fruit. Above at the left is a single fruit 
enlarged one and a half times, and at the right a section of the same twice the natural 
size. At the left below is a flowering twig, and to the right are four views of flowers, 
enlarged four times, the two at the left showing the two forms of flowers, one without 
stamens. 

Drawing by Frederick A. Walpole. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 8. 




Threeleaf Sumac (Rhus trilobata). 

After Frederick v. coville. see page 210. 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 9. 

TuLE {Scirpus lacustris). 

Fig. a, rootstock, roots, sheathing base of the stem, summit of the stem, and 
inflorescence. Figs, b and c, flowers, from within, showing the scale behind. In c 
the stigmas are mature, but the stamens not yet fully developed; in b the stigmas 
have withered, the ovary enlarged, and the stamens matured. Fig. d, a scale, 
viewed from the back. Fig. e, a mature nutlet with its barbed bristles. Fig. /, a 
cross section of the nutlet. Fig. a is half natural size, figs, b and c five times 
enlarged, and figs, d to /ten times enlarged. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



P LATE 9 . 




TULEiSCIRPUS LACUSTRIS). 

AFTER FRE-DERICK V. COVILLE. SEE PAGE 211. 



J LI us BtEN S CO.LITH.N.Y 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 10 

Giant Cedar {Thuja plicata). 

The large figure is a branch in its natural pendent position, with full-sized but not 
yet opened cones. Below at the left is the apex of a twig v/ith staminate flowers, at 
the right a pistillate flowering twig, and above it an end view of the same, five times 
enlarged. Above at the right is a mature and opened cone, one and a fourth times 
enlarged, and below a cone scale, from within, showing the seeds natural size, and 
still lower a single seed twice enlarged. 

Drawing b)' Frederick A. Walpole. 



Repottc . National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 10. 




Giant Cedar (Thuja plicata). 

After rREoERiCK v. coville. see page 211. 



n 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 1 1 . 




KLIKITAT IMBRICATED BASKET. 

COLLECTION OF MRS. R. S. SHACKELFORD. 
See page 220. 



HELIOTYPE .^0., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 12. 




POMO Basketmaker. 

Photographed by h. w. henshaw. see page 222. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 13. 




Tlinkit Basketmaker. 

Photographed by g. t. emmons. see page 222. 



Report of U. S. Naiional Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 14. 




Checkerwork in Cedar Bark. 

See page 223. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 15. 




Cigar Case in Twilled Weaving. 

Collection of Robert Fletcher, see page 224. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



PLATE 16. 






HOPI TWILLED BASKETRY. 
COLLECTED BY V. MINDELEEF AND W. HOUGH. SEE PAGE 225. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 17. 




Mohave Carrying Basket. 

Collection of field Columbian museum, see page 231. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 18. 






^B^^^^l 


;' - ^ 


iHliHl^W^w (0^r'''f ain 






lid.. '"""^'^ 



Attu Women Weaving Baskets. 

Photographed by c. gadsden porcher. see page 231, 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 19. 





PoMO Twined Baskets. 

Collection of c. p. wilcomb. see page 233. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 20. 




— E 

i ° 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 21, 




Ute Twined Jars. 

See page 236. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 22. 





PoMO Twined Baskets. 

Collection of c. p. wilcomb. see page 238. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 23. 





Furcated Stitches on Coiled Basketry. 

Collection of e. l. mcleoo. see page 244. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 24. 




o 
o 



Reoort of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 25. 




H I 



O J 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 26. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 27 





HOPI COILED BASKETRY. 

COLLECTED BY JAMES STEVENSON AND V. MINDELEFF. 
See page 252. 



HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 28. 





ZUNl OLD COILED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY JAMES STEVENSON. 
See page 2 53. 



HeUOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 29. 





PoMO Three-rod Coiled Basket. 

Collection of c. p. wilcomb. see page 254. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MAS0N. 



PLATE 30. 





HOPI COILED PLAQUES. 
COLLECTED BY JAMES MOONEY SEE PAGE 257 



JULIUS BIEN &CO.UTH.N'.V. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 31. 





Ancient Openwork Coiled Basket. 

AMERJCAN museum of natural history. see page 257. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 32. 




Ancient Basket Bottles. 

Southern interior basin, see page 268. 



I 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902,-MASON. 



PLATE 33. 




APACHE ANCIENT WATER JAR. 
COLLECTED BY WALTER HOUGH. SEE PAGE 259. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason, 



Plate 34. 





I 



Report ot U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate j6. 





SALISH IMBRICATED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY J. H. WILBUR AND WILKES EXPLORING EXPEDITION. 
See page 274. 



HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



I 



Repof, ; U. S, National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 







MISSION INDIAN COILED BOWL. 

COLLECTION OF G. WHARTON JAMES. 
See page 276. 



HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



PLATE 37. 








TLINKIT TWINED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY J.B.WHITE, SEE PAGE 281. 



JULIUS 81 EN &CO.LITH.N,r. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 38. 




Tulare Gambling Plaques. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 283. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 39. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 40. 







Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 41. 




z o 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 42. 




< c 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 43. 




Salish and Klikitat Imbricated Baskets. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 285. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 44. 




Tlinkit False Embroidery. 

Collection of l. h. brittin. see page 285. 



rt of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 45 







CO 

I- 

LU 

:^ 
< 

CD 

Q 

UJ 

H 
< 

O 

flC 
CO 



O 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 46. 




CO o 

< < 

CO °" 






Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 43. 





KLAMATH OLD TWINED BOWLS. 

COLLECTED BY GEORGE GIBBS. 
See page 290. 



HEUOTYPE CO., BOSTON 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 49. 




Ancient Basket Jars. 

Collection of the misses eaton. see page 294. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason 



Plate 50. 




o 

DO K 

h- i 

UJ o 

^ o 

< 5 

CO ^■ 



0. S 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 51. 




Skokomish Twined Wallet. 

Collection of fred harvey. see page 297. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 52. 




Apache Coiled Basket. 

Collection of f. s. Plimpton, see page 297. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 53. 




Kern, Inyo, and Tulare Bowls. 

Collection of c. p. wilcomb. see page 298. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason, 



Plate 54. 





Tulare Coiled Bowls. 

Collection of f. s. Plimpton, see page 298. 



Report of U, S, National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 55. 




Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 56. 





Maidu Coiled Baskets. 

See page 300. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 57. 




Maidu Coiled Baskets. 

See page 300. 



Report of U S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 58. 




< , 

5 o 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 59. 




o 
o 



< u. 

5 o 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 60. 




o 

CO 



_l 2 

o 1 

< 

a. ^ 

I- o 

5 § 

O 1- 

< d 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 61. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 62. 



I^^S^H^ ^^^ ^jW-X.*!;;;-.,. 








MISSION INDIAN COILED BOWLS. 

COLLECTION OF G. WHARTON JAMES. 
See page 300. 



HELIOTYPE CO., 90ST0N. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 63. 




Pima Basket Bowls. 

Collected by frank russell. see page 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 64. 





CHETIMACHA TWILLED BASKET. 

COLLECTED BY C. E. WHITNEY. 
Sea page 305. 

HEUOTYPE CO-. BOSTON 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 66. 




OREGON AND CALIFORNIA TWINED BASKETRY. 

COLLECTED BY BENJAMIN AND LIVINGSTON STONE. 
See page 307. 

HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Repoit of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 67. 




TLINKIT TWINED COVERED JAR. 

COLLECTED BY J. J. McLEAN. 
See page 309. 



HELIOTYPF CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 68. 




Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 71. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 72. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 73. 




,aC'^ •''■*%»« ^^-'>s«.?p^'-«-s*5*.'iK':5^:.' 



ii2i^-->>-''-^''-' 





TLINKIT COVERED TWINED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY F. M. RING. AMD G. T. EMMONS. 
See page 3 20. 



Z' 



HELIOTYPE 00., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



PLATE 74. 




< o 

DO fc; 



S s 






Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 75. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 76. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 77. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902— Mason, 



Plate 78. 





mt 




Vav. 



^ 








< > 

m o 



< s 

CO § 



o s 

CD = 



CO 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 79. 




REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. MASON. 



PLATE 80. 




YUKI SUN BASKET. 
COLLECTED BY N.J.PURCELL. SEE PAGE 326. 



.JULIUS BreN & CO.LITH.N.Y- 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 81. 




O m 

o " 

s 
o 

Q. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 82. 




>- 

CO 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



PLATE 83. 



^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^r fl^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^l 


^H 


^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^m ^ ~ ' ' " ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 


^^^^^1 


V^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^M ' Mr^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^M 


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I^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H ^Btt^ftf^S^- \ "-^ ^^ 


^^H 


I^^^^^^^^^^^^^H ^^^^^t'^ ^iwii't^^^ 


^^H 


l^^^^^^k i W_ jSHHHil^L ^^H^9Hnil !^£^@^K^^^ 


1' ■ 




F" ■ 






■j'Lii^'ii ^ ■■^i^^^BI 




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1 


I^^^^^^^^^^^B '.^B ^S^^^^^^^^^^^^^^l 


^^H 




^^1 




^H 


^^^^^^^^^^^Hk^ llHif^^^^^^^^^^l 


H 



o 


m 


III 


F 


z 


o 


III 


d 


J 


# 


1- 


- 


1- 




u 


o 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 84. 




Ancient Cliff Dwellers' Basket. 

American museum of natural history, see page 333. 



'1 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 86. 




HuPA Burden Bearer. 

Photographed by a. w. ericson. see page 339. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 87. 




Sandals of Ancient Cliff Dwellers. 

See page 342. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 88. 




HuPA Twined Sandal. 

Collected by p. h. ray. see page 343. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 



^^KlkA^VUliJ 





TULARE COILED CUP AND JAR. 

COLLECTION OF MRS. E. GREBLE. 
See page 343. 



4ELI0TYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 90. 




HuPA AND PoMO Feathered Baskets. 
See page 344. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902,-MASON. 



PLATE 91 





KLIKITAT IMBRICATED BASKETS. 
COLLECTED BY MRS. LEVI ANKENY. SEE PAGE 34 6. 



JULIUS SIEN St.CO.LITH, N Y, 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 92. 






HuPA Food Baskets. 

Collected by p. h. ray. see page 346. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



PLATE 93. 




HOPI SACRED COILED TRAYS. 

COLLECTED BY MRS. M C. STEVENSON. SEE PAGE 34S. 



i eiEM & CO.UlTH.f 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 94. 




Oraibi Woman Drying Corn. 

Photographed by george wharton james. see page 346. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 95. 




Amazonian Basketry and Materials. 

See page 347. 



■Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 96. 




HuPA Harvesting Baskets. 

Collected by p. h. ray. see page 349. 



Report of U. S. Nafiona! Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 97. 




PoMO Milling Baskets. 

Collection of c. p. wilcomb. see page 350. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 98. 




/^9|H^^^ 






W^^ fflStSuMSi'SimTHH 


^^^ ^-'^ 


h^^P^^&^^^iSH 


:;S-^-|/ _, 


'"■" "WW 




i^ 




:r:--^!h^-^-~"^"^.t4 






- ■,..:■— -..>y|^ 














1 



Tulare Meal and Mortar Baskets. 

Collection of c. p. wilcomb. see page 351. 



Report of U, S, National Museum, 1902,— Mason, 



Plate 99. 




03 CE 

I i 

i i 

I- > 

^ Q 



Repoit of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 100. 




Havasupai Woman Screening Corn. 

Photographed by george wharton james. see page 351. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 101. 
















CoAHUiLLA Woman Grinding Acorns. 

Photographed by george wharton mmes. see page 361. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 102. 







\- 




lll 




^ 








< 


lij 


£U 


«J 


LU 




O 


E 


< 


-> 


CC 


£0 


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3 


^- 


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<s> 


?■ 




< 


LU 


m 


> 


? 


< 




X 




o 


o 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1 902.— Mason, 



Plate 103. 




Hopi Bridal Costume Case. 
See page 352. 



Report of U. S. Kational Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 1 04. 





Ancient Mortuary Baskets. 

American museum of natural history, see page 353. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 105. 









■^3 — ^ _ 




Ancient Peruvian Lace Work. 

After w. h. holmes, see page 363. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 1 06. 






Relationship Between Basketry and Pottery. 

After f. h. gushing, see page 354. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 107. 







Basketry Preserved by Pottery. 

After w. h. holmes, see page 354. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



PLATE 108. 






o 


if) 


< 

CL 


h 






liJ 


w 




< 


Z 


m 


< 


Q 


if) 


Ui 


6 



v- < 




^ 


m 


z: 


Q 


_i 




1- 


o 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 109. 





TLINKIT TWINED COVERED BASKET, 

COLLECTED BY J. J. McLEAN. 
See page 3 56. 



HEUOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 1 10. 




Report of U, S, Na-tlonal Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 111. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 1 1 2. 





PoMO Wedding Baskets. 

Collection of o. p. wilcomb. see page 358 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.- 



Plate 1 13. 



ip3 



■*^^''.vlf' .:'''■' 



^- ':<—».- 






Ill s 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 114. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 115. 




Tulare Gambling Tray and Dice. 

See page 369. 



Report of (J. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 1 16. 




Report of U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 117. 





Paiute Basket Bottles. 

See page 361. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 1 18. 




Navaho Water Carriers. 

Photographed by george wharton james. see page 361. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 119. 




Alqonkin Indian Basketry. 

See page zh. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 120. 




Abenaki Indian Basketmaker. 

Photographed by Herbert b. Rowland, see page 374. 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 121. 




< 






Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 122. 




Chippewa Bark Matting. 

Photographed by d. d. gaillard. see page 374. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 123. 







Athapascan Snowshoe Detail. 



Collected by george catlin. see page 376. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1 902.— Mason. 



Plate 124. 




( 






1 













Ojibwa Coiled Baskets. 

PEABOOY museum, MASSACHUSETTS. SEE PAGE 377. 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 125, 









Central Eskimo Coiled Basket. 

Collected by c. f. hall, see page 377. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 126. 






Central Eskimo Coiled Basket. 

Collected by l. m. turner, see page 378 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 127. 





Comanche Coiled Tray. 
See page 378. 



V 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1 902.— Mason. PLATE 128. 




Coiled Basket of Pine Needles. 

See page 379. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 129. 





DoQ Rib Indian Game Bag. 

Collected by b. r. ross. see page 379. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 130. 




Potsherds Showing Textile Impressions. 

After w. h. holmes, see page 384. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 131. 





Ojibwa Twined Wallet. 

American museum of natural history, see page 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 132. 








Chetimacha Twilled Basketry. 

See page 388. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 133. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 134. 




Choctaw Twilled Baskets. 

Collection of mrs. Carolyn g. benjamin, see page 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 1 35. 




< s 

< m 



< S 



Report of U, S, National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 136. 




Alaskan Eskimo Basketry. 

Collected by e. w. nelson, see page 396. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 137. 





Alaskan Eskimo Twined Wallet. 

See page 396. 



Report of U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 1 38. 




Chukchi Twined Wallet. 

American museum of natural history, see page 397. 



Repoitof U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 139. 




Kamchatkan Twined Wallet. 

American museum of natural history, see page 397. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason, 



Plate 140. 




Chukchi Coiled Baskets. 

American museum of natural history, see page 402. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 141. 




Alaskan Eskimo Coiled Basket. 

Collection of fred harvey. see page 402. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 142. 




Aleut Twined Basket. 

See page 405. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 143. 






Aleut Twined Basket. 



Collected by l. m. turner, see page 405. 



Report of U. S. National Museum., 1902-— Mason, 



Plate 144. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 145. 




1- g 



< I 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 146. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 147. 




I- o 

UJ s 

to "" 

< 1^ 

CO . 

o 



-I I 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 148. 




o S 

^ Q. 



Ui CO 

O 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason 



Plate 149. 




Report of U. S, Na-tional Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 1 50. 




H i 

ul « 
CO ^ 

< 

en 



< I 

10. 
< 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 151. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 152. 




< 

CQ 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 153. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 154. 









Types of Salish Basketry. 

See page 421. 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 155. 









Types of Salish Basketry. 



See page 421. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 1 56. 




w o 

_] F 

< M 

CO 'i 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 157. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



PLATE 1 58. 




.p^viai^i 



'i^"::::!'W 












COWLITZ AND KLiKITAT IMBRICATED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY CHARLES WILKES AND W. H. HOLMES. 
See page 428. 



HELIOTVPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 159. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason 



Plate 160. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 161. 




Klikitat Imbricated Basket. 
See page 430. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 162. 




? i 



=) 2 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 163. 




Salish Basketry. 

See page 435. 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 164. 







Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902.— Mason, 



Plate 165. 




Clallam Twined Baskets. 

See page 436. 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 166. 




TiLLAMUK AND CHINOOK TwlNED WALLETS. 

SFE PAGH 436. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 167. 




Modoc and Nez Perce Women's Hats. 

See page 438. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 168. 




Wasco Twined Wallets. 

See page 439. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 169. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 170. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 171, 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 172. 





Klamath and Wintun Basketmakers. 

Photographed by john daggett. see page 449. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 173. 





PoMO Basket in Tee Weave. 

See page 454. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 174. 




Klamath Three-strand Baskets. 

Collection of c. hart merriam. see page 462. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



PLATE 175. 






PIT RIVER TWINED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY L.STONE AND H. F. LISTON. SEE PAGE 462. 



JULIUS BiEN &.CO,LITH. N.Y. 



REPORT OF U^S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MAS0N. 



PLATE 176. 





SHASTA TWINED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY LIVINGSTON STONE. SEE PAGE 463. 



JULIUS B I EH a. CO LITH. N.Y 



/ 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



PLATE 183. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1,902.— Mason. 



Plate 1i 




JsnnTtniiir - 




PANAMINT COILED BOWLS. 

COLLECTED BY J. W. HUDSON, AND EUGENE MEAD. 
See page 473 , 



HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 185. 





Tulare Coiled Baskets. 

See page 474. 



Report cf U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 186. 





Tulare Coiled Basket. 

Collection of c. p. wilcomb. see page 475. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason 



Plate 187 





TULARE COILED JARS. 

COLLECTED BY STEPHEN POWERS, AND GAVIN AND LEONARD 
See page 47 5. 



HELIOTVPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 1! 




Kern and Tulare Coiled Baskets. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 476. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 189. 




H 5 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 190. 




Tejon Coiled Baskets. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 477. 



Report of U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 191. 




Kern and Tulare Coiled Baskets. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 478. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mascn. 



Plate 192. 




Caliente Creek Indian Baskets. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 478. 



Report of U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 193. 





Kern Coiled Basket. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page +79. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 194. 







^ 




^ 


^1 




f 




^^^^v 

^ 


^ 
«-**? 


,::^:^^^^^^l^m^^^^^ 


^ k, 




^ 


^ 


yS 


^^^HB 


; 1 




'i&x&mmmmm 




^^^ffi 


^^^S^M 




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^S!tff.~~~~t^ 


IjjaM 




^^Hhh^^^^^^^^I 


1 


; 




1 




9 


^iS^ 




^^9 


K|^ 


« * 

fe 


jri 




Kern Coiled Basket. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 479. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 195. 





Kern Coiled Basket. 

Collection of e. l. mcleod. see page 479. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 1 96. 




o 
o 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 197. 



1 «E 


illllll»lli p*l" III 




H ,:;,««•» 

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il^^'l ^'M 


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. x.'>^^ 


S9^ 






m 


^H 


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l|| 


-■■afc^^P? 


^i^^ 


wSi^^^f' 




*. 




..«;^«-:i^iw^^4ip^ . -^i^nk 



Mission Indian Basketmaker. 

Photographed by george wharton james. see page 485. 



Report of U. S. Nationdl Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 198. 




REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MAS0N, 



PLATE 199. 




MISSION INDIAN BASKET BOWL. 
COLLECTION OF GEORGE WHARTON JAMES^EE PAGE 486. 



JULIUS eiEN &C0 LITW. NY. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 200. 




Havasupai Basketmaker. 

Photographed by george wharton james. see page 486. 



Report of U, S, National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 201. 





Ancient Cave Baskets. 

Collected bv Stephen bowers, see page 487. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 202. 





Ancient Cave Baskets. 

Collected by Stephen bowers, see page 487. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 203. 




Mission Indian Twined Bag. 
Collected by miss Constance g. Dubois, see page 487. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 204. 





^■^■1 




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1^ 


I^^HI 




^^^^^^P 




V^-i!' 


^V 


H^^^^^H 




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t 


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^^^Hl 




^^■ 




^ "^ ^ 






^|;,V 




i^ 




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^H 


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■ 










^^# ' 




K 


1 


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i^ai. 


l^i 


Q 


^^^^^ 


^j 


miHjiljl_j 




i ^^^^1 


^^1 


H^^l 


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^^^g* 


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^^B 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason. 



Plate 205. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 206. 




o 
o 



< ^ 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902, — Mason, 



Plate 207. 




Ancient Basket Makers' Coiled Tray. 

American museum of natural history, see page 498. 



Report of U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 208. 





Jtt 


iRI 


^ 




s 


^^^H 


^^H 


^^9 


^ 


§ 


- ■''- k 


^ 


1 


■ 


i 


\ 


k 

I 




1 


r 


9 







Ancient Basket Makers' Coiled Tray. 

American museum of natural history, see page 498. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 209. 





Ancient Basket Makers' Coiled Bowls. 

American museum of natural history, see page 493. 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 210. 




w 


J 










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'-** 


& 


/' 








^ 


^b 






4iii^H 


^i '^/Ir^^;;^^^^ 


gp^ 


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Ancient Basket Makers' Food Receptacles. 

American museum of natural history, see page 498. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 21 1. 





Ancient Basket Makers' Hopper. 

American museum of natural history, see page 498. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 212. 





SIA ANCIENT COILED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED SY JAMES STEVENSON. 
See page 499. 

HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 213. 




Ancient Zuni Basketry. 

Collected by james stevenson. see page 500. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 214. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 215. 




Hopi Basketmaker. 
Photographed by george wharton james. see page 504. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1902. MASON. 



PLATE 216. 





HOP! COILED PLAQUES. 
COLLECTED BY JAMES MOONEY SEE PAGE 504-. 



JULIUS BIEN &CO.LITH.N.Y, 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 217. 




Oraibi Basketweaver. 
Photographed by george wharton james. see page 505. 



Report of U. S National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 218. 




o ± 

q: o 



o f! 
z o 

<LiJ 
-J 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 219. 




Ancient Wicker Basket. 



Collected by j. Walter fewkes. see page sos. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 220. 



''.S-^^i 










X.- 



. A' 




Ancient Twilled and Coiled Ware, 

Collected by j. walter fewkes. see page 509. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 221. 




Ancient Pueblo Basketry. 
Collected by Walter hough, see page 509. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. PLATE 222. 




Ancient Pueblo Basketry. 

Collected by walter hough, see page 509. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 223. 




Ancient Pueblo Basketry. 

Collected by Walter hough, see page 509. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 224. 




Apache Coiled Bowls. 

Collection of j. w. benham. see page 511. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, l902.^Mason. 



Plate 225. 





APACHE COILED BOWLS. 

COLLECTED BY WALTER HOUGH. 
See page 5 11. 



HELIOTVPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 226. 




Apache Coiled Bowls. 
See page 511. 



Report of U. S, National Museum 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 227. 







^ 



/'ik' ■'■■ 









% 






'^M 



riyr'/T' 






MESCALERO COILED BASKETS. 

COLLECTED BY W.-^LTER HOUGH. 
See page 5 I 4. 



HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



/ 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 228. 




Navaho Coiled Bowls. 

Photograph from mrs. i. h. kirkpatrick. see page 515. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason, 



Plate 229. 



M^^^HHH^H^'^" 


i^mfl 




1 


^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B^^^^^^ * 


■^ 


^^■ir^ ' y^' t'^t^^BrtTi^^Bfl^ fflfliMH^AMstojiu**'^*^ 


'^-^4'. 


i^^M 


»^^ 3K1* 




Havasupai Coiled Basketry. 

Collected by a. hrdlicka. see page 517. 



epoft of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 230. 




'^^^tjj^/ijMJ^'^ 




HAVASUPAI COILED BOWLS. 

COLLECTED BY WALTER HOUGH. 
See page 5 17. 



HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason, 



Plate 231. 




I- ^ 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 232. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 233. 




Pima Coiled Bowl. 

Collection of c. e. rumsey. see page 523. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 234. 




Pima Coiled Baskets. 

Collected by frank russell. see page 523. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 235. 




CQ -; 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 236. 




Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. PLATE 237. 




'y>^\v ^.^^^ ,t .,.^, 





'^ ♦ ^ ■■ ♦ • '^ ♦ " ». ^ ^ .^ 



^'-''"■- -^^^•^^''^^*-s^r1k'<i^i\,,' ifr^':^: 



X 



Yaqui Covered Baskets. 

Collected by a. hrdlicka. see page 526. 



Report of U. S. Na-tional Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 238. 




Venezuelan Basketmaker. 

Photographed by r. bartleman. see page 523. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902,— Mason. 



Plate 239. 




Arawak Indian Basketry. 

Collected by p. figyelmesy. see page 529. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 240. 




Brazilian Carrying Baskets. 

Photographed by carl von den steinen. see page b29. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 241. 



(^- 



^'f^** 












-""^"'^ WiinTf 





Brazilian Carrying Baskets. 

Photographed by carl von den steinen. see page 530. 



Report of U. S, National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 242. 




IWIllWIIIMiliilllMlllilinri [ 7 — '^' ~ 


..-a 


HHMH^MMIH 


M 




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1 


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1 


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1 


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1 


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1 


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i 


^^g 


i 


it&ii.tfLnymS».«T». <sJ?a!a««». tafe- 



Ecuador Twilled Weaving. 

Collected bv s. o. richey. see page 532. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 243. 




Ancient Peruvian Workbasket. 

See page 636. 



REPORT OF U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM, I902.-MASON. 



PLATE 2 44. 




UJ 
< 

Ll n 

Z O 

> ^ 

(T ui 

< W 

Q 3 

Uj LU 

^^ 

f- 2 

h- < 

Z DO 

UJ 2 

O 3 

z o 

< " 



< Llj 

> ^ 

D 

tt 

a. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902.— Mason. 



Plate 245. 




Ancient Chilean Coiled Basketry. 

See page 533. 



Report of U, S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 246. 




Ancient Chilean Coiled Basketry. 

See page a38. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 247. 




Ancient Chilean Coiled Basketry. 

See page 538. 



Report of U. S. National Museum, 1902. — Mason. 



Plate 248. 





Peruvian Modern Coiled Basketry. 

SEE PAGE 538. 



INDEX 



Page. 

Abenaki Indian basketmaker 374 

basketry borders 260 

Accessories used in basketry 222 

Acorn harvest, description of 349 

mush maker, Porno, outfit of 350 

Adornment and dress, use of basketry in . . 342 

Aht basketry 417 

Alaska and the North Pacific, basketry of.. 391 

Alaskan Eskimo, basket making by 219 

basketry 396 

coiled baskets 251, 402 

region, basket-making tribes and 

families 364 

Alaskas, foitr basket-making 348, 349 

Aleut basket making 287 

symbolism 319 

Aleutian basketry 403 

ornamentation 404 

twined 404, 405 

Algonkin Indian basketry, decoration 373 

symbolism 312 

weaving, northern twilled mat- 
ting 374 

Amazon tribes, upper, domestic utensils ... 347 

Amazonian basket decorations in checker . 288 
American basketry, aboriginal. (See Bas- 
ketry.) 

list of collections in . . 510 

Ancient Basket Makers 497 

cave baskets 487 

Pueblo coiled basketry 501 

Andamanese, open fish baskets 391 

Apache Indian basketry 510, 511 

carrying baskets 339 

coiled work 249 

dyes 306 

water-tight vessel 234 

Arabian Nights, quotation from 186 

Arapaho Indian gambling baskets 379 

symbolism 313 

Araucanian Indian basketry .532 

Arawak Indian basketry 529 

Ankara Indian twilled basket 389 

Arizona, ancient forms and uses of bas- 
ketry in 509 

Arnott, William, information from 423 

Athapascan basketry 392, 510 

family, Pacific slope branch ... 446 

Indian game bags 379 

snowshoe detail 376 

tribes, central Alaska, basket 

making of 219 



Page. 

Attakapa Indian twilled baskets 388 

Attn basketmaker 406 

weavers 232 

color, how obtained by 220 

Awl, bone, basketmaker's 218 

for coiled basketry 245, 246 

Bakairi Indian carrying basket 530 

-Bam shi bu coiled basketry 2.53, 254 

Bamtush coiled basketry 233 

Barrows,D. P.,tribesinsouthernCalifornia. 481 

Basket armor of tribes on Pacific coast 341 

boat 339 

bottles, Paiute 361 

dance 356 

derivation of the word 185 

Greek word for 187 

hat 342 

jar, Pomo, water-tight 222 

Makers .' 497 

coiled basketry 497, 498 

making (spc Basketry) 214 

art of, degenerating 191 

canes for 219 

characteristics to be ob- 
served in 190 

harvesting materials for. 214,215 

knives 218 

mechanism 217 

preparing materials for . . 214, 217 
processes of .manufacture 

in 214,221 

sweetgrassin 219 

tribes, list of 367 

Basketmakers, moving about of 475 

tools of 221 

Basketry. (See Basket making.) 

aboriginal American 185 

accessories used In 222 

Alaska and the North Pacific re- 
gion 391 

Aleutian 403 

alphabetical list of uses 361 

Ameri can , list of collections 540 

Athapascan 510 

bibliography of 545 

borders on 259 

California-Oregon region 440 

checkerwork in 223 

coiled 244 

and lace work, transition . 245 

Athapascan 392 

kinds of 190 



II 



nSTDEX. 



Page. 

Basketry, coiled work without foundation. 2-17 

collectors and collections 538 

coloring matters for, in ancient 

times 217 

cooking pots of 345 

decoration of 197 

definition of 188 

designs in decorating 295 

diagonal twined weaving in 23 1 

differentiated from looiu products 189 

network 189 

dyes for coloring, how obtained. 197 

Eastern North American region. 372 

Eskimo 395 

ethnic varieties of . ^ 363 

fireproof ■. 197 

form and structure in 280 

foundation used in 220 

Eraser-Columbia region 364, 416 

Fuegian coiled 257 

furcate stitches in coiled 244 

grass-coil foundation in 256 

Haida 414 

imbricated 255 

Interior Basin region 488 

lattice-twined weaving in 237 

leaves of plants used in 216 

lists of plants used in , prepared by 
F. V. Coville and V. K. Ches- 

nut 199,441 

materials for ^ 197 

Middle and South American re- 
gion 525 

mosaic effects in 286 

ornamentation on 279 

through color 300 

paints for coloring, how obtained 197 

papoose frames of 340 

plain twined weaving in 232 

plants used in 199 

preparation of materials for 217 

preserved by pottery 372, 385 

regions in which it may be com- 
pared 189 

rod and welt foundation 251 

roots used in 216 

Shoshonean and Pueblo 489 

simple interlocking coils 248 

single-rod foundation 250 

splint foundation 254 

stems used in 216 

subdivisions under which it may 

be studied 188 

symbolism 312 

technic in, types of 190 

preserved in impressions 
on pottery and in 

caves 384 

tee-twined weaving 237 

three-rod foundation 253 

strand braid 240 

twined weaving.. 238,239 

Tlinkit 406 

tools used in 222 

twilled work in 224 

twined, Tlinkit 222 



Pag& 

Basketry, twined work 231 

two-rod and splint foundations. . 252 

foundation 251 

uses of 335 

as a receptacle 355 

in carrying water 360 

defense and war 341 

dress and adornment . . 342 

fine art and culture 343 

gleaning and milling.. 347 
house building and fur- 
niture 352 

manufacture of pottery. 380 

mortuary customs 353 

preparing and serving 

food 345 

relation to the potter's 

art 354 

religion 356 

social life 358 

the carrying industry.. 338 

trapping 359 

Ute Indian, for mortuary pur- 
poses 186 

varieties of forms in 189 

vocabulary of 193 

water-tight 198,258 

wickerwork 228 

woven 190, 222 

wrapped twined wea'Nang in. . . 230, 235 

Beading on basketry 308 

twined work, Klamath Indians. 308 

Beads, featherwork, etc., in ornamentation. 310 
Benham, J. W. , collections mentioned... 300,537 

Bible, quotation from, regarding baskets . . 186 

Bibliography of basketry 545 

Bilhula Indian basketry 422 

Birch-bark trays, border on 276 

Bird-cage twine 235 

Blanket twill in basketry 226 

Boas, Franz, on Thompson River basketry. 424 

Bone awl for coiled basketry 245, 246 

Border of checker work 260 

coiled work 273 

twilled work 260 

twined work 263 

wicker work 261 

Borders on basketry 259 

Bororo Indian carrying basket 530 

Bowl forms in baskets 284 

Braid, three-strand 240 

Brazilian basketry 529-531 

British Columbia, imbricated basket work of 248 

' Guiana basketry 528 

Bryant, Edwin, description of acorn har- 
vest by 349 

Burial caves, prehistoric, twined basketry 

and matting 526 

Caddoan Indian coiled gambling baskets.. 378 

twilled weaving 488 

Cadricios Indian basketry 531 

Caliente Creek Indian baskets 478 

California Indian coiled baskets 449 

linguistic families in, location of. 441 
northern, eastern portion, lin- 
guistic families 465 



INDEX. 



Ill 



Page. 
California-Oregon basket region, b a s li e t 
maliing 
and types 

in 36i, 440 

c oiled 

work 487 

families . 467 
tribes, ac- 
count of. 482 
twined 
weaving. 487 

Canes for basket making 219 

Carib basketry 526 

pegalls 529 

Carrying basket, Klamath Indian 241 

frame and net 248 

industry, use of basketry in 338 

sack, Coneovv Indians 450 

Cassava strainer 347 

Cave explorations, basketry brought to light 

by 382 

Cayuse Indian soft baskets in twined weav- 
ing 439 

Central Eskimo coiled baskets 377, 378 

Ceremonial basket, Hupa 358 

Ceyal Pomo basketry, border of 265 

Checkerwork, basketry in 223 

border of 260 

decoration in 288 

distribution of 383 

Chemehuevi Indian basketry 518 

Cherokee Indian clothes baskets 389 

colors, natural sources of. 219 

Chesnut V. K., information from 197 

list of plants used in bas- 
ketry 441 

plants used by aborigines. . 199 

Chetimacha Indian twilled basketry 388 

Chevlon, wicker baskets from graves at 508 

Cheyenne Indian gambling baskets 379 

Chilean coiled basketry, ancient 537, 538 

Chilkat Indian blanket weaver 374 

ceremonial blanket 412 

border. 278 

symbolism 313 

Chimmeseyan family, basketry of 417 

Chinook Indian basketry 437, 439 

Chippewa Indian basketry and matting, 

Michigan 373,374 

Chiriqui carrying net 532 

Choctaw Indian twilled baskets 388 

Chukchi coiled baskets 402 

twined wallet 397 

Cladium, baskets of, tribes making 468 

Clallam Indian basketry 417 

twilled basket work 432 

twined baskets 436 

water-tight basket 433 

Clatsop Indian basketry 440 

Cliff Dwellers, ancient, sandals of 498 

Coahuilla Indian basketry 482-484 

coiled 469 

Coconino basketmaker 486 

basketry dyes 306 

Colin, Mrs. A., information on Washoes 466 



Page. 

Coiled basketry 244 

and lace work, transition 

between 245 

Athapascan 392 

bone awl for 245, 246 

by whom made 220 

decoration, mosaic ele- 
ments in '291 

form and designs 246 

how made 220 

kinds of 190 

needlework approached in. 189 

size 246 

varieties 246 

ware, ancient, in Arizona 509 

symbolism on 318 

tool employed in manufacture 

of 191 

work, borders on 273 

changes to lace work 379 

interrupted style of 480 

without foundation 247 

Collectors and collections, basketry 538 

Color. (See Dyes.) 

Attn basketry 220 

Cherokee Indian basketry, etc 219 

Makah Indian basketry 220 

ornamentation through. (See Orna- 
mentation.) 

Coloring, list of plants used in 311 

matters for basketry, ancient 

times 217 

Colors having significance with the Pomo. 328 

Columbia-Fraser region, basketry in 364,416 

Comanche Indian coiled tray 378 

Complex patterns in decorating basketry.. 300 

Concow Indian carrying sack 450 

Cooking pots of basketry 345 

Couteau Indian basketry {see Thompson).. 423 
Coville, Frederick V., on Panamint Indian 

basketry 468 

plants used in bas- 
ketry 199 

plants used in col- 
oring 311 

thanks due 191 

Cowlitz Indian imbricated basket 431 

type of imbricated basketry 428 

Coyotero Indian coiled bowl 512 

Culture and fine art, use of basketry in 343 

Cushing, r. H., on fireproofing basketry .. . 197 

Daggett, John, information from 449 

Dall, William H., on Aleutian baskets 403 

Dance baskets, Hopi sacred 357 

Decoration, basketry 197, 279 

complex patterns in 300 

designs in 295 

lines in ornament 296 

mosaic elements in 286 

polygonal elements in 299 

rhomboidal figures in 297 

squares or rectangles in 296 

triangles in 298 

Defense and war, use of basketry in 341 

de Leon, Perry M. , on the Panama hat 532 



IV 



INDEX. 



Page. 
Desert, or Interior region, basiiet-making 

families 364 

Designs in decoration. {See Decoration.) 

Maidu (Pujunan) 331 

Moquelumnan 331 

Nozi (Yanan) 331 

Pit River (Palailinilian) 331 

Porno (Kulanapan) 330 

Wintun (Copelian) 331 

Diagonal or twilled teohnic in basketry ... 389 

twined weaving 231 

Diaper or figured work, processes of crossing 388 

twilled work in two colors. 289 

Dieguenos Indian basketry 482 

twined basket 487 

Dish forms in baskets 283 

Dixon, Roland B., basketry types of north- 
ern California 326 

on Maidu basketry sym- 
bols 465 

symbolism 326, 331 

Dog Rib Indian game bag 379 

Dorsey, George A., on Peruvian basketry.. 537 

Dress and adornment, use of basketry In . . . 342 

Du Pratz, quoted 348 

Dyeing in ornamentation of basketry 304 

Dyes. (See Color.) 

how obtained 197 

Menomini Indian 219 

Eastern North American basketry 364, 372 

Eastwood, Miss Alice, plant identified by. . 468 

Ecuador twilled weaving 533 

Eells, Myron, information from 421, 424 

Egyptians, baskets used by 186 

Emmons, G. T., identifications made by 319 

on basketry borders 267 

Eskimo basketry 395 

coiled •.. 398 

grass bags in 396 

symbolism on 319 

twined, basket-making 

process 287 

women, basket making 399 

Ethnic symbolism 318 

varieties of basketry 363 

False embroidery 222 

ornamentation 308 

Fanning trays, basketry 351 

Farrand, Livingston, symbolism on Salish 

basketry 322 

Feather work in ornamentation of bas- 
ketry 310 

Fine art and culture, use of basketry in . . . 343 

Fireproof, basketry rendered 197 

Flat forms of baskets 283 

Food, use of basketry in preparing and serv- 
ing , 845 

Form and structure in basketry 280 

Foundations for basketry 220 

weaving baskets, manner 

of laying 242 

Eraser-Columbia region, basketry of 364, 416 

Fresno type of work 473 

Fuegian coiled basketry 257 

Furcate stitches in coiled basketry 244 

Furniture and house building, uso of bas- 

ketryin ••-.. 352 



Page. 

Gambling trays, basket 358,359 

Gerstaecker's Journal, quotation from 349 

Gift basket. Porno 358 

Gleaning and milling, use of basketry in . . 347 
Goddard, P. E., quoted on Hlipa basketry . 448 

Gookin, quoted 377 

Grass-coil foundation in coiled work 256 

Grasshopper baskets, so-called 249, 481 

Great Interior Basin basketry region 488 

Guatos Indian basketry 531 

Guiana Indian basket work 529 

Haida basketry 414 

color designs not woven in. 416 

Indian basketmakers 416 

hats 268, 342, 414 

position in weaving 232 

symbolism 313, 321 

twined basketry borders... 267,273 

wallets of spruce 414 

Harvesting materials for basket making. 214, 215 

outfit, Hupa Indian 349 

Hat Creek Indian basketry 464 

Havasupai Indian basket rendered fire- 
proof 197 

basketmaker 486, 518 

basketry 487,517 

dyes 306 

detail of border on bas- 
ket 276 

Hazel stalks, used by Oregon tribes .... 221 

Hoffman, Walter J., quoted 218, 375 

Holmes, William H., on sesthetic effects... 302 
basketry in rela- 
tion to potter's 

art 354 

form 190 

ornamentation ... 191 

Hoochnom Indian coiled basket 459 

Hopi Indian basket dances 356 

basketry 503 

in carrying industry. 339 

bridal costume case 352 

coarse wickerwork 605 

coiled basket border 275 

plaques 257 

meal trays 346, 505 

ornamentation on . 504 

symbolism 312,333 

twilled basketry, modern 505 

twined ware 506 

weaving, type of \ 244 

wicker plaque 505 

Hot Spring Valley Indian names for baskets. 461 

Hough, Walter, on basket dances 357 

colors in Hopi basketry. 504 

Hopi basket work 503 

materials of Navaho bas- 
ketry 515 

House building and furniture, use of bas- 
ketry in 352 

Hrdlicka, Ales, on Havasupai & Hualapai . 517 

Hualapai Indian basket work 517 

Hudson, J. W., classification of Porno bas- 
ket work 454 

interpretations of symbols 

by 328 

notes by, on Pomo basketry. 452 



INDEX. 



Pa?e. 

Huichol Indian basketry 527 

Hnpa Indian tasketry 339 

materials nsed in . . . 447 
overlaying in weav- 
ing 306 

plants used in 441 

symbol ism on 448 

twined weaving 

in 205,448 

baskets for carrying 339 

ceremony 358 

collecting seeds.. 349 

cradles 340 

food service 446 

harvesting outtit. 349 

storage 349 

Hy puriua Indian carrying basket 530 

Imbricated basketry 255 

Athapascan, Salish, • 

and Shahaptian 424 

ornamentation on 310 

Implements used by basketmakers 221 

Interior Basin region, basket-making fami- 
lies 364 

basketry of 488 

ethnic groups 488 

Interlocking coils, simple 248 

Interrupted coiled work. 480 

Inyo basketry 474, 475 

plants 469 

county, coiled work from 467 

-Kern basketry 473, 474 

Iquiqne, graves of, carrying frame from . . . 530 

Iroquois Indian basket work 347, 373 

Israelites, baskets used by 186 

Jamamadi Indian carrying basket 529 

James, George Wharton, quoted 279,518 

Jar forms in baskets 284 

Jepson, W.L., information from 447 

Jewel basket of Pomo 311 

Kablschi Indian carrying basket 530 

Kadiak Eskimo baskets 404 

Kaingua Indian carrying basket 531 

Kamchatkan twined wallet 397 

Katohinas or Hopi sacred baskets 317 

Kentucky, caves of, ancient textiles pre- 
served in 390 

Kern and Tulare coiled baskets 470-481 

King, Clarence, quoted 353 

Kiowa Indian gambling baskets 379 

symbolism , 313 

Klamath Indian basketmaker 449 

basketry ornamentation . . 290 

beading on twined work. . 308 

mud shoe 216 

three-strand baskets 462 

tribes 460 

twined basketry 460 

River Indian basketry, overlaying 307 

Klikitat baskets, so-called, where found ... 428 

imbricated basketry, examples of. 546 

modem and 

old forms in 429 

coil work, how made 255, 427 

Indians, Mrs. Molson on the 430 

Knife Indian basketry 423 



I'age. 

Knives used in basket making 218 

Kroeber, A. L., quoted 318, 441 

Label, basketry 539 

Lace work and coiled basketry, transition 

between 245 

Lake Dwellers, baskets of 185 

Lang, Miss Anne M., collection of 429 

Lattice-twined weaving 237 

Leaves of plants used in basketry 216 

twilled work 226 

Lillooet style of basketry 253 

Lines in basketry ornament 296 

Linguistic families in California, location of 411 
Oregon - California re- 
gion, northern and 

southern groups 440,441 

Little Lake Indian baskets 449, 451 

Louisiana Indian baskets 348, 3S8 

Lower Thompson Indian mats 423 

Luisenos Indian baskeiry 482 

McCloud River Indian basketry 463 

border 266 

Mackenzie River snowshoe 376 

McLeod, E. L., collection of 474 

Maidu Indian basketry, symbols of 465 

designs 331 

Makah Indian basketmakers 420 

basketry, ornamentation on 413 

colors, how obtained 220 

mats 340 

Manavi or Panama hat 533 

Mandan coiled gambling baskets 378 

Manufacture, processes of, in basket mak- 
ing 214, 221 

Maricopa Indian basket boat 339 

making 519 

Markings on pottery, textile, classes of 381 

Massawomeke basket shields or armor 342 

Materials for basket making, harvesting. 214, 215 

preparing 217 

basketry 197 

Matthews, Washington, on dyes 306 

N a V a h o bas- 
ketry 515-517 

Matting, ancient, in twilled weaving 509 

Meal trays, Hopi Indian 346 

Mechanism In basket making 217 

Mcnomini Indian basketry 375 

dyes 219 

Merriam, C.Hart, studies in California bas- 
ketry 408,472 

typecollectionof basketry 191 

Mescalero Apache Indian basket work 249 

baskets 512,514 

Mexican fibers 532 

Middle American basketry fibers 532 

symbols 334 

and South American basketry re- 
gion 305, 525 

Milling and gleaning, uses of basketry in.. 347 

Mission Indian basketmakers 481-488 

Modoc Indian baskets 460 

women's hats 438 

Mohave Indian baskets 351, 518 

Moki (see Hopi) 503 

Molson, Mrs., on Klikitat Indians 430 



VI 



INDEX. 



Page. 

Monache basket work 473 

Moquelumnan designs 331 

Moravian basketry border 263 

Mortuary baskets, ancient 353 

customs, use of basketry in 353 

Mosaic effects in basketry 286 

elements in decorating basketry . . . 286 

Mounting the loom 226 

Mud shoe of Klamath Indians 216 

Murdoch, John, on Eskimo basketry 392 

Muskemoots, or hunting bags, weaving in. 380 

Nass Indian basketry 417 

Natural materials in ornamenting basketry. 301 

Navaho Indian basket plaq\ie 344 

basketry 514, 515, 516 

baskets for religious cere- 
monies 357 

dyes 306 

Nelson, E. W., on Alaskan basket making . 396 

New England Indians, old basket work of. 377 

Mexico, Zuiii pueblos 501 

Nez Perc6 Indian basketry 437, 438 

blankets 437 

Nikari karu Indian pegalls or packalls 529 

Nootka basketry 417 

Nozi (Yanan) Indian designs 331 

Nutka Indian basketry 419, 420 

overlaying 420 

Ohio, ancient basketry from mound in 390 

charred fabrics from 381 

Ojibwa Indian coiled basketry 376 

symbolism 313 

twined wallet 385 

Openwork weaving 249 

Oraibi Indian, ancient baskets of 504-506 

Oregon-California basket region, basketry 

of 440,467 

Oregon, old feathered baskets from 445 

tribes, hazel stalks in basketry 221 

Ornamentation, dyeing in basketry 304 

false embroidery on basket- 
ry 308 

feather-work, beads, etc., 

on basketry. 310 

imbrication on basketry . . 310 
natural materials of, in 

basketry 301 

on basketry 279 

overlaying in basketry 306 

through color on basketry . 300 

Owen, 0. L., basketry used In storage 351 

Paints for coloring baskets 197 

Paiute Indian basket bottles 361 

basketry 491-495 

coloring in 474 

simple coil border 274 

twined basket, border on . . . 266 

Palmer, Edward, reference to 199,519 

Panama hat, so-called 532 

Panamint Indian basketry 470-474 

Papago Indian basket making 519 

carrying frame 339 

Paressi Indian carrying basket 530 

Pegalls, or carrying baskets 529 

Pepper, George H., on the ancient Basket 

Makers 497 



Page. 
Peru, Ancon, cemeteries of, basketry found 

in 534,535 

desert region of, preservative of tex- 
tiles 353 

southern, twined carrying-frame 536 

Peruvian basketry 534 

modern coiled basketry 538 

workbasket, ancient, from 536 

Pima basketmaker 525 

Indian basket boat 339 

basketry 519-525 

carrying frame ^ 295 

child's carrying basket 520 

Pit River Indian basketry 462,463 

designs 331 

Plants, leaves of, used in basketry 216 

used in basketry, by F. V. Coville . . 199 
list prepared by 
- V. K. Chesnut. . 441 

coloring, list of 311 

Polygonal elements in decoration of bas- 
ketry 299 

Porno Indian acorn mush maker, outfit 350 

basketry 451, 459 

borders 264 

classification of 454 

materials for, list. 452, 453 

plants used in 441 

symbols 329, 330 

colors having significance 

with 328 

gift basket 358 

milling baskets 350 

Potsherds from State of New York 381 

showing textile impressions 384 

Potter's art, use of basketry in relation to. . 354 

Pottery, basketry preserved by 372, 385 

textile markings on 381 

Powell, J. W., collections 490 

Preparing materials for basket making . . 214, 217 

Preservation of baskets 540 

Processes in basket making 214, 221 

Pueblo and Shoshonean basketry 489 

basketmaker 499 

basketry, ancient 501, 507, 509 

symbolism 333 

Purdy, Carl, classification of Pomo basket 

work 454 

interpretations of Pomo sym- 
bols 330 

on unspoiled art in northwest- 
ern California 192 

vocabulary of symbols on Po- 
mo basketry 329 

Quinaielt Indian basketry 434 

wallet 264 

Ray, P. H., collections of basketry 392,441 

Receptacle, use of basketry as a 355 

Rectangles or squares in decoration of bas- 
ketry 296 

Ree Indian coiled gambling baskets 378 

Regions, basketry, m America 189 

Religion, use of Dasketry in 356 

Rhomboidal figures in decoration of bas- 
ketry 297 

Rod and welt foundation in coiled work. . . 251 



INDEX. 



VII 



Page. 

Roots, use of, in basketry. 215,216 

Roth, H. Ling, information from 528 

Round Valley basketry, plants used in 411 

fine coiled basket, makingof. 458 

Indian basketry 449, 450 

Rust, Horatio N., on mortuary baskets 353 

Saboba Indian basketmaker 486 

Salish imbricated ware. ., 425 

of British Columbia 292 

Washington 314 

symbolism 322 

Indian basketry, borders on 264 

designs on 313 

types of 420, 421 

San Martin Mountains, California, ancient 

cave baskets 487 

Sandals, Basket Makers' 498 

basketry 342 

Santa Barbara basketmakers 476 

baskets, decoration 470 

Shackelford, Mrs. R. S., information from . 430 

Shahaptian Indian basketry 427, 437 

Shapes of baskets 282-285 

Shards, facts preserved by 355 

Shasta Indian basketry 462 

Shoshonean and Pueblo basketry 489 

basketry 472 

Shush wap Indian basketry 427 

Sia Indian coiled basket, border of 275 

pueblo of, basketry 499 

Sieve basket 348 

Sikyatki basketry 509 

Simmon, T., quotation from report of 430 

Simma, G. C, on Apache-Yuma basketry .. 518 

Single-rod foundation 250 

Sioux, symbolism of 313 

Skokomish Indians, twined wallets of 436 

Smith, Harlan I., on twined basketry in 

the eastern region 386 

Smith, John, quoted 348 

Social life, use of basketry in 358 

South America, basketry of, southern limit. 532 

symbolism on . 334 

subareas 528 

and Middle America, basketry of. . 365, 525 

Southern Indian basketry, decoration on. . . 373 

Splint and two-rod foundations . 252 

foundation 254 

Squares or rectangles in decoration of bas- 
ketry 296 

Steinen, Carl von den, on Brazilian bas- 
kets 529 

Stems, use of, in basketry 216 

Stevens, Isaac L., quotation from 429 

Stevenson , James, quoted 499 

Storage basket, Mohave 351 

Strachey, quoted 348 

Structu re and form in basketry 280 

Subdivisions of American basketry 188 

Sun basket, Yuki Indian 326 

Sweet grass for basket making 219 

Symbolism, basketry 312 

classes of objects and phenom- 
ena represented 314 

ethnic 318 

identifications of 319 



Symbolism, on Hupa basketry 448 

Maidu basketry 326, 465 

Porno basketry 329 

points of view from which it 

may be studied 316 

Professor Farrand's plates 322 

teohnic of, illustrated 330 

Tarahumara Indian basketry 527 

Techahet Indian basket making 481, 482 

Technic in basketry, types of 190 

Tee-twined weaving 237 

Teit, James, on Thompson River Indians. 322, 423 

Tejon basket work 475 

coiled baskets 477 

Tepeguanos Indian basketry 527 

Textile markings on pottery, classes of 381 

Thompson, A. H., information as to Ute 

material 490 

Thompson River Indian basketry 423 

false em- 
broid- 
ery on. 309 
ornamen- 
tation 

on 310 

list of symbols on 

baskets of 322 

weaving of blank- 
ets by basketry 

processes 424 

Three-rod foundation in coiled work 253 

strand braid 240 

twined weaving 238, 239 

Tillamuk Indian twined wallet 436 

Tinn6 Indian basketry 277, 278, 392, 393, 394 

Tlaxeala Indian basketry 526 

Tlinkit Indian basketmakers 221, 232, 410 

basketry 406 

borders 266, 268, 273 

false embroidery in 410 
styles of weaves in 407 

symbolism 313,319 

Tonto Indian basketry 510 

Tools used by basket makers 221, 222 

Tozier, D. F., on Makah weavers 420 

Trapping, use of basketry in 359 

Triangles in decoration of basketry 298 

Tribes, basket making, list of 307 

Tsimshian Indian basketry 417 

Tulare and Kern basketry 468-480 

decoration on. 293,474 
Twana Indians, implements used by in 

basket making 221 

Twill, or tweel weaving 224 

Twilled basketry, canes for 219 

Southern tribes, detail of. 387 
matting, ancient, Petit Anse Island 391 
or diagonal technic, in basketry. . . 389 

ware, ancient, in Arizona 509 

weaving, borders on 260 

decoration of 289 

how produced 227 

in ancient eastern North 

America 383 

Twined basket, Tlinkit Indian, process of 

making 222 



VIII 



INDEX. 



Page. 
Twined basketry terms 263 

baskets, false embroidery in 309 

baskets, plain twined weave, deco- 
ration on 289 

wallet, Ojibwa Indians 385 

weaving, border on 263 

deoorutioii 289 

diagonal 234 

different structures in . . . 232 

Hopi Indian type 244 

lattice 237 

plain 232 

position of weaver. . . 231 

prehistoric, where cji. - 

mon ■ 

symbolism .n. 

three-strand 23: 

wrapfied 235,201 

Two-rod and splint foundation in (•'■ilefl 

bn.sketi-y 251 , 2f.'; 

Umatilla Indian baskets, twined weaving. 439 
Upper Yukon River, bireh-bark tray, border. 278 

Uses of basketrv 335 

Ute Indian baoltutry 190 

mortuary uses of jsG 

watv r-tigh t vessel 234 

Varieties of basketry, ethnic 363 

Venezuelan basketmaker 528 

Vocabulary of basketry 193 

Wakashan Indian basketry 417 

Walapai Indian basketry 518 

dyes 306 

Walla Walla Indian women's hats 438 

War and defense, use of basketry in 341 

Warrau Indian carrying basket 531 

Wasco Indian twined wallets 439 

Washington, imbricated basketry of 248, 428 

or southern imbricated ware. 427' 

Washoe Indian basketry 466, 467 

Water, use of basketry in carrying 360 

-tight basketry 198,258 

vessels, in basketry 234 

Wattled work, traces of 383 

Weaving baskets, laying foundation for 242 



Page. 

Weaving, plain 225 

tools used in 222 

Wedding basket. Porno 358 

White Mountain Apache basket making. 511,512 

Whittemore, Isaac T., quoted 520 

Wickerwork, basketry 282 

ancient, Arizona 608 

border of 216 

decoration 289 

from cave in Ken- 
tucky 

in soft materials 

symbolism on 

Wikchumni Indian grasshopper basket 

Wilcomb, C. P., information from 

"-"■Ikie, Miss Harriet C, information from . 

■ -..oughby, C. C, on ancient ware, San 

Martin Moun- 

rains, California. 

coiisd ware in the 

Eastern region... 

.o! r^ '■ ■ itka hats 

vvillougliby, -Charles, rej ■ i ov, as to Qui- 

uai' 'tbiiski.try 

Wintu . 'ndinn ^io<ketmakv ■ 

basketry 

designs on basketry 

Woven basketry 

kindsof 190 

Wrapped twined weaving 235 

work, basketry 230 

Yakima Indian imbricated basket 431 

Yakutat Bay basket weavers 305 

Y'anan or Nozi basketry 331, 465 

Y'aqui Indian basketry 526, 527 

in ceremonies 358 

Y^uki Indian sun basket 326 

Yukon Biver birch tray, border on 277 

Y'uman Indian tribes, basketry of 487 

Zuiii Indian basketry, ancient 500, 501 

coiled basket jar 502 

wickerwork, border on 261, 262 

wrapped border 265 



390 
382 
317 
480 
473 
21S 



487 

376 
491 

434 
149 
463 
331 
222 



o 



.V* 



v'vH 



^"i^ 



F 



No. 128. 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 

UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM. 



ABORIGINAL AMERICAN BASKETRY: STUDIES 
IN A TEXTILE ART WITHOUT MACHINERY. 



OTTS TUFTON MASON, 

r'llor. Division of Ethnology. 




ilass 
Rook- 



ited folates National Museum for 19(12, pages ivi-ii- 
■ liunclrod and forty -eight plates. 






WASHINGTON: 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 
1904. 



LBFe '06 



L'BRARY OF CONGRESS 



019 953 763 5 



